LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
DAVIS 


THE    LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


FROM   THE    OEIGINAL    PORTRAIT    IN    THE   POSSESSION  OF   G.W.P.  CUSTIS. 
ARLIKC-TON    HOUSE  . 


THE 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 


BY    J  ARED     SPARK 


Unus  qui  nobts  cunctando  restituit  rem  j 
Non  ponebat  enim  rumores  ante  salutemj 
Ergo  magisque  magisque  viri  nunc  gloria  claret 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,    BROWN    AND    COMPANY. 
1853. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1839,  oy 

JARED    SPARKS, 
in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


CAMBRIDGE: 
METCALF  AND  COMPANY, 

PRINTERS  TO  THE  UNIVERSITY. 


PREFACE. 


THE  contents  of  this  volume  are  essentially  the 
same,  as  those  of  the  volume  prefixed  to  WASHING 
TON'S  WRITINGS.  It  being  designed  chiefly  for  read 
ers,  who  may  not  have  access  to  that  work,  such 
additions  have  been  made,  as  the  prescribed  space 
would  admit,  and  as  would  contribute  to  enhance 
its  value  in  this  form  of  a  separate  publication. 

The  materials  for  the  Life,  as  well  as  for  the 
large  work,  have  been  drawn  from  a  great  variety 
of  sources;  from  the  manuscripts  at  Mount  Vernon, 
papers  in  the  public  offices  of  London,  Paris,  Wash 
ington,  and  all  the  old  Thirteen  States ;  and  also 
from  the  private  papers  of  many  of  the  principal 
leaders  in  the  Revolution.  The  entire  mass  of  manu 
scripts  left  by  General  Washington,  consisting  of 
more  than  two  hundred  folio  volumes,  was  in  the 
author's  hands  ten  years.  From  these  materials  it 
has  been  his  aim  to  select  and  combine  the  most 
important  facts,  tending  to  exhibit  in  their  true  light 
the  character,  actions,  and  opinions  of  Washington. 
The  narrative  form  was  chosen,  as  the  best  suited 
to  his  object.  He  has  not  attempted  to  write  an 


vi  PREFACE. 

essay,  dissertation,  or  eulogy,  but  has  confined  him 
self  to  a  biographical  sketch,  introducing  events  and 
incidents  in  their  natural  order,  with  no  other  re 
marks  or  reflections  of  his  own,  than  such  as  seemed 
necessary  to  preserve  just  proportions  in  the  parts, 
and  a  unity  in  the  whole.  Such  has  been  the  au 
thor's  aim;  how  far  he  has  succeeded  in  attaining 
it,  the  reader  will  judge. 

In  delineating  the  career  of  Washington,  nearly 
the  whole  of  whose  life  was  passed  on  a  conspicuous 
public  theatre,  it  is  not  possible  for  his  biographer 
to  avoid  encroaching  at  almost  every  step  on  the 
department  of  history.  His  personal  and  public  acts 
were  so  closely  identified  with  each  other,  that  they 
can  seldom  be  separated.  The  narrow  limits  of  this 
narrative,  compared  with  the  extent  of  the  subject, 
would  not  allow  of  digressions  ,  and,  from  the  nature 
of  the  task,  no  more  could  be  done  than  to  touch 
on  the  historical  events  in  which  he  was  immediately 
concerned,  although  these  may  have  been  intimately 
connected  with  many  others  of  great  moment.  Who 
ever  would  understand  the  character  of  Washington, 
in  all  its  compass  and  grandeur,  must  learn  it  from 
his  own  writings,  and  from  a  complete  history  of  his 
country  during  the  long  period  in  which  he  was  the 
most  prominent  actor. 

jjiu.j 

JANUARY,  1839. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Page 

Origin  of  the  Washington  Family         ......  1 

Washington  of  Sul grave 2 

Birth  of  George  Washington           .      „•  ,  •'*...     V;^'   4  .  >t*       v-»  3 

Death  of  his  Father    .        .,    *;VV  •»,*/.;:*  -:*J  ,..;*.•  ^ ,*    ,- •-*•-,     .  3 

His  Mother ••""*".  '  VW  *  ;%  »        *  4 

His  early  Studies,  Habits,  and  Proficiency      ,  • ,  ?     .        .        .        .  5 

Rules  of  Behavior          ..,      *     ,  *    .    *    :.*       »:  ,        .-.  »  V  *  v-  6 

His  Skill  in  Mathematics  and  Habits  of  Method      .'      ' .'       .        .  7 

Educated  only  at  the  Common  Schools          **.-•     »     ,.    .,  *     t  .*    -  8 

Proposal  for  him  to  enter  the  British  Navy      .        .        «,  ,    «        .  9 

Resides  with  his  Brother  Lawrence  Washington  at  Mount  Vernon  10 

Appointed  Surveyor  of  Lord  Fairfax's  Lands    . -.->•.  «  -     •;  ,- •        •  12 

Continues  the  Employment  of  Surveyor  for  three  Years      .        .  1,3 

Military  Inspector  with  the  Rank  of  Major       .  —  -'*  /*'•,'••       .        .  14 

His  Fondness  for  Military  Studies  and  Exercises        »  .     .«;».:».  14 

Voyage  to  Barbadoes  and  Residence  on  that  Island        *        »-.  15 

Death  of  his  Brother  Lawrence  Washington         »./•..'  *..      .  16 

He  settles  the  Affairs  of  his  Brother's  Estate         +       ,4  ,     ^        .  16 

His  Duties  as  Adjutant-General 17 


CHAPTER   II. 

Encroachments  of  the  French  and  Indians  at  the  West          .        .  18 

Governor  of  Virginia  ordered  to  build  Forts        ...»  19 
Claims  of  the  English  and  French  to  the  Country  beyond  the  Al- 

leganies        .        ......        .        »,:     *,       *        •        .  19 

Original  Grounds  of  the  War  .        .        «;       ,,  -  .'  h      ;  .        .        .21 

Washington  sent  as  a  Commissioner  to  the  French    .      .•     ,  .  21 

Crosses  the  Allegany  Mountains  and  meets  the  Indians        "; .   .     .  23 

Indian  Speech         .        •        .     ;*•.>-   .  ;,=  .,,  v    #    ,,.  *        .  24 

Journey  to  the  French  Fort,  and  Interviews  with  the  Commander  26 

Examines  the  Fort  27 


x  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Washington  famishes  to  General  Forbes  a  Line  of  March  .        .  93 

Requests  to  be  put  in  the  Advance •  93 

An  Accident  hastens  the  March     .-..*.        .        •        .        .  94 

Fort  Duquesne  taken    .        .      >.' 95 

Washington  returns  to  Williamsburg      .        .....  95 

Resigns  his  Commission 96 

His  Address  to  the  Officers 96 

His  Military  Services  and  Character 96 

Influence  of  the  War  in  preparing  him  for  future  Events    .        .  97 


CHAPTER  VI. 

His  Marriage 98 

Character  of  Mrs.  Washington 99 

Elected  a  Member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses       ....  99 

Compliment  bestowed  upon  him  by  the  House  of  Burgesses      .  100 

His  influence  in  public  Bodies         .......  101 

Retires  to  private  Life  at  Mount  Vernon    .        .        .        .        .  101 

Occupied  as  a  Planter 102 

Habits  of  Industry,  Hospitality,  and  Social  Intercourse       .        .  103 

His  Relish  for  Amusements 104 

Anecdote 105 

Acts  of  Usefulness  to  his  Neighbors  and  Friends          .        .        .105 

Active  in  Parish  Affairs 106 

Takes  an  early  and  decisive  part  against  British  Aggressions       .  107 

Disapproves  the  Stamp  Act 107 

Joins  in  the  Non-importation  Agreement 109 

Presents  Articles  of  Association  to  the  House  of  Burgesses      .  109 
Secures  the  Claim  of  Soldiers  to  Public  Lands      .        .        .        .110 

Tour  to  the  Ohio Ill 

Descends  tlie  River  in  a  Canoe  to  the  Great  Kenhawa       .        .112 

Prepared  for  the  approaching  Crisis 112 

Earl  of  Dunmore 113 

News  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill 1 13 

A  General  Congress  proposed 114 

Washington's  Sentiments  as  to  the  Colonial  Grievances    .        .  116 

Attends  the  Convention  at  Williamsburg 119 

A  Delegate  to  the  first  Continental  Congress     .        .        .        .  119 

His  Opinion  concerning  Independence 321 

Anecdote .122 

Returns  to  the  Occupations  of  his  Farm 123 

CJjosen  to  command  Volunteer  Companies       >  **.**'''''*        •        •  ^ 

Attends  the  Virginia  Convention     .        .        .        .        .        .        .  124 

Chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  second  Continental  Congress     .        .  124 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Page 

Meeting  of  the  second  Continental  Congress         ....  126 

Washington's  Sentiments  on  the  State  of  Affairs       .        .        .  127 

Congress  provides  for  the  Defence  of  the  Country         .        .        .  127 

Chosen  Commander-in-chief  of  the  American  Army     .        •        •  129 

His  Reply  to  Congress 130 

Letter  to  his  Wife       *       *        .        .        .        .       -».      *'•.-.:,*'  130 

Receives  his  Commission          .        *  >.^->       «      ;»      Vv>  «       •  131 

Takes  Command  of  the  Army  at  Cambridge       .       -»        ..;      ,  132 

Ascertains  the  State  of  the  Army    .        .        .       »,^  •.*;;*    -. .  133 

Convenes  a  Council  of  War        .  •        .        .        •        •        •        .  133 

Deficiency  of  Supplies  and  Want  of  System          *       »;      *  '?     .  135 

New  Arrangement  of  the  Army          .        .        •       •«  ••    *  ,     >*  136 

Congress  jealous  of  Military  Power         «       •       •        .        .        .  137 

Difficult  Task  of  the  Commander-in-chief   .        ,        .       :,       ,»  138 

Corresponds  with  numerous  Public  Bodies       ...        .        .  139 

His  Firmness          •        .        .        .        .       •        .        .        .        .  140 

Remonstrates  against  General  Gage's  Treatment  of  Prisoners     .  141 

Rifle  Companies  join  the  Army    .       ..*.       «     -.       ,»  ; ;  *j     r*  143 

Expedition  against  Quebec      .....        »    v^«       *  143 

Deficiency  of  Powder  in  Camp 145 

Committee  of  Congress  visit  the  Army    .        .        .                «•      .  146 

Articles  of  War  revised        .        •        .        .        .        •        .        .  147 

Maritime  Affairs       .>      «£.•;,*•-     *:,:-,* :. --f  -  ...  »   ;  :«     -»  .  *    .  148 

Burning  of  Falmouth .  150 

General  Howe  succeeds  General  Gage      \>*m^{'.&  =  •  *        .        .  150 

Slow  Progress  of  Enlistments 151 

State  of  the  Army  at  the  End  of  the  Year    .     ;  *      ;»;,     *  153 

Mrs.  Washington  arrives  at  Head-Quarters         ....  153 

Acts  of  Hospitality  and  Charity       .                154 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Secret  Enterprise  of  General  Howe  .....  156 

Washington  proposes  an  Attack  on  Boston        ....  157 

Want  of  Powder  and  Arms 158 

Sentiments  respecting  the  Conduct  of  the  British  Ministry        .  160 

Dorchester  Heights  taken         .        .        .        •_.»;»,        .  161 

Preparations  to  make  an  Assault  on  Boston        */   s;^        .        .  161 

Boston  evacuated  by  the  British      .        .        .        •  .,    •      -  *        .  162 

Congress  award  a  Vote  of  Thanks  and  a  Medal  to  Washington  163 

American  Troops  march  for  New  York 164 

Military  Works  inspected   ^        .        »        •        .       ,.        .        .  165 

Affairs  of  Canada  .        .  165 


xii  CONTENTS. 

Pag« 

Washington  visits  Congress  at  Philadelphia         »        «        .      • .  166 

Recommends  the  Assumption  of  Independence      .        .        .  .    167 

Plots  of  the  Tories        .        .        .        ......  168 

British  Fleet  arrives  at  New  York  .     '  .'    :  «  ^  '  ^r-v    '  ;  .     169 

Declaration  of  Independence .  169 

Intercourse  between  Washington  and  Lord  Howe          •        •  171 

Strength  of  the  American  Army          • '  *  *  *  '•      .        .        .        .  175 

Dissensions  among  the  Troops 175 

British  Troops  land  on  Long  Island    ...               •  176 

Battle  of  Long  Island      .        .        .        »        «        .        .        .  .177 

Retreat  from  Brooklyn 178 

Remarks  on  the  Battle     .        .        .    '    * 179 

Policy  and  Design  of  Washington 180 

Effects  of  the  recent  Defeat    .        .        .        v       .       V    '.  .    181 

Necessity  of'  a  permanent  Standing  Army  .....  182 


CHAPTER  IX. 

General  Howe's  Plans 184 

British  Troops  land  on  New  York  Island 185 

New  York  evacuated 186 

Skirmish  near  Haerlem  and  Death  of  Colonel  Knowlton  .         .  187 

General  Howe's  Letter  to  the  Ministry           .....  188 

Errors  of  the  British  Ministers 189 

Change  in  the  Military  System  recommended         .        .       .        .191 

New  Army  organized 192 

Injurious  Effects  of  an  irregular  System  of  Bounties    .        .        .193 

Army  marches  to  White  Plains 195 

Battle  of  Chatterton's  Hill 196 

Expected  Attack  on  the  Camp 196 

British  retreat 197 

Washington  crosses  the  Hudson 198 

Capture  of  Fort  Washington 199 

Retreat  through  New  Jersey 201 

Army  crosses  the  Delaware 202 

Conduct  and  Character  of  General  Lee      .....  202 

Strength  of  the  Army 204 

Washington's  Firmness  and  Spirit  under  Reverses    ...  205 

Urges  an  Increase  of  the  Army                               .       V      •        .  207 

Invested  by  Congress  with  Dictatorial  Powers   .        .        .        .  207 

Applies  himself  with  Vigor  to  recruiting  the  Army        .        .        .  209 

His  Rule  for  the  Selection  of  Officers      *  .       -=i~  -v'i        .        .  210 

Battle  of  Trenton     .     *  -v*y  & ;:  t--£.  *:-V     ^  .'    ;••£  r  -.        .        .  211 

Recrosses  the  Delaware       .        •*••'•• '»*'-•••'*•«  -.  *  •"•'*«•        •        .  213 

Battle  of  Princeton ^M   .''*'•'¥    .        .  215 

Retires  to  Winter  Quarters  at  Morristown     .....  217 

Effects  of  the  late  Operations              217 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Page 

Position  of  the  Army        .........  219 

General  Howe's  Proclamation  and  its  Effects     ....  219 

Washington's  Counter  Proclamation         ......  220 

Appointment  of  Officers        ........  221 

Exchange  of  Prisoners      .........  222 

Washington  disapproves  Retaliation     ......  223 

Sufferings  of  the  Prisoners  in  New  York       ..      •     v^,v    ^        .  224 

Conduct  of  General  Howe    .        .....      <  4*  W  226 

Skirmishing  between  the  two  Armies       .        .      '^;  •"«   ^-w>te  fi  .  227 

Movements  of  the  American  Army      .        .        •        i'     v       •  229 

Washington's  first  Meeting  with  Lafayette     .  -    *  r  -  *  :    .       ••*  230 

British  land  at  the  Head  of  Elk  .......  232 

Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine      v  .••      .        .        *:«.*-,    ...  233 

Motives  for  fighting  the  Battle     .        .        .      ,.,**..  235 

Washington  retreats  to  Philadelphia        ...  •<:    *       *       •&      .  236 

Recrosses  the  Schuylkill        .....        *    ^       *  236 

Particulars  of  the  late  Movements  .   j    *;:.;«'*-'  «...  237 

Battle  of  Germantown            .       ......        .  238 

Effects  of  the  Battle         ...                ......  240 

Operations  on  the  Delaware       J»,       .        .        .        .        .        .  241 

Skirmishes  at  Whitemarsh        ........  242 

His  Delicacy  in  the  Exercise  of  Military  Power      c  •••o  -'V;-'  *'•'  243 

Encampment  at  Valley  Forge  ....      <  «  •"?•'-     >*•  '-    •  245 

Spurious  Letters  published  in  the  Name  of  Washington    .       .  246 

Conway's  Cabal     .    .  ,    .'  ••»    *  .-  -;    .    .  -^  .?.-.  '^.:     y   i   w   -^.-      .  247 

Origin  of  the  Cabal       .        ....-,,  ;*       */  -.=-*  ^  ••-*  ---;.>  -^  247 

Favored  by  a  Party  in  Congress       .  <     <  •  -  ^  •  .  -v      V  •  •    •        •  249 

Magnanimous  Conduct  of  Lafayette     •     ••'  '•&.     *       .        .        .  251 

Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress        .    .    .  ?:>..\      ».  t  v       .  253 

Objects  of  those  concerned  in  the  Cabal    .....  254 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Distresses  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge 255 

A  new  System  for  the  Army 257 

Half-pay  to  Officers  for  Life  proposed         .        .        *;   >  .?      *  258 

Congress  reluctant  to  grant  Half-pay       .        .        .  -.'.'*•  .•      .        .  261 

Jealousy  of  the  Army  in  Congress      .        .        .      ,»        .        .  262 

Difficulties  attending  the  Command  of  the  Army  ....  263 

Washington  disapproves  Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Bills     *  v.%  265 

Rejoicings  in  Camp  on  the  Ratification  of  the  Treaty  with  France  267 

British  hold  Possession  of  Philadelphia 268 

Strength  of  the  two  Armies     .  ;v   *    • 268 

6* 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Council  of  War  decides  against  offensive  Operations         .        .  209 

Lafayette's  Affair  at  Barren  Hill     .     -;  4  *- 270 

Philadelphia  evacuated 271 

Washington  crosses  the  Delaware  and  seeks  an  Engagement       .  272 

Battle  of  Monmouth        .     -;     •  .Y     -.  '•  ;  '•        •        •        •        •  a74 

British  retire  to  Middletown    .        .  ;   ^-tv    .  276 

Loss  in  the  Action 277 

Trial  of  General  Lee 277 

Arrival  of  Count  d'Estaing  with  a  French  Fleet         .        .        .  279 

Expedition  against  the  Enemy  at  Rhode  Island      ....  279 

Designs  of  the  British  General 281 

Mistaken  Policy  of  the  Enemy 282 

Army  retires  to  Winter  Quarters 283 

Exchange  of  Prisoners 284 

Jealousies  and  Party  Dissensions  in  Congress     .                .        .  285 

Apathy  of  the  separate  States 287 

Project  for  conquering  Canada 287 

Opposed  by  Washington 288 

He  attends  Congress 290 

Views  of  the  French  Government  in  Regard  to  Canada  290 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Plans  for  the  Campaign  .  ......  292 

Organization  of  the  Army 294 

Bounties  to  the  Troops 294 

Expedition  against  the  Indians 295 

Predatory  Attack  on  Virginia 296 

British  take  Possession  of  Stony  Point 297 

Burning  of  New  Haven,  Fairfield,  and  Norwalk      ....  298 

Storming  of  Stony  Point 299 

Paulus  Hook  surprised  and  assaulted 301 

Works  at  West  Point  constructed .301 

Concerted  Plan  of  Action  between  Washington  and  Count  d'Estaing  303 

French  Minister's  Opinion  of  Washington 304 

Rhode  Island  evacuated 304 

Army  goes  into  Winter  Quarters 305 

Descent  upon  Staten  Island 305 

Depreciation  of  the  Currency 306 

Paper  Money  made  a  legal  Tender          .        .        .        .        .        .  307 

Arrival  of  Lafayette  from  France        .        .      V  .     •        •        •  308 

Action  at  Springfield  in  New  Jersey       .        .    -    •  :      .        .        .  309 

French  Fleet  and  Army  arrive  at  Newport         *  ;     *        .        .  310 

Plan  of  combined  Operations    .        •        •.  ^    .  ;     «        •        .        .  311 

British  General  prepares  to  attack  the  French  at  Newport        .  311 

Conference  between  Washington  and  Rochambeau        .        .        .  312 


CONTENTS.  xv 

Page 

Treason  cf  Arnold 313 

Capture  of  Major  Andre   .........  314 

Arnold  escapes  to  the  Enemy 315 

Execution  of  Andre 316 

Plan  for  attacking  the  Enemy 319 

Winter  Quarters 319 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops  .        .        .  320 

Supplies  from  France     .  . 322 

Powers  of  Congress  doubtful  and  inefficient        .        •        .        .  324 

Caution  of  Congress  in  exercising  their  Powers     .        •        •        .  325 

French  Fleet  sails  for  the  Chesapeake        .        .        .        «      >v  326 

Lafayette  sent  with  a  Detachment  to  Virginia        .        .  '•-.  •'•*>  •    .  327 

Washington  visits  the  French  Army  at  Newport         .        .        .  328 

Letter  to  the  Manager  of  his  Plantations                •        .        .        .  330 

Condition  of  the  Army 331 

Conference  between  Washington  and  Rochambeau        ...  332 

Circular  Letter  to  the  Governors  of  the  States   ....  333 

Washington's  Designs  respecting  the  Campaign    .        .        •'••'     .  334 

Large  Extent  of  his  Command 334 

Junction  of  the  American  and  French  Armies       ....  335 

Preparations  for  an  Attack  on  New  York   .        »*  *:   i  '     .        *  335 

Success  of  Lafayette  in  Virginia .  337 

Combined  Armies  march  for  Virginia        '.•'••/  '  '•        w        .  338 

The  two  Commanders  arrive  at  Williamsburg        .    "  •  ^  ""  .  ;   :  .  339 

French  Fleet  under  Count  de  Grasse  enters  the  Chesapeake    .  339 
Siege  of  Yorktown  .   V  ,  .    _J^*-  \  ^:   •        •        •      .  •        .340 

Capitulation •' '    V  '   ^l  --V  v  '  ^'   ;  *  341 

Congress  pass  a  Vote  of  Thanks  to  the  Officers  and  Troops      .  343 

Washington  proposes  an  Expedition  against  Charleston     .        .  343 

Winter  Quarters ::>-\.r:  i  &f.i"?g.\--!  '**•  .;.;   .  344 

Washington  arrives  at  Philadelphia      .        .*-*•'•        .        .  345 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

Preparations  for  another  Campaign 346 

New  Requisitions  voted  by  Congress     .         .        .  ir  v   M-.^-.      .  347 

Lafayette  returns  to   France       .         .         .         *"  :^        :.Y.    * .  350 

Affair  of  Captains  Huddy  and  Asgill     .         .  .24  1   .*  >>  va    .  350 

Discontent  of  the  Troops 353 

Proposal  to  Washington  to  become  a  King          ....  354 

His  Reply          .         .         ^ 355 

Negotiations  for  Peace 356 


xvi  CONTEJNlfc. 

Page 

Departure  of  the  French  Troops       .,*-,«,       ..       .   r     .  *  " '*  356 

Dissatisfaction  and  Complaints  of  the  Army          .        .        «        i  357 

Officers  send  a  Memorial  to  Congress       &.,  •'•••+••  ...         .  359 

Newburg  Addresses       .    .    «    »    •  •- •  •"•*  '• 360 

Washington's  Opinion  of  them  .  .  \.       -f':      ....  363 

Tranquillity  restored  by  his  Prudence 363 

News  of  Peace 364 

Circular  Letter  to  the  States 366 

Washington's  Tour  to  the  Northward 367 

Attends  Congress  at  Princeton 367 

Disbanding  of  the  Army 369 

Farewell  Address  to  the  Army 369 

British  leave  New  York,  and  Washington  marches  into  the  City  370 

His  last  Meeting  with  the  Officers 371 

Resigns  his  Commission  to  Congress         .....  372 

Becomes  a  Private  Citizen  at  Mount  Vernon       ....  373 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Devotes  himself  to  his  Private  Affairs 374 

Refuses  to  receive  Remuneration  for  his  Services         .        .        .  375 

Hospitality  at  Mount  Vernon       .        ...        .        .        .  377 

Tour  to  the  Western  Country 378 

His  Efforts  in  Favor  of  Internal  Navigation      ....  379 

Recommends  Surveys  of  the  Western  Rivers        ....  381 

Visit  of  Lafayette  to  Mount  Vernon 381 

Companies  for  Internal  Navigation  organized         ....  382 

Declines  receiving  a  Donation  from  Virginia      ....  383 

Contributes  to  the  Support  of  Education 384 

Appointed  Chancellor  of  William  and  Mary  College          .        .  384 

Favors  a  Plan  for  civilizing  the  Indians 385 

His  farming  Operations 386 

Occupied  in  planting  his  Grounds  at  Mount  Vernon     .        .        .  387 

His  Gardens  and  Orchards  .......  387 

His  numerous  Avocations 388 

Visitors  at  Mount  Vernon 389 

His  daily  Habits 389 

Houdon's  Statue 390 

Washington's  Sentiments  on  the  State  of  Public  Affairs      .        .  392 

Apprehensions  from  the  Intrigues  of  designing  Men          .         .  394 

Jealousies  of  the  States 395 

Commissioners  meet  at  Annapolis       .        .        »        •        •        •  396 

Washington  appointed  a  Delegate  to  the  General  Convention     .  397 

His  Objections  to  accepting  the  Appointment    .        .        .        .  397 

Society  of  the  Cincinnati       -.*V •-.  ..        .     ^.        .        .        •.        .  398 

Resolves  to  attend  the  Convention  400 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

Page 
His  Preparations  for  acting  in  the  Convention     .        .        .        .401 

Elected  President  of  that  Body 402 

His  Opinion  of  the  Constitution 403 

The  Public  Mind  designates  him  for  the  first  President      .        .        405 

His  Reluctance  to  engage  again  in  Public  Life  .        .        .    405 

•      Chosen  President  of  the  United  States  406 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Leaves  Mount  Vernon  to  enter  upon  his  Public  Duties        »        .  407 

Journey  to  the  Seat  of  Congress 407 

His  public  Entry  into  New  York    .        .        .        .**•>>-,«    ,    .  408 

Takes  the  Oat  i  of  Office «r   ;^.    :i  408 

Inaugural  Speech  .        .        .        .        .        .        .        .   «,,,  +••    -  .  409 

Examines  the  Reports  of  the  Heads  of  Departments        .        .  410 

His  Private  Affairs       ,«',.'...        .        .  411 

Directions  to  the  Manager  of  his  Farms    .       v      «-  412 

Rules  for  receiving  and  entertaining  Company      .        *,  .    *        .  412 

Ceremonies  and  Social  Visits        m  ,;.«•:,  *       •  .  : ««        •  413 

Seized  with  a  dangerous  Illness     .        .        .        .    •  •-»  •  .  414 

Death  of  his  Mother    ;    , *     .»  414 

Economy  of  his  Household      .      ,.•       •        ,   v«    o»       *       .  415 

Executive  Departments  formed 415 

His  Opinion  of  the  Supreme  Court         .       .        .  .«•-".  417 

Rules  for  the  Appointment  of  Civil  Officers      .        »     ....-<       «.  418 

Numerous  Applications  for  Office      ,;^       .,        .        .        .        .  419 

Three  Things  to  be  regarded  in  Appointments          .        .        .  419 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Tour  through  the  Eastern  States         .       .       .        .        ,       >  421 

Letter  from  Mrs.  Washington           .        ,        .        .             ,  «  .     .  422 

Measures  recommended  to  Congress    .        .        .        *,."•'•        .  423 

Support  of  Public  Credit          .        .       .        .....  424 

Funding  System  . 425 

Debts  of  the  several  States 427 

Reasons  for  Funding  the  State  Debts 427 

Advantages  of  the  Funding  System 428 

District  of  Columbia - «        «  428 

Visit  to  Rhode  Island  and  Mount  Vernon      .        .        ,        r       .  429 

Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States      .         .       «.,..,       .  429 

Foreign  Influence  operating  on  the  Indians    .        .        ..,«,.     .  431 

Washington's  Policy  in  Regard  to  the  Indians    .        */.'*.       .  431 

Congress  assemble  at  Philadelphia          .  ••   ,•$.,      .        .        .        .  432 

National  Bank       .       \'  '  %• 432 

c 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

Page 

Approved  by  Washington          .        •        •        •        .        •      -  •    "    .  433 

Tour  through  the  Southern  States     «.v-<v       .        .        *        .  434 

Law  for  apportioning  Representatives      .        .        .        .        .        .  434 

Local  Jealousies    ..••        •        •'••••  435 

Political  Parties        .    .•  fc*»i   J^    *  *?  **>••  .*;-..     ....  436 

Differences  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson      .        .        .        .  437 

Washington  endeavors  to  produce  a  Reconciliation      .        .        .  438 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Washington  urged  by  his  Friends  to  remain  in  Office  another  Term  442 

Chosen  a  second  Time  President  of  the  United  States     .        .  445 

French  Revolution ' .  .      .        .  445 

The  President  resolves  to  maintain  a  strict  Neutrality      .        .  447 

Questions  relative  to  France  submitted  to  the  Cabinet         .        .  447 

Proclamation  of  Neutrality 448 

Party  Strifes  increased  by  the  Proclamation    .....  449 

Washington  assailed  by  the  Party  in  Opposition         .        .        .  449 

Conduct  of  the  French  Minister  Genet 450 

Democratic  Societies 452 

Washington's  Opinion  of  them 452 

His  Opinion  as  to  instructing  Representatives   ....  453 

Relations  with  England *     .        .        .        .  453 

President's  Speech  to  Congress *  454 

Commercial  Intercourse  with  Foreign  Nations       ....  455 

Fox's  Eulogy  and  Erskine's  Letter 455 

Madison's  Commercial  Resolutions 457 

Congress  put  the  Country  in  a  State  of  Defence        .        .        .  458 

Acrimony  of  Parties 458 

Western  Insurrection 459 

Requisitions  for  Militia 460 

President  joins  the  Army      ........  461 

Insurrection  suppressed 461 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

~  ""^k 

Treaty  with  Great  Britain 463 

President  resolves  to  ratify  it 463 

Senate  advises  the  Ratification .  464 

Popular  Excitement  caused  by  the  Treaty      .        .        .        .  .    465 

Treaty  signed  by  the  President 466 

Party  Violence  turned  against  Washington     .    -   *        •        .  .    467 

Effects  of  the  Treaty ...  467 

Randolph's  Resignation  and  Vindication      ;-  "i    -    .        .        .  .    468 

British  Treaty  opposed  in  the  House  of  Representatives    .        .  470 


CONTENTS.  xix 

Page 

Power  of  forming  Treaties 470 

President  refuses  the  Request  of  the  House  to  furnish  Papers  471 

Endeavors  to  procure  the  Release  of  Lafayette      ....  471 

Writes  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany 472 

French  Minister  objects  to  the  British  Treaty               .        .        .  473 

Washington's  Farewell  Address  ...                 .        .        .  474 

Meets  Congress  for  the  last  Time          .              v » '.r-  *       •       .  475 

Anecdote       .    '••• 477 

His  Journey  to  Mount  Vernon         .        .        •        •        »        .        .  477 

Review  of  Washington's  Administration     .        .        ,        *       •  477 

Jefferson's  Conduct  towards  Washington         .         ;        .        •        .  478 

Devotes  himself  again  to  his  private  Affairs       .        •       •        •  481 

His  daily  Occupations       .        .        •        .         .                 v       .        .  481 

Conduct  of  the  French  Directory         «       •                •        •        •  482 

Congress  prepare  for  War        .        .        •                *        •        •        .  483 

Washington  appointed  to  the  Command  of  Jie  Army        .        .  483 

Engaged  in  the  Affairs  of  the  Army       .        *•'•'.       .        .  485 

Disputes  with  France  adjusted 486 

Washington's  last  Illness          ....                ...  486 

His  Death      .        .  *      .        .        »        .        .                .        .        .  487, 

Proceedings  of  Congress  on  that  Occasion              ...        .  488 

His  Character         ...                                                        .  490 


APPENDIX. 

No.  I.  Origin  and  Genealogy  of  the  Washington  Family  .  497 
No.  II.  Rules  of  Behavior  .  .  *  .  .  .  .  513 
No.  III.  General  Washington's  Expenses  while  acting  as  Com 
mander-in-chief  of  the  American  Armies  .  .  516 
No.  IV.  Religious  Opinions  and  Habits  of  Washington  , .  .  518 
No.  V.  Washington's  Farewell  Address  ....  525 
No.  VI.  Last  Illness  and  Death  of  Washington  , -•  ,.  .  531 
No.  VII.  Proceedings  of  Congress  in  Consequence  of  the  Death 

of  Washington 539 

No.  VIII.    Character  of  Washington 544 

No.  IX.       Washington's  Will          ....  545 


LIFE 


OF 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Origin  of  the  Washington  Family.  —  John  and  Lawrence  Washington  emi 
grate  to  America.  —  Birth  of  George  Washington.  —  His  early  Education. — 
His  Fondness  for  mathematical  Studies  and  athletic  Amusements,  and  his 
methodical  Habits.  —  A  Project  formed  for  his  entering  the  British  Navy  as  a 
Midshipman.  —  He  becomes  a  practical  Surveyor.  —  Engages  in  the  Em 
ployment  of  Lord  Fairfax.  —  Continues  the  Business  of  Surveying  for  three 
Years. — Appointed  Adjutant  of  one  of  the  Districts  in  Virginia.  —  Voyage 
to  Barbadoes  with  his  Brother. 

THE  name  of  WASHINGTON,  as  applied  to  a  family,  is  CHAPTER 
proved  from  authentic  records  to  have  been  first  known 
about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  There  was 
previously  a  manor  of  that  name  in  the  County  of  Dur 
ham,  in  England,  the  proprietor  of  which,  according  to  a 
custom  not  unusual  in  those  days,  took  the  name  of  his 
estate.  From  this  gentleman,  who  was  originally  called 
William  de  Hertburn,  have  descended  the  branches  of  the 
Washington  family,  which  have  since  spread  themselves 
over  various  parts  of  Great  Britain  and  America. 

Few  individuals  of  the  family  have  attained  to  such 
eminence  in  the  eye  of  the  public,  as  to  give  perpetuity  to 
the  memory  of  their  deeds  or  their  character ;  yet,  in  the 
local  histories  of  England,  the  name  is  frequently  mention 
ed  with  respect,  and  as  denoting  persons  of  consideration, 
wealth,  and  influence.  Among  them  were  scholars,  divines, 
and  lawyers,  well  known  to  their  contemporaries.  Several 
received  the  honors  of  knighthood.  Sir  Henry  Washington 


2  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER  is  renowned  for  his  bravery  and  address  in  sustaining  the 
'  siege  of  Worcester  against  the  Parliamentary  forces  dur 
ing  the  civil  wars,  and  is  commended  by  Clarendon  for  his 
good  conduct  at  the  taking  of  Bristol.  For  the  most  part 
it  would  appear,  however,  from  such  facts  as  can  now 
be  ascertained,  that  the  heads  of  families  were  substantial 
proprietors  of  lands,  residing  on  their  estates,  and  holding 
a  reputable  station  in  the  higher  class  of  agriculturists. 
Proofs  of  their  opulence  may  still  be  seen  in  the  monu 
ments  erected  in  churches,  and  the  records  of  the  transfer 
of  property. 

in  the  year  1538,  the  manor  of  Sulgrave,  in  Northamp 
tonshire,  was  granted  to  Lawrence  Washington,  of  Gray's 
Inn,  and  for  some  time  Mayor  of  Northampton.  He  was 
probably  born  at  Warton,  in  Lancashire,  where  his  father 
lived.  The  grandson  of  this  first  proprietor  of  Sulgrave, 
who  was  of  the  same  name,  had  many  children,  two  of 
whom,  that  is,  John  and  Lawrence  Washington,  being  the 
second  and  fourth  sons,  emigrated  to  Virginia  about  the  year 
1657,  and  settled  at  Bridge's  Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River, 
in  the  County  of  Westmoreland.  The  eldest  brother,  Sir 
William  Washington,  married  a  half-sister  of  George  Vil- 
liers,  Duke  of  Buckingham.  Lawrence  had  been  a  student 
at  Oxford.  John  had  resided  on  an  estate  at  South  Cave 
in  Yorkshire,  which  gave  rise  to  an  erroneous  tradition 
among  his  descendants,  that  their  ancestor  came  from  the 
North  of  England.  The  two  brothers  bought  lands  in 
Virginia,  and  became  successful  planters. 

John  wash-  John  Washington,  not  long  after  coming  to  America,  was 
employed  in  a  military  command  against  the  Indians,  and 
rose  to  the  rank  of  Colonel.  The  parish  in  which  he  lived 
was  also  named  after  him.  He  married  Anne  Pope,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons,  Lawrence  and  John,  and  a  daugh 
ter.  The  elder  son,  Lawrence,  married  Mildred  Warner,  of 
Gloucester  County,  and  had  three  children,  John,  Augus 
tine,  and  Mildred. 

Augustine  Washington,  the  second  son,  was  twice  marri 
ed.  His  first  wife  was  Jane  Butler,  by  whom  he  had  three 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  3 

sons  and  a  daughter ;  Butler,  who  died  in  infancy,  Law-    CHAPTER 
rence,  Augustine,  and  Jane,  the  last  of  whom  died  likewise 
when  a  child.     By  his  second  wife,  Mary  Ball,  to  whom 
he    was  married  on  the   6th   of  March,   1730,  he  had  six 
children,  GEORGE,  Betty,  Samuel,  John  Augustine,  Charles, 
and    Mildred.     GEORGE    WASHINGTON   was   born   in   We^t-  Birth  of 
moreland  County,  Virginia,  on  the  22d  of  February,   1732,   Washington, 
being  the  eldest  son  by  the  second  marriage,  great  grand 
son  of  John  Washington,  who  emigrated  to  America,  and 
the  sixth  in  descent  from  the  first  Lawrence  Washington 
of  Sulgrave.* 

At  the  time  of  George  Washington's  birth,  his  father 
resided  near  the  banks  of  the  Potomac  in  Westmoreland 
County ;  but  he  removed  not  long  afterwards  to  an  estate 
owned  by  him  in  Stafford  County,  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Rappahannoc  River,  opposite  Fredericksburg.  Here  he  liv-  Death  of  his 
ed  till  his  death,  which  happened,  after  a  sudden  and 
short  illness,  on  the  12th  of  April,  1743,  at  the  age  of  forty- 
nine.  He  was  buried  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  the  tomb  of  his 
ancestors.  Little  is  known  of  his  character  or  his  acts.  It  • 
appears  by  his  will,  however,  that  he  possessed  a  large  and 
valuable  property  in  lands ;  and,  as  this  had  been  acquired 
chiefly  by  his  own  industry  and  enterprise,  it  may  be  in 
ferred,  that,  iii  the  concerns  of  business,  he  was  methodical, 
skilful,  honorable,  and  energetic.  His  occupation  was  that 
of  a  planter,  which,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  coun 
try,  had  been  the  pursuit  of  nearly  all  the  principal  gentle 
men  of  Virginia. 

Each  of  his  sons  inherited  from  him  a  separate  plantation.  HW  father's 
To  the  eldest,  Lawrence,  he  bequeathed  an  estate  near 
Hunting, Creek,  afterwards  Mount  Vernon,  which  then  con 
sisted  of  twenty-five  hundred  acres ;  and  also  other  lands, 
and  shares  in  iron-works  situated  in  Virginia  and  Maryland, 
which  were  productive.  The  second  son  had  for  his  part 
an  estate  in  Westmoreland.  To  George  were  left  the  lands 
and  mansion  where  his  father  lived  at  the  time  of  his  de- 

*  See  an  account  of  the  Washington  Family  in  the  Appendix,  No.  I. 


4  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

cease ;  and  to  each  of  the  other  sons  an  estate  of  six  or 
seven  hundred  acres.  The  youngest  daughter  died  when 
an  infant,  and  for  the  only  remaining  one  a  suitable  provis 
ion  was  made  in  the  will.  It  is  thus  seen,  that  Augustine 
Washington,  although  suddenly  cut  off  in  the  vigor  of  man 
hood,  left  all  his  children  in  a  state  of  comparative  inde 
pendence.  Confiding  in  the  prudence  of  the  mother,  he 
directed  that  the  proceeds  of  all  the  property  of  her  chil 
dren  should  be  at  her  disposal,  till  they  should  respectively 
come  of  age. 

HIS  mother.  This  weighty  charge  of  five  young  children,  the  eldest 
of  whom  was  eleven  years  old,  the  superintendence  of  their 
education,  and  the  management  of  complicated  affairs,  de 
manded  no  common  share  of  resolution,  resource  of  mind, 
and  strength  of  character.  In  these  important  duties  Mrs. 
Washington  acquitted  herself  with  great  fidelity  to  her 
trust,  and  with  entire  success.  Her  good  sense,  assiduity, 
tenderness,  and  vigilance  overcame  every  obstacle  ;  and,  as 
the  richest  reward  of  a  mother's  solicitude  and  toil,  she  had 
the  happiness  to  see  all  her  children  come  forward  with  a 
fair  promise  into  life,  filling  the  sphere  allotted  to  them  in 
a  manner  equally  honorable  to  themselves,  and  to  the  parent 
who  had  been  the  only  guide  of  their  principles,  conduct, 
and  habits.  She  lived  to  witness  the  noble  career  of  her 
eldest  son,  till  by  his  own  rare  merits  he  was  raised  to  the 
head  of  a  nation,  and  applauded  and  revered  by  the  whole 
world.  It  has  been  said,  that  there  never  was  a  great 
man,  the  elements  of  whose  greatness  might  not  be  traced 
to  the  original  characteristics  or  early  influence  of  his  moth 
er.  If  this  be  true,  how  much  do  mankind  owe  to  the 
mother  of  Washington. 

state  of  edu-       Under  the  colonial  governments,  particularly  in  the  south- 
cation  in  the  J 
colonies.      ern  provinces,  the  means  of  education  were  circumscribed. 

The  thinness  of  population,  and  the  broad  line  which  sepa 
rated  the  rich  from  the  poor,  prevented  the  establishment  of 
schools  on  such  a  basis  as  would  open  the  door  of  instruc 
tion  to  all  classes,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  higher 
seminaries  of  learning.  Young  men  destined  for  the  learned 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  5 

professions,  whose  parents  could  afford  the  expense,  were  CHAPTER 
occasionally  sent  to  England.  But  the  planters  generally  L 
sought  no  other  education  for  their  sons,  than  such  as  would 
fit  them  to  be  practical  men  of  business.  In  a  few  cases, 
this  was  derived  from  a  private  tutor  ;  in  others,  from  a 
teacher  of  the  common  schools,  whose  qualifications  would 
naturally  be  limited  to  the  demands  of  his  employers,  and 
who  was  seldom  competent  to  impart  more  than  the  sim 
plest  elements  of  knowledge.  When  he  had  inculcated 
the  mysteries  of  reading,  writing,  arithmetic,  and  keeping 
accounts,  his  skill  was  exhausted,  and  the  duties  of  his 
vocation  were  fulfilled.  If  his  pupils  aspired  to  higher  at 
tainments,  they  were  compelled  to  leave  their  master  be 
hind,  and  find  their  way  without  a  guide. 

To  a  school  of  .this  description  was  George  Washington  His  early 

studies  and 

indebted  for  all  the  aids  his  mind  received  in  its  early  dis-  babita. 
cipline  and  culture.  How  far  he  profited  by  these  slender 
advantages,  or  was  distinguished  for  his  application  and  love 
of  study,  can  only  be  conjectured  from  the  results.  Tradi 
tion  reports,  that  he  was  inquisitive,  docile,  and  diligent ; 
but  it  adds,  that  his  military  propensities  and  passion  for 
active  sports  displayed  themselves  in  his  boyhood  ;  that  he 
formed  his  schoolmates  into  companies,  who  paraded,  march 
ed,  and  fought  mimic  battles,  in  which  he  was  always  the 
commander  of  one  of  the  parties.  He  had  a  fondness  for 
the  athletic  amusements  of  running,  jumping,  wrestling, 
tossing  bars,  and  other  feats  of  agility  and  bodily  exercise. 
Indeed  it  is  well  known,  that  these  practices  were  con 
tinued  by  him  after  he  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  mature 
life.  It  has  also  been  said,  that  while  at  school  his  pro 
bity  and  demeanor  were  such,  as  to  win  the  deference  of 
the  other  boys,  who  were  accustomed  to  make  him  the 
arbiter  .of  their  disputes,  and  never  failed  to  be  satisfied 
with  his  judgment.  Such  are  some  of  the  incidents  of  his 
juvenile  years,  remembered  and  related  by  his  contempo 
raries  after  he  had  risen  to  greatness. 

There  are  not  wanting  evidences  of  his  early  proficiency  HIS  cany 
in  some   branches  of  study.      His  manuscript  schoolbooks, 


6  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER  from  the  time  he  was  thirteen  years  old,  have  been  pre- 
L  served.  He  had  already  mastered  the  difficult  parts  of 
arithmetic,  and  these  books  begin  with  geometry.  But 
there  is  one,  of  a  previous  date,  which  deserves  notice,  as 
giving  an  insight  into  the  original  cast  of  his  mind,  and 
the  subjects  to  which  his  education  was  directed.  It  is 
singular,  that  a  boy  of  thirteen  should  occupy  himself  in 
studying  the  dry  and  intricate  forms  of  business,  which 
are  rarely  attended  to  till  the  aifairs  of  life  call  them  into 
use,  and  even  then  rather  as  an  act  of  necessity  than  of 
pleasure.  But  many  pages  of  the  manuscript  in  question 
are  taken  up  with  copies  of  what  he  calls  Forms  of  Writ 
ing,  such  as  notes  of  hand,  bills  of  exchange,  receipts, 
bonds,  indentures,  bills  of  sale,  land  warrants,  leases,  deeds, 
and  wills,  written  out  with  care,  the  prominent  words  in 
large  and  varied  characters  in  imitation  of  a  clerk's  hand. 
Then  follow  selections  in  rhyme,  more  distinguished  for 
the  sentiments  they  contain,  and  the  religious  tone  that 
pervades  them,  than  for  their  poetical  beauties. 

Rules  of  Be-  But  the  most  remarkable  part  of  the  book  is  that,  in 
which  is  compiled  a  system  of  maxims,  and  regulations 
of  conduct,  drawn  from  miscellaneous  sources,  and  arrang 
ed  under  the  head  of  Rules  of  Behavior  in  Company  and 
Conversation.  Some  of  these  are  unimportant,  and  suited 
only  to  form  the  habits  of  a  child ;  others  are  of  a  higher 
import,  fitted  to  soften  and  polish  the  manners,  to  keep 
alive  the  best  affections  of  the  heart,  to  impress  the  obli 
gation  of  the  moral  virtues,  to  teach  what  is  due  to  others 
in  the  social  relations,  and  above  all  to  inculcate  the  prac 
tice  of  a  perfect  self-control.  * 

ih2etSRuies  ^n  stu(tying  tne  character  of  Washington  it  is  obvious, 
that  this  code  of  rules  had  an  influence  upon  his  whole 
life.  His  temperament  was  ardent,  his  passions  strong, 
and,  amidst  the  multiplied  scenes  of  temptation  and  ex 
citement  through  which  he  passed,  it  was  his  constant 

*  A  selection  from  these   Rules   of  Behavior  may  be  found  in  the 
Appendix,  No.  II. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  7 

effort  and  ultimate  triumph  to  check  the  one  and  subdue    CHAPTER 
the  other.     His  intercourse  with  men,  private  and  public,         L 
in   every   walk   and   station,   was   marked   with  a   consis 
tency,  a  fitness  to  occasions,  a  dignity,   decorum,   conde 
scension,  and  mildness,  a  respect  for  the  claims  of  others, 
and  a  delicate  perception  of  the  nicer  shades  of  civility, 
which   were    not    more   the    dictates   of   his    native    good 
sense   and   incomparable   judgment,    than   the   fruits   of   a 
long  and  unwearied  discipline. 

He  left  school  in  the  autumn  preceding  his  sixteenth  Leaves 
birthday.  The  last  two  years  had  been  devoted  to  the 
study  of  geometry,  trigonometry,  and  surveying,  for  which 
he  had  a  decided  partiality.  It  is  probable,  also,  that 
his  friends,  discovering  this  inclination,  encouraged  him 
in  yielding  to  it,  with  the  view  of  qualifying  him  for 
the  profession  of  a  surveyor,  which  was  then  a  lucrative 
employment,  and  led  to  opportunities  of  selecting  valuable 
new  lands.  During  the  last  summer  he  was  at  school, 
we  find  him  surveying  the  fields  around  the  schoolhouse 
and  in  the  adjoining  plantations,  of  which  the  boundaries, 
angles,  and  measurements,  the  plots  and  calculations,  are 
entered  with  formality  and  precision  in  his  books. 

Nor  was  his  skill  confined  to  the  more  simple  processes  Hisskiiim 
of  the  art.    He  used  logarithms,  and  proved  the  accuracy  ics 
of  his  work  by  different  methods.     The  manuscripts    fill 
several  quires  of  paper,    and   are  remarkable   for  the  care 
with  which  they  were  kept,   the  neatness  and  uniformity 
of  the  handwriting,    the   beauty   of  the   diagrams,    and  a 
precise   method   and   arrangement    in   copying    out    tables 
and  columns  of  figures. 

These  particulars  will  not  be  thought  too  trivial  to  Habits  of 
be  mentioned,  when  it  is  known,  that  he  retained  simi 
lar  habits  through  life.  His  business  papers,  daybooks, 
legers,  and  letter  books,  in  which  before  the  revolution  no 
one  wrote  but  himself,  exhibit  specimens  of  the  same 
studious  care  and  exactness.  Every  fact  occupies  a  clear 
and  distinct  place,  the  handwriting  is  round  and  regular, 
without  interlineations,  blots,  or  blemishes ;  and,  if  mis- 


8  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER  takes  occurred,  the  faulty  words  were  so  skilfully  erased 
**  and  corrected,  as  to  render  the  defect  invisible  except  to 
a  scrutinizing  eye.  The  constructing  of  tables,  diagrams, 
and  other  figures  relating  to  numbers  or  classification, 
was  an  exercise  in  which  he  seems  at  all  times  to  have 
taken  much  delight.  If  any  of  his  farms  were  to  be 
divided  into  new  lots,  a  plan  was  first  drawn  on  paper; 
if  he  meditated  a  rotation  of  crops,  or  a  change  in  the 
mode  of  culture,  the  various  items  of  expense,  labor,  pro 
ducts,  and  profits  were  reduced  to  tabular  forms ;  and  in 
his  written  instructions  to  his  managers,  which  were  an 
nually  repeated,  the  same  method  was  pursued. 

While  at  the  head  of  the  army  this  habit  was  of  espe 
cial  service  to  him.  The  names  and  rank  of  the  officers, 
the  returns  of  the  adjutants,  commissaries,  and  quarter 
masters,  were  compressed  by  him  into  systematic  tables, 
so  contrived  as  to  fix  strongly  in  his  mind  the  most  essen 
tial  parts,  without  being  encumbered  with  details.  When 
the  army  was  to  march,  or  perform  any  movements  re 
quiring  combination  and  concert,  a  scheme  was  first  de 
lineated  ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  an  active  campaign,  or 
in  the  preparation  for  a  detached  enterprise,  the  line  of 
battle  was  projected  and  sketched  on  paper,  each  officer 
being  assigned  to  his  post,  with  the  names  of  the  regi 
ments  and  strength  of  the  forces  he  was  to  command. 

During  the  presidency  it  was  likewise  his  custom  to 
subject  the  treasury  reports  and  accompanying  documents 
to  the  process  of  tabular  condensation,  with  a  vast  expen 
diture  of  labor  and  patience ;  but  it  enabled  him  to  grasp 
and  retain  in  their  order  a  series  of  isolated  facts,  and  the 
results  of  a  complicated  mass  of  figures,  which  could 
never  have  been  mastered  so  effectually  by  any  other 
mode  of  approaching  them.  Such  were  some  of  the  bene 
fits  of  those  parts  of  his  education,  to  which  he  was  led 
by  the  natural  bent  of  his  mind. 

oniy'Tuie  Except  the  above  branches  of  the  mathematics,  his 
acquirements  did  not  extend  beyond  the  subjects  usually 
taught  to  boys  of  his  age  at  the  common  schools.  It  is 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  9 

even  doubtful  whether  he  received  any  instruction  in  the  CHAPTER 
principles  of  language.  His  earliest  compositions  were  of-  *' 
ten  faulty  in  grammatical  construction.  By  practice,  read 
ing,  and  study,  he  gradually  overcame  this  defect,  till 
at  length  he  wrote  with  accuracy,  purity  of  idiom,  and 
a  striking  appropriateness  of  phraseology  and  clearness  of 
style.  In  the  choice  of  his  words,  to  express  precisely 
and  forcibly  his  meaning,  he  was  always  scrupulous.  In 
this  respect  his  language  may  be  said  to  have  reflected 
the  image  of  his  mind,  in  which  candor,  sincerity,  and 
directness  were  prevailing  traits. 

No   aid   was  derived    from   any   other   than    his   native  Acquainted 
tongue.     He  never  even  commenced  the  study  of  the  an-  foreign 
cient  classics.     After  the    French   officers   had  joined   the 
American   army   in  the   revolution,  and  particularly  while 
the  forces  under  Count  de  Rochambeau  were  in  the  coun 
try,  he   bestowed   some   degree  of  attention   on   that   lan 
guage  ;  but  at  no  time  could  he  write  or  converse  in  it, 
or  indeed  translate  any  paper. 

While  at  school  a  project  was  entertained  by  his  friends.  Proposal 

for  him  to 

which,  if  it  had  been  matured,  would  have  changed  his  enter  the 
own  destiny,  and  perhaps  have  produced  an  important 
influence  upon  that  of  his  country.  His  eldest  brother, 
Lawrence,  had  been  an  officer  in  the  late  war,  and  served 
at  the  siege  of  Carthagena  and  in  the  West  Indies.  Being 
a  well  informed  and  accomplished  gentleman,  he  had  ac 
quired  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  General  Wentworth 
and  Admiral  Vernon,  the  commanders  of  the  expedition, 
with  whom  he  afterwards  kept  up  a  friendly  correspon 
dence.  Having  observed  the  military  turn  of  his  young 
brother,  and  looking  upon  the  British  navy  as  the  most 
direct  road  to  distinction  in  that  line,  he  obtained  for 
George  a  midshipman's  warrant,  in  the  year  1746,  when 
he  was  fourteen  years  old.  This  step  was  taken  with  his 
acquiescence,  if  not  at  his  request,  and  he  prepared  with 
a  buoyant  spirit  for  his  departure ;  but,  as  the  time  ap 
proached,  the  solicitude  of  his  mother  interposed  with  an 
authority,  to  which  nature  gave  a  claim. 
2 


JO  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER       At  this  critical  juncture,    Mr.  Jackson,  a  friend   of  the 

_^ family,  wrote  to  Lawrence  Washington  as  follows.     "  I  am 

afraid  Mrs.  Washington  will  not  keep  up  to  her  first  res- 
Thisstep      olution.     She  seems  to  dislike  George's  going  to  sea,  and 

opposed 

by  his  mo-  says  several  persons  have  told  her  it  was  a  bad  scheme. 
She  offers  several  trifling  objections,  such  as  fond,  un 
thinking  mothers  habitually  suggest;  and  I  find  that  one 
word  against  his  going  has  more  weight  than  ten  for  it." 
She  persisted  in  opposing  the  plan,  and  it  was  given  up. 
Nor  ought  this  decision  to  be  ascribed  to  obstinacy,  or 
maternal  weakness.  This'  was  her  eldest  son,  whose  char 
acter  and  manners  must  already  have  exhibited  a  promise, 
full  of  solace  and  hope  to  a  widowed  mother,  on  whom 
alone  devolved  the  charge  of  four  younger  children.  To 
see  him  separated  from  her  at  so  tender  an  age,  exposed  to 
the  perils  of  accident  and  the  world's  rough  usage,  with 
out  a  parent's  voice  to  counsel  or  a  parent's  hand  to  guide, 
and  to  enter  on  a  theatre  of  action,  which  would  for  ever 
remove  him  from  her  presence,  was  a  trial  of  her  fortitude 
and  sense  of  duty,  which  she  could  not  be  expected  to 
hazard  without  reluctance  and  concern. 

Resides  with       Soon   after   leaving  school  he  went  to  reside  with   his 

his  brother 

Lawrence,  brother  Lawrence,  at  his  seat  on  the  Potomac  River, 
which  had  been  called  Mount  Vernon,  in  compliment  to 
the  admiral  of  that  name.  The  winter  was  passed  in  his 
favorite  study  of  the  mathematics,  and  in  the  exercise  of 
practical  surveying,  merely  with  the  view  of  becoming  fa 
miliar  with  the  application  of  principles  and  the  use  of 
instruments.  At  this  time  he  was  introduced  to  Lord 
Fairfax,  and  other  members  of  the  Fairfax  family,  estab 
lished  in  that  part  of  Virginia. 

Lawrence  Washington  had  married  a  daughter  of  Wil 
liam  Fairfax,  a  gentleman  of  consideration  on  account  of 
his  wealth,  character,  and  political  station,  being  many 
years  a  member  and  for  some  time  president  of  his  Ma 
jesty's  Council  in  the  Colony.  His  seat  was  at  Belvoir, 
a  short  distance  from  Mount  Vernon.  He  had  an  inter 
esting  family  of  several  sons  and  daughters,  intelligent 


L1FEOFWASH1NGTON.  11 

and   cultivated,    with   whom   George   associated   on    terms    CHAPTER 
of  intimacy,  and  formed  attachments  that  were  ever  after         L 
valuable  to  him.     In   the   father   he   found   a  friend   and 
adviser,  as  well  as  a  man  skilled  in  affairs,  of  wide  ex 
perience,   and   of  an   enlightened   understanding.     To   his 
fortunate   acquaintance    with   this   family   he   was   mainly 
indebted   for   the   opportunities   of  performing   those    acts, 
which    laid,  the   foundation    of  his   subsequent    successes 
and  advancement. 

Lord  Fairfax,  a  distant  relative  of  William  Fairfax,  was  Lord 
a  man  of  an  eccentric  turn  of  mind,  of  great  private 
worth,  generous,  and  hospitable.  He  had  been. accustom 
ed  to  the  best  society  to  which  his  rank  entitled  him 
in  England.  While  at  the  University  of  Oxford  he  had 
a  fondness  for  literature,  and  his  taste  and  skill  in  that 
line  may  be  inferred  from  his  having  written  some  of 
the  papers  in  the  Spectator.  Possessing  by  inheritance 
a  vast  tract  of  country,  situate  between  the  Potomac  and 
Rappahannoc  Rivers,  and  stretching  across  the  Allegany 
Mountains,  he  made  a  voyage  to  Virginia  to  examine 
this  domain.  So  well  pleased  was  he  with  the  climate 
and  mode  of  life  that  he  resolved,  after  going  back  to 
England  and  arranging  his  affairs,  to  return  and  spend 
his  days  in  the  midst  of  this  wild  territory. 

At  the  time  of  which  we  are  now  speaking,  he  had 
just  arrived  to  execute  his  purpose,  and  was  residing 
with  his  relative  at  Belvoir.  This  was  his  home  for 
several  years;  but  he  at  length  removed  over  the  Blue 
Ridge,  built  a  house  in  the  Shenandoah  valley,  called 
Greenway  Court,  and  cultivated  a  large  farm.  Here  he 
lived  in  comparative  seclusion,  often  amusing  himself  with 
hunting,  but  chiefly  devoted  to  the  care  of  his  estate, 
to  acts  of  benevolence  among  his  tenants,  and  to  such 
public  duties  as  devolved  upon  him,  in  the  narrow  sphere 
he  had  chosen;  a  friend  of  liberty,  honored  for  his  up 
rightness,  esteemed  for  the  amenity  of  his  manners  and 
his  practical  virtues.  He  died  at  the  advanced  age  of 
ninety-two,  near  the  close  of  the  American  revolution. 


12 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  16. 


CHAPTER 
I. 

1748. 


Appointed 
surveyor  of 
Lord  Fair 
fax's  lands. 


Employed  as 
surveyor 
among  the 
Allegany 
Mountains. 


William  Fairfax  was  born  in  England.  He  joined  the 
army  in  early  life,  and  served  in  Spain ;  went  next  to 
the  East  Indies,  and  afterwards  took  part  in  an  expedi 
tion  against  the  Island  of  New  Providence.  He  was  suc 
cessively  governor  of  that  Island,  and  chief  justice  of  the 
Bahamas;  and  was  thence  transferred  at  his  request  to 
an  office  in  New  England.  While  there  he  yielded  to 
the  solicitation  of  Lord  Fairfax  to  take  the  agency  of 
his  affairs  in  Virginia,  and  had  been  several  years  in 
that  employment,  when  the  latter  assumed  the  charge 
into  his  own  hands. 

The  immense  tracts  of  wild  lands,  belonging  to  Lord 
Fairfax  in  the  rich  valleys  of  the  Allegany  Mountains, 
had  not  been  surveyed.  Settlers  were  finding  their  way 
up  the  streams,  selecting  the  fertile  places,  and  securing 
an  occupancy  without  warrant  or  license.  To  enable  the 
proprietor  to  claim  his  quitrents  and  give  legal  titles,  it 
was  necessary  that  those  lands  should  be  divided  into 
lots  and  accurately  measured.  So  favorable  an  opinion 
had  he  formed  of  the  abilities  and  attainments  of  young 
Washington,  that  he  intrusted  to  him  this  responsible  ser 
vice  ;  and  he  set  off  on  his  first  surveying  expedition  in 
March,  just  a  month  from  the  day  he  was  sixteen  years 
old,  accompanied  by  George  Fairfax,  the  eldest  son  of 
William  Fairfax. 

The  enterprise  was  arduous,  requiring  discretion  and 
skill,  and  attended  with  privations  and  fatigues  to  which 
he  had  not  been  accustomed.  After  crossing  the  first 
range  of  the  Alleganies,  the  party  entered  a  wilderness. 
From  that  time  their  nights  were  passed  under  the  open 
sky,  or  in  tents  or  rude  cabins  affording  but  a  treacher 
ous  shelter  against  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  The 
winds  sometimes  beat  upon  them,  and  prostrated  them  to 
the  ground.  Winter  still  lingered  on  the  summits  of  the 
mountains ;  the  rivers,  swollen  by  melting  snows  and  re 
cent  rains,  were  impassable  at  the  usual  fords,  except  by 
swimming  the  horses ;  the  roads  and  paths  through  the 
woods  were  obstructed  by  swamps,  rocks,  and  precipices. 


JEr.  17.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  13 

The  lands  surveyed  by  him  lay  on  the   South  Branch  of   CHAPTER 
the  Potomac,   seventy  miles  above  its  junction   with  the         L 
other  branch  of  that  river.  1749. 

The  task  was  executed  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  give 
entire  satisfaction  to  his  employer,  confirm  the  good  opin 
ion  of  his  friends,  and  establish  his  reputation  as  a  sur 
veyor.  On  other  accounts  it  was  beneficial  to  him.  It 
inspired  a  confidence 'in  himself,  kindled  fresh  hopes,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  new  successes.  He  had  moreover 
acquired  a  knowledge  of  parts  of  the  country  hitherto 
little  known,  which  were  to  be  the  scene  of  his  first 
military  operations;  and  had  witnessed  modes  of  life, 
with  which  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  become  familiar 
in  fulfilling  the  high  trusts  that  awaited  him.  During 
this  expedition  he  was  also  present  at  an  Indian  war- 
dance,  and  had  his  first  interview  with  a  race,  on  whose 
condition  in  peace  and  war  he  was  to  have  a  wider  in 
fluence  than  any  other  man. 

Having  received  a  commission,  or  appointment,  as  a  public  JjjJIJ"^ 
surveyor,  which  gave  authority  to  his  surveys  and  enabled  Public  sur- 
him  to  enter  them  in  the  county  offices,  he  devoted  three 
years  to  this  pursuit,  without  any  intervals  of  relaxation 
except  the  winter  months.  Portions  of  each  year  were  pass 
ed  among  the  Alleganies,  where  he  surveyed  lands  on 
branches  of  the  Potomac  'River,  which  penetrated  far  in 
a  southern  direction  among  the  lofty  ridges  and  spurs  of 
those  mountains.  The  exposures  and  hardships  of  these  ex 
peditions  could  be  endured  only  for  a  few  weeks  together. 
As  a  relief,  he  would  come  down  into  the  settled  parts, 
and  survey  private  tracts  and  farms,  thus  applying  himself 
to  the  uninterrupted  exercise  of  his  profession. 

There  being  few  surveyors  at  that  time  in  Virginia,  and  ^°™™e,80in 
the  demand  for  them  large,  the  pay  allowed  for  their  ser-  ^entfor 

three  years. 

vices  was  proportionably  high.  By  diligence  and  habits 
of  despatch,  the  employment  was  lucrative  ;  and,  what 
was  more  important,  his  probity  and  talents  for  business 
were  £t  a  very  early  age  made  known  to  gentlemen,  whose 
standing  in  society  rendered  then*  friendship  and  interest 


14 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


19 


1751. 


Military  In- 
specter  with 
the  rank  of 
Major. 


Fondness 
tor  military 
studies  and 


Hails  with 
his  brother 
for  Barba- 

does. 


a  substantial  benefit.  During  these  three  years  his  home 
was  with  his  brother  at  Mount  Vernon,  as  being  nearer  the 
scene  of  his  labors  than  his  mother's  residence  ;  but  he 
often  visited  her,  and  assisted  in  the  superintendence  of 
her  affairs. 

At  the  age  of  nineteen  his  character  had  made  so  favor 
able  an  impression,  that  he  was  appointed  to  an  office  of 
considerable  distinction  and  responsibility  by  the  govern 
ment  of  Virginia.  The  frontiers  were  threatened  with  In 
dian  depredations  and  French  encroachments,  and,  as  a 
precautionary  measure,  it  was  resolved  to  put  the  militia  in 
a  condition  for  defence.  To  carry  this  into  effect,  the 
province  was  divided  into  districts,  having  in  each  an  of 
ficer  called  an  adjutant-general  with  the  rank  of  major, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  assemble  and  exercise  the  militia, 
inspect  their  arms,  and  enforce  all  the  regulations  for  dis 
cipline  prescribed  by  the  laws.  George  Washington  was 
commissioned  to  take  charge  of  one  of  these  districts.  The 
post  was  probably  obtained  through  the  influence  of  his 
brother  and  William  Fairfax,  the  former  a  delegate  in 
the  House  of  Burgesses,  the  latter  a  member  of  the  gov 
ernor's  Council.  The  pay  was  one  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  a  year. 

His  military  propensities  had  not  subsided.  They  rather 
increased  with  his  years.  In  Virginia  were  many  officers, 
besides  his  brother,  who  had  served  in  the  recent  war. 
Under  their  tuition  he  studied  tactics,  learned  the  manual 
exercise,  and  became  expert  in  the  use  of  the  sword.  He 
read  the  principal  books  on  the  military  art,  and  joined 
practice  to  theory  as  far  as  circumstances  would  permit. 
This  new  station,  therefore,  was  in  accordance  with  his 
inclinations,  and  he  entered  upon  it  with  alacrity  and  zeal. 

But  he  had  scarcely  engaged  in  this  service,  when  he 
was  called  to  perform  another  duty,  deeply  interesting  in 
its  claims  on  his  sensibility  and  fraternal  affection.  Law 
rence  Washington,  originally  of  a  slender  constitution,  had 
been  for  some  time  suffering  under  a  pulmonary  attack, 
which  was  now  thought  to  be  approaching  a  dangerous 


J£T.  19.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  15 

crisis.     TJie  physicians  recommended  a  voyage  to  the  West   CHAPTER 
Indies,    and   the   experiment   of  a   warmer   climate.     The         ]' 
necessity  of  having  some  friend  near  him,  and  his  attach-     1751. 
ment   to   George  were  reasons   for  desiring   his  company. 
They  sailed  for  Barbadoes  in  the  month  of  September,  1751, 
and  landed  on  that  island  after  a  passage  of  five  weeks. 

The  change  of  air,  the  hospitality  of  the  inhabitants,  the  ^rtu™8  to 
novelty  of  the  scene,  and  the  assiduous  attentions  of  his 
brother,  revived  the  spirits  of  the  patient,  and  seemed  at 
first  to  renovate  his  strength.  But  the  hope  was  delusive, 
and  the  old  symptoms  returned.  The  trial  of  a  few  weeks 
produced  no  essential  alteration  for  the  better ;  and  he  deter 
mined  to  proceed  to  Bermuda  in  the  spring,  and  that  in  the 
mean  time  his  brother  should  go  back  to  Virginia,  and  ac 
company  his  wife  to  that  island.  Accordingly,  George  took 
passage  in  a  vessel  bound  to  the  Chesapeake,  and,  after 
encountering  a  most  tempestuous  voyage,  reached  home  in 
February,  having  been  absent  somewhat  more  than  four 
months. 

He  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  Barbadoes,  when  he  was  Haa nthe 

J  smallpox  tn 

seized  with  the  smallpox.  The  disease  was  severe,  but, 
with  the  aid  of  good  medical  attendance,  he  was  able  to  go 
abroad  in  three  weeks.  The  journal  kept  by  him  during 
the  two  voyages,  and  at  Barbadoes,  fragments  of  which  have 
been  preserved,  shows  the  same  habits  of  minute  observa 
tion  and  power  of  deducing  general  results  from  small  par 
ticulars,  which  distinguished  him  on  all  occasions.  At  sea 
he  daily  copied  the  log-book,  noted  the  course  of  the  winds, 
the  state  of  the  weather,  the  progress  of  the  ship,  and  inci 
dental  occurrences,  applying  to  navigation  the  knowledge 
he  had  gained  of  a  kindred  art.  In  the  Island  of  Barbadoes, 
every  thing  attracted  his  notice  ;  the  soil,  agricultural  pro 
ducts,  modes  of  culture,  fruits,  commerce,  military  force, 
fortifications,  manners  of  the  inhabitants,  municipal  regula 
tions,  and  government ;  on  all  of  which  he  wrote  down 
summary  remarks  in  his  journal.* 

*  The  following  is  an  extract  from  his  journal,  written  at  the  time 
of  his  leaving  the  Island.     "  The  Governor  of  Barbadoes  seems  to  keep 


j(3  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [2Er.  20 

The  first  letter  from  his  brother  at  Bermuda  gave  an 
encouraging  account  of  his  health,  and  expressed  a  wish 
that  his  wife  should  join  him  there  ;  but  it  was  followed 
by  another,  of  a  different  tenor,  which  prevented  her  depar 
ture.  Finding  no  essential  relief,  he  came  home  in  the 
summer,  and  sank  rapidly  into  his  grave,  at  the  age  of 
thirty-four,  leaving  a  wife,  an  infant  daughter,  and  a  large 
circle  of  friends,  to  deplore  a  loss  keenly  felt  by  them  all. 
Few  men  have  been  more  beloved  for  their  amiable  quali 
ties,  or  admired  for  those  higher  traits  of  character,  which 
give  dignity  to  virtue,  and  a  charm  to  accomplishments  of 
mind  and  manners. 

Si?"  o?his  ^  tn*s  melancn°ly  event,  new  duties  and  responsibilities 
devolved  upon  George.  Large  estates  were  left  by  the 
deceased  brother,  the  immediate  care  of  which  demanded 
his  oversight.  He  had  likewise  been  appointed  one  of  the 
executors  of  the  will,  in  which  was  an  eventual  interest  of 
considerable  magnitude  pertaining  to  himself.  The  estate 
at  Mount  Vernon  was  bequeathed  to  the  surviving  daugh 
ter  ;  and,  in  case  of  her  demise  without  issue,  this  estate 

a  proper  state,  lives  very  retired  and  at  little  expense,  and  is  a  gentle 
man  of  good  sense.  As  he  avoids  the  errors  of  his  predecessor,  he 
gives  no  handle  for  complaint ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  by  declining  much 
familiarity,  he  is  not  over- zealously  beloved.  Hospitality  and  a  genteel 
behavior  are  shown  to  every  gentleman  stranger  by  the  gentlemen  in 
habitants.  Taverns  they  have  none,  except  in  the  towns  ;  so  that  trav 
ellers  are  obliged  to  go  to  private  houses.  The  people  are  said  to  live 
to  a  great  age  where  they  are  not  intemperate.  They  are,  however, 
very  unhappy  in  regard  to  their  officers'  fees,  which  are  not  paid  by 
any  law.  They  complain  particularly  of  the  provost-marshal,  or  sheriff- 
general,  of  the  island,  patented  at  home  and  rented  at  eight  hundred 
pounds  a  year.  Every  other  officer  is  exorbitant  in  his  demands.  There 
are  few,  who  may  be  called  middling  people.  They  are  very  rich  or 
very  poor  ;  for  by  a  law  of  the  island  every  gentleman  is  obliged  to  keep 
a  white  person  for  every  ten  acres,  capable  of  acting  in  the  militia,  and 
consequently  the  persons  so  kept  cannot  but  be  very  poor.  They  are 
well  disciplined,  and  appointed  to  their  several  stations  ;  so  that  in  any 
alarm  every  man  may  be  at  his  post  in  less  than  two  hours.  They  have 
large  intrenchments  cast  up  wherever  it  is  possible  to  land,  and,  as 
nature  has  greatly  assisted,  the  island  may  not  improperly  be  said  to 
be  one  entire  fortification." 


4Er.  20.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  17 

A 

and  other  lands  were  to  descend  to  George,  with  the  reser 
vation  of  the  use  of  the  same  to  the  wife  during  her  lifetime. 
Although  he  was  the  youngest  executor,  yet  his  acquaint- 
ance  with  his  brother's  concerns,  and  the  confidence  always 
reposed  in  him  by  the  deceased,  were  grounds  for  placing  the 
business  principally  in  his  hands.  His  time  and  thoughts, 
for  several  months,  were  taken  up  with  these  affairs,  compli 
cated  in  their  nature,  and  requiring  delicacy  and  caution  in 
their  management. 

His  private  employments,  however,   did  not  draw  him  His  duties 

...  a8  adjutant- 

away  from  his  public  duties  as  adjutant-general.  Indeed  general 
the  sphere  of  that  office  was  enlarged.  Soon  after  Governor 
Dinwiddie  came -to  Virginia,  the  colony  was  portioned  into 
four  grand  military  divisions.  Major  Washington's  appoint 
ment  was  then  renewed,  and  the  northern  division  was 
allotted  to  him.  It  included  several  counties,  each  of  which 
was  to  be  visited  at  stated  times  by  the  adjutant,  in  order 
to  train  and  instruct  the  militia  officers,  review  the  com 
panies  on  parade,  inspect  the  arms  and  accoutrements,  and 
establish  a  uniform  system  of  manceuvres  and  discipline. 
These  exercises,  so  congenial  to  his  taste,  were  equally 
advantageous  to  himself  and  to  the  subordinate  officers,  who 
could  not  fail  to  be  animated  by  his  example,  activity,  and 
enthusiasm. 


3 


18 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


21. 


CHAPTER    II. 


The  French  taake  Encroachments  on  the  Western  Frontiers  of  Virginia.  — 
Claims  of  the  French  and  English  to  the  Western  Territory  considered.  — 
Major  Washington  is  sent  by  the  Governor  of  Virginia  to  warn  the  Intru 
ders  to  retire.  —  Crosses  the  Allegany  Mountains.  —  Meets  Indians  on  the 
Ohio  River,  who  accompany  him  to  the  French  Garrison.  —  Indian  Speech. 
—  Interviews  with  the  French  Commander.  —  Perilous  Adventures  during 
his  Journey,  and  in  crossing  the  Allegany  River.  —  Returns  to  Williams- 
burg  and  reports  to  the  Governor.  —  His  Journal  published.  —  He  is  ap 
pointed  to  the  Command  of  Troops  to  repel  the  Invasion  of  the  Frontiers.  — 
Governor  Dinwiddie. 

THE  time  was  now  at  hand,  when  the  higher  destinies 
of  Washington   were   to   unfold  themselves.      Intelligence 
1753.     came  from  the  frontiers,  that  the  French  had  crossed  the 
Encroach-      Lakes  from  Canada  in  force,  and  were  about  to  establish 

menta  of  the  ..  _       .  _  c     i        /-^t  •  T 

French  and    posts  and  erect  tortitications  on  the  waters  01  the  Ohio.     It 

Indians. 

was  rumored,  also,  that,  alarmed  for  their  safety,  the  friendly 
Indians  were  beginning  to  waver  in  their  fidelity ;  and  the 
hostile  tribes,  encouraged  by  the  presence  and  support  of  the 
French,  exhibited  symptoms  of  open  war.  The  crisis,  in 
the  opinion  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  his  Council,  called 
for  an  immediate  inquiry.  A  messenger  had  already  been 
sent  over  the  mountains,  in  the  character  of  a  trader,  with 
presents  of  powder,  lead,  and  guns  for  the  Indians,  instruct 
ed  to  ascertain  their  temper,  penetrate  their  designs,  and, 
above  all,  to  trace  out  the  artifices  and  movements  of  the 
French. 

This  messenger,  either  intimidated  or  deceived  by  the 
savages,  executed  his  mission  imperfectly.  He  went  as  far 
as  the  Ohio  River,  met  some  of  the  friend*  y  sachems,  deliv 
ered  his  presents,  stayed  a  few  days  with,  them,  and  then 
returned.  He  brought  back  various  reports  concerning  the 
French,  narrated  to  him  by  the  Indians,  who  had  been  in 
their  camp  at  Lake  Erie,  and  who  magnified  their  strength 
and  formidable  appearance,  telling  him,  that  they  took  every 
Englishman  prisoner,  whom  they  found  beyond  the  Allega- 


JEr.  21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  19 

nies,  because  all  that  country  belonged  to  the  French  King,    CHAPTER 

and  no  Englishman  had  a  right  to  trade  with  the  Indians  in 

the   King's  territory.  1753. 

In  the  mean  time  the  British  ministry,  anticipating  from 
the  political  aspect  of  affairs  a  rupture  with  France,  de- 
spatched  orders  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  to  build  two  forts 
near  the  Ohio  River,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  possession, 
driving  off  intruders,  and  retaining  the  alliance  of  the  In 
dians,  or  holding  them  in  check/  Thirty  pieces  of  light 
cannon  and  eighty  barrels  of  powder  were  sent  out  from 
England  for  the  use  of  the  forts. 

These  orders  came  too  late.  Before  they  arrived,  the 
governor  of  Canada  had  been  diligently  employed  for  a 
whole  season  in  pushing  forward  troops  across  the  Lakes, 
with  munitions  of  war  and  other  supplies,  and  a  footing  had 
already  been  gained  in  the  heart  of  the  disputed  territory. 
Bodies  of  armed  men  had  likewise  ascended  the  Mississippi 
from  New  Orleans  to  act  in  concert,  and  established  them 
selves  on  the  southern  waters  of  the  Ohio.  The  object  was 
to  form  a  line  of  military  posts  from  Louisiana  to  Canada, 
and  thus  confine  the  western  limits  of  the  English  colonies 
within  the  Allegany  Mountains.  Thus  far  had  the  French 
advanced,  before  the  British  government  began  any  active 
measures  to  counteract  them. 

A  question  here  occurs,  of  much  historical  interest,  but  Questions  as 

to  the  title 

of  too  wide  a  compass  to  be  discussed  in  this  place.     What  of  the  French 

or  English  to 

right  had  England  or  France  to  the  territory  in  dispute  ? 
Although  each  party  set  up  many  pretensions,  it  would  be 
difficult  in  reviewing  them  to  stril^  the  balance,  because, 
when  compared,  it  could  not  be  shown,  that  even  a  plau 
sible  argument  existed  in  favor  of  either  side.  England 
rested  her  claims  on  Indian  treaties,  and  the  French  fortified 
theirs  by  still  higher  authority,  the  treaties  of  Ryswick, 
Utrecht,  and  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  by  the  fact  of  prior  dis 
covery. 

It  was  always  the  policy  of  the  English  to  keep  up  a  English 
good  understanding  with  the  Six  Nations,  a  powerful  con 
federacy  bordering  on  Lake  Ontario.     By  their  position  they 


20 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  21, 


French 
claim. 


CHAPTER  formed  a  barrier  against  the  French  in  Canada;  and,  as 
they  had  no  good  will  towards  their  Indian  neighbors  on 
1753.  the  other  side  of  the  Lakes,  who  adhered  to  the  French,  it 
was  found  practicable,  by  repeated  presents  and  a  good  deal 
of  management,  to  retain  their  friendship.  These  tribes 
pretended,  that  at  some  remote  period  they  had  conquered 
all  the  region  west  of  the  mountains,  as  far  as  the  Missis 
sippi  River.  On  the  strength  of  this  assumption,  they  made 
treaties  with  the  English,  ceding  to  them  the  lands  within 
that  space,  and  confirming  the  title  by  such  forms  as  were 
prescribed  to  them.  This  was  the  basis  of  the  English 
claim.  But  the  Indians  dwelling  on  the  lands,  and  whose 
ancestors  from  time  immemorial  had  dwelt  there,  neither 
participated  in  these  treaties  nor  assented  to  them.  On  the 
contrary,  they  declared  themselves  the  only  rightful  owners, 
and  denied  the  authority  of  the  Six  Nations  to  meddle  in 
the  matter. 

The  French  insisted  on  the  right  of  discovery  and  occu 
pancy.  Father  Marquette,  La  Salle,  and  others,  they  said, 
had  descended  the  Mississippi,  and  settlements  had  been 
made  south  of  Lake  Michigan  and  on  the  Illinois  River, 
years  before  any  Englishman  had  set  his  foot  westward 
of  the  great  mountains ;  and  European  treaties,  in  which 
England  was  a  party,  had  repeatedly  recognised  the  title 
of  France  to  all  her  actual  possessions  in  America.  So  far 
the  ground  was  tenable.  But  a  position  was  assumed,  as 
a  concomitant  or  consequence,  of  a  more  dubious  character. 
The  French  maintained  it  to  be  an  axiom  in  the  law  of 
nations,  that  the  discovery  of  a  river  gave  the  discoverer 
a  right  to  all  the  country  watered  by  the  streams  flowing 
into  it.  Hence  the  passing  of  Father  Marquette  down  the 
Mississippi  in  a  canoe,  invested  his  sovereign  with  a  title 
to  the  immense  valley  bounded  by  the  Appalachian  Moun 
tains  on  one  side,  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  on  the  other. 
However  gravely  such  a  hypothesis  may  be  advanced, 
however  ingeniously  defended,  its  fallacy  is  too  obvious  to 
be  pointed  out. 


2Ex.  21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  21 

From  these  hints  it  is  clear,  that  neither  of  the  contend-    CHAPTER 

ing  parties  had  any  just  claim  to  the  lands,  about  which  

they  were  beginning  to  kindle  the  flames  of  war.  They  1753. 
were  both  intruders  upon  the  soil  of  the  native  occupants. 
Of  these  proprietors,  it  was  not  pretended,  that  any  purchase 
had  been  made  or  attempted.  It  was  not  strange,  that  they  thesoil- 
should  look  with  astonishment  upon  so  singular  a  transac 
tion,  as  that  of  two  nations,  in  distant  parts  of  the  world 
unknown  to  them,  entering  into  a  quarrel  about  the  right  of 
seizing  their  property.  When  Mr.  Gist  went  into  that  coun 
try,  on  a  tour  of  observation  for  the  Ohio  Company,  two 
sachems  sent  a  messenger  to  ask  him  "where  the  Indians' 
lands  lay,  for  the  French  claimed  all  the  land  on  one  side 
of  the  Ohio  River,  and  the  English  on  the  other.  This 
pertinent  inquiry  contains  a  forcible  statement  of  the 
whole  merits  of  the  case,  far  outweighing  all  the  treaties 
referred  to,  whether  made  in  Europe  or  America. 

Such  were  some  of  the  original  grounds  of  the  contest,  in  ^gjjj 
which  nearly  all  Europe  was  involved,  and  which  terminat-  the  war. 
ed  in  severing  from  France  the  larger  portion  of  her  posses 
sions  on  the  western  continent.  The  result  is  well  known. 
The  terms  of  the  peace,  so  humiliating  to  the  national  pride 
of  France,  were  endured  no  longer  than  till  an  opportunity 
offered  of  retaliation  and  recompense.  This  presented  it 
self  much  sooner  than  could  have  been  foreseen,  in  the 
war  of  the  American  revolution ;  and  it  may  safely  be 
said,  that  the  first  blow  struck  on  the  Ohio  was  the  be 
ginning  of  the  series  of  events,  which  ended  thirty  years 
afterwards  in  establishing  the  independence  of  the  English 
Colonies.  We  shall  hence  find  Washington  acting  a  prom 
inent  part  in  this  great  drama  from  its  very  commence 
ment  to  its  close,  gaining  strength  and  rising  higher  and 
higher  at  every  stage,  the  defender  of  his  country's  cause, 
equal  to  all  occasions,  successful,  and  triumphant. 

As  a  first  step  towards  executing  the  orders  of  the  min-  Washington 

.  .          .  ,  , .  ,  sent  as  a 

isters,  Governor  Dinwiddie  resolved  to  send  a  commissioner 
in  due  form,  and  invested  with  suitable  powers,  to  confer 
with  the  officer  commanding  the  French  forces,  and  in- 


22 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  21. 


His  instruc 
tions. 


CHAPTER  quire  by  what  authority  he  presumed  to  invade  the  King's 
dominions,  and  what  were  his  designs.  The  commission 
was  delicate  and  hazardous,  requiring  discretion,  ability, 
experience  in  the  modes  of  travelling  in  the  woods,  and 
a  knowledge  of  Indian  manners.  These  requisites  were 
believed  to  be  combined  in  Major  Washington,  and  the 
important  service  was  intrusted  to  him,  although  as  yet 
but  twenty-one  years  old. 

He  was  instructed  to  proceed  without  delay  to  the  Ohio 
River,  convene  some  of  the  Indian  chiefs  at  a  place  called 
Logstown,  make  known  to  them  the  objects  of  his  visit, 
and,  after  having  ascertained  where  the  French  were  sta 
tioned,  to  request  an  escort  of  warriors  to  be  his  guides 
and  safeguard  the  rest  of  the  journey.  When  arrived  at 
the  principal  French  post,  he  was  to  present  his  credentials 
and  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Virginia  to  the  com 
mandant,  and  in  the  name  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  to 
demand  an  answer.  He  was  furthermore  to  inquire  dili 
gently,  and  by  cautious  means,  into  the  number  of  the 
French  troops  that  had  crossed  the  Lakes,  the  reinforce 
ments  expected  from  Canada,  how  many  forts  they  had 
erected  and  at  what  places,  how  they  were  garrisoned  and 
appointed,  and  their  distances  from  each  other ;  and,  in 
short,  to  procure  all  the  intelligence  possible  respecting  the 
condition  and  objects  of  the  intruders. 

Fortified  with  written  instructions  to  this  effect,  with 
credentials  and  a  passport  to  which  the  great  seal  of  the 
colony  was  affixed,  he  departed  from  Williamsburg,  the 
seat  of  government  in  Virginia,  on  the  31st  of  October, 
1753.  The  distance  before  him  to  the  extreme  point  of 
his  destination,  by  the  route  he  would  pursue,  was  about 
five  hundred  and  sixty  miles,  in  great  part  over  lofty  and 
rugged  mountains,  and  more  than  half  of  the  way  through 
the  heart  of  a  wilderness,  where  no  traces  of  civilization 
as  yet  appeared. 

Passing  through  the  towns  of  Fredericksburg,  Alexan 
dria,  and  Winchester,  he  arrived  at  Will's  Creek  in  fourteen 
days.  John  Davidson  had  joined  him  as  Indian  interpre- 


His  depar 
ture. 


^T.  21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  23 

ter;  and  Jacob  Vanbraam,  a  Dutchman  by  birth,  and  for-   CHAPTER 
merly  an  officer  in  the  army,  was  employed  to  assist  in        IL 
his  intercourse   with  the    French,   being  acquainted   with     1753. 
their   language.      At  Will's  Creek  he  found   Mr.  Gist,   a 
person  long  accustomed  to  the  woods,  having  several  times 
penetrated  far  into  the  interior,  and  lately  begun  a  settle 
ment  in  the  valley   between  the  last  ridge   of  the   Alle- 
ganies  and  the  Monongahela  River.      Mr.  Gist   consented 
to  go   with   him   as   a   guide.     Four   other   men,    two   of 
them  Indian  traders,  were  added  as  attendants. 

The  party  was  now  increased  to  eight  persons.     With  Crosses  the 

r        '  Allegany 

horses,  tents,  baggage,  and  provisions,  suited  to  the  expe-  Mountains, 
dition,  they  left  the  extreme  verge  of  civilization  at  Will's 
Creek,  and  entered  the  forests.  The  inclemency  of  the 
season,  the  Alleganies  covered  with  snow  and  the  valleys 
flooded  by  the  swelling  waters,  the  rough  passages  over 
the  mountains  and  the  difficulties  in  crossing  the  streams 
by  frail  rafts,  fording,  or  swimming,  were  obstacles  that 
could  be  overcome  but  slowly  and  with  patience.  They 
at  length  reached  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  where  the  Monon 
gahela  and  Allegany  unite  to  form  that  river.  The  place 
was  critically  examined  by  Major  Washington,  and  he  was 
impressed  with  the  advantages  it  afforded  as  a  military 
post,  both  for  defence  and  a  depository  of  supplies,  in  case 
of  hostilities  in  that  quarter ;  and  it  was  by  his  advice, 
that  a  fortification  was  shortly  afterwards  begun  there, 
which  became  celebrated  in  two  wars. 

Hastening  onward  to  Logstown,  about  twenty  miles  be-   Meets  the 
low  the  Fork,  he  called  together  some  of  the  Indian  chiefs,   Logstown. 
and  delivered  to  them  the  governor's  message,  soliciting  a      Nov-24- 
guard  to  the  French  encampments.     The  principal  sachem 
was   Tanacharison,    otherwise   called   the  Half-King.     He 
was  friendly  to  the  English,  or  rather  he  was  unfriendly 
to  the  French ;  not  that  he  loved  one  more  than  the  other, 
but  he  valued  his  rights  and  independence.     In  the  sim 
plicity  of  his  heart,  he  supposed  the  English  sought  only 
an  intercourse  of  trade,  an  exchange  of  aims,  powder,  and 
goods,  for  skins  and  furs,  which  would  be  beneficial  to 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  21. 


1753. 


Indian 
speech. 


CHAPTER  the  Indians.  When  the  French  came  with  arms  in  their 
hands,  took  possession  of  the  country,  and  built  forts,  his 
suspicions  were  awakened,  and  he  saw  no  other  method 
of  defeating  their  designs,  than  by  adhering  to  the  Eng 
lish.  Tanacharison,  as  a  deputy  from  several  tribes,  had 
been  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  French  commandant,  and 
made  a  speech  to  him,  the  substance  of  which  he  related 
to  Major  Washington. 

"  Fathers, "  said  he,  "I  am  come  to  tell  you  your  own 
speeches ;  what  your  own  mouths  have  declared.  Fath 
ers,  you  in  former  days  set  a  silver  basin  before  us,  wherein 
there  was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations 
to  come  and  eat  of  it,  to  eat  in  peace  and.  plenty,  and 
not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another ;  and  that  if  any  such 
person  should  be  found  to  be  a  disturber,  I  here  lay  down 
by  the  edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which  you  must  scourge 
them  with  ;  and  if  your  father  should  get  foolish,  in  my 
old  days,  I  desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well  as 
others. 

"  Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in  this 
land,  by  coming  and  building  your  towns,  and  taking  it 
away  unknown  to  us,  and  by  force. 

"  Fathers,  we  kindled  a  fire  a  long  time  ago,  at  a  place 
called  Montreal,  where  we  desired  you  to  stay,  and  not 
to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now  desire  you 
may  despatch  to  that  place  ;  for  be  it  known  to  you,  fath 
ers,  that  this  is  our  land  and  not  yours. 

"  Fathers,  I  desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness  ;  if 
not,  we  must  handle  that  rod  which  was  laid  down  for 
the  use  of  the  obstreperous.  If  you  had  come  in  a  peace 
able  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English,  we  would  not 
have  been  against  your  trading  with  us  as  they  do  ;  but 
to  come,  fathers,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to 
take  it  by  force,  is  what  we  cannot  submit  to. 

"  Fathers,  both  you  and  the  English  are  white  ;  we 
live  in  a  country  between ;  therefore,  the  land  belongs  to 
neither  one  nor  .  the  other.  But  the  Great  Being  above 
allowed  it  to  be  a  place  of  residence  for  us  ;  so,  fathers, 


/Ex.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  25 

I  desire  you  to  withdraw,  as  I  have  done  our  brothers  the    CHAPTER 
English;  for  I  will  keep  you  at  arm's  length.     I  lay  this         n> 
down  as  a  trial  for  both,  to  see  which  will  have  the  great-      1753. 
est  regard  to  it,  and  that  side  we  will  stand  by,  and  make 
equal   sharers  with  us.      Our   brothers,  the    English,  have- 
heard  this,    and  I  come  now  to  tell  it   to  you ;  for  I  am 
not  afraid  to  discharge  you  off  this  land."  * 

These  are  the  sentiments  of  a  patriot  and  a  hero,  but 
the  highminded  savage  was  not  aware,  that,  as  far  as  he 
and  his  race  were  concerned,  there  was  no  difference  be 
tween  his  professed  friends  and  open  enemies.  He  had 
never  "studied  in  the  school  of  politics,  which  finds  an  ex 
cuse  for  rapacity  and  injustice  in  the  law  of  nations,  nor 
learned  that  it  was  the  prerogative  of  civilization  to  prey 
upon  the  ignorant  and  the  defenceless. 

The  sachems  at  length  met  in  council,  and  Major  Wash-  Indian 

escort 

ington  addressed  to  them  a  speech,  explaining  the  objects  promised, 
of  his  mission,  and  the  wishes  of  the  governor.     He  then      Nov<26- 

*  At  a  conference  held  at  Carlisle,  in  Pennsylvania,  October,  1753, 
between  deputies  from  the  government  of  that  province,  of  whom  Frank 
lin  was  one,  and  others  from  the  western  Indians,  it  appeared  that  two 
messages  had  been  sent  to  the  French  before  the  above  speech.  Mona- 
catoocha,  otherwise  called  Scarrooyady,  who  was  the  principal  speaker, 
said,  that  when  the  Indians  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  French  from 
Canada,  a  council  was  held  at  Logstown,  and  they  despatched  a  mes 
senger,  who  met  them  at  the  Niagara  River,  and  warned  them  in  a 
formal  manner  not  to  advance  any  farther.  This  had  no  effect.  Again, 
as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  French  had  entered  the  Ohio  coun 
try,  a  second  messenger  met  them  near  Venango,  who  complained  of 
their  coming  with  an  armed  force  into  the  country,  without  first  explain 
ing  their  object  and  motives  to  the  Indians.  A  haughty  answer  was 
returned,  and  Tanacharison  was  then  sent  to  the  French  fort  with  the 
last  warning.  Monacatoocha  recited  the  speech,  which  Tanacharison  was 
instructed  to  make,  and  it  is  recorded  in  the  Minutes  of  the  Conference. 
It  is  remarkable  that  it  agrees  very  exactly,  both  in  its  substance  and 
figurative  language,  with  the  speech  as  related  to  Major  Washington  at 
Logstown,  thus  affording  a  proof  of  the  precision  with  which  the  Indians 
transacted  affairs  of  this  sort,  and  of  the  retentiveness  of  their  memory. 
Monacatoocha  gave  as  a  reason  for  their  manner  of  proceeding,  that 
the  Great  Being,  who  resides  above,  had  ordered  them  to  send  three 
messages  of  peace  before  they  made  war. 

4  c 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEt.  21. 


1753. 


Journey  to 
the  French 
fort. 


Interviews 
with  the 
French  com 
mandant. 

Dec.  12. 


gave  them  a  string  of  wampum,  the  Indian  token  of  friend 
ship  and  alliance.  They  consulted  together,  and  deputed 
Tanacharison  to  reply  in  the  name  of  the  whole.  His 
language  was  pacific,  and  the  escort  was  promised  ;  but, 
the  young  warriors  being  out  on  a  hunting  party,  three  or 
/our  days  were  consumed  in  waiting  for  their  return.  As 
his  business  was  pressing,  Major  Washington  could  delay 
no  longer,  and  he  finally  set  off,  accompanied  by  four  In 
dians  only,  Tanacharison  being  of  the  number. 

The  distance  to  the  station  of  the  French  commandant 
was  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles.  The  journey  was 
performed  without  any  important  incident,  except  £t  Ve- 
nango,  one  of  the  French  outposts,  where  various  strata 
gems  were  used  to  detain  the  Indians.  He  was  civilly 
treated,  however,  by  Captain  Joncaire,  the  principal  officer, 
who  told  him  where  the  head-quarters  were  established. 
Rain  and  snow  fell  continually,  and,  after  incredible  toils 
from  exposure  and  the  badness  of  the  travelling  through 
an  illimitable  forest,  intersected  with  deep  streams  and 
morasses,  he  was  rejoiced  to  find  himself  at  the  end  of  his 
journey,  forty-one  days  from  the  time  he  left  Williams- 
burg. 

M.  de  St.  Pierre,  the  commandant,  was  an  elderly  per 
son,  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis,  and  cour 
teous  in  his  manners.  At  the  first  interview  he  promised 
immediate  attention  to  the  letter  from  Governor  Dinwid- 
die,  and  every  thing  was  provided  for  the  convenience 
and  comfort  of  Major  Washington  and  his  party  while 
they  remained  at  the  fort.  At  the  next  meeting  the  com 
mission  and  letter  were  produced,  read,  translated,  and  de 
liberately  explained.  The  commandant  counselled  with  his 
officers,  and  in  two  days  an  answer  was  returned. 

The  governor's  letter  asserted,  that  the  lands  on  the 
Ohio  belonged  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain,  expressed 
surprise  at  the  encrcachments  of  the  French,  demanded 
by  whose  authority  an  armed  force  had  crossed  the  Lakes, 
and  urged  a  speedy  and  peaceful  departure.  M.  de  St. 
Pierre  replied  in  the  style  of  a  soldier,  saying  it  did  not 


4CT.  21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  27 

belong  to   him   to   discuss   treaties,    that   such   a   message    CHAPTER 
should  have  been  sent  to  the  Marquis  Duquesne,  Governor        "• 
of  Canada,  by  whose  instructions  he  acted,  and  whose  or-      *  7  5  3. 
ders  he  should  be  careful  to  obey,  and  that  the  summons 
to  retire  could  not  be   complied  with.     The  tone  was  re 
spectful,  but  uncomplying  and  determined. 

While  the  French  officers  were  holding  consultations,  Examines 
and  getting  the  despatch  ready,  Major  Washington  took 
an  opportunity  to  look  around  and  examine  the  fort.  His 
attendants  were  instructed  to  do  the  same.  He  was  thus 
enabled  to  bring  away  an  accurate  description  of  its  form, 
size,  construction,  cannon,  and  barracks.  His  men  count 
ed  the  canoes  in  the  river,  and  such  as  were  partly  fin 
ished.  The  fort  was  situate  on  a  branch  of  French  Creek, 
about  fifteen  miles  south  of  Lake  Erie.  A  plan  of  it, 
drawn  by  Major  Washington,  was  sent  to  the  British  gov 
ernment. 

The  snow  was  falling  so  fast,  that  he  ordered  back  his  Politely 

entertained. 

horses  to  Yenango,  resolved  to  go  down  himself  by  water, 
a  canoe  having  been  offered  to  him  for  that  purpose.  He 
had  been  entertained  with  great  politeness;  nor  did  the 
complaisance  of  M.  de  St.  Pierre  exhaust  itself  in  mere 
forms  of  civility.  The  canoe,  by  his  order,  was  plenti 
fully  stocked  with  provisions,  liquors,  and  every  other  sup 
ply  that  could  be  wanted. 

But   the   same   artifices   were   practised   and   expedients  Artifices  to 

.     i  -TT  i  -i  detain  the 

tried,  as  at  Venango,  to  lure  away  the  Indians,  and  keep  Indians, 
them  behind.  Many  temptations  were  held  out,  presents 
given,  and  others  promised.  The  Half-King  was  a  man 
of  consequence,  whose  friendship  was  not  to  be  lost,  if 
it  could  possibly  be  retained.  He  persisted  in  his  reserve, 
however,  and  now  offered  a  second  time  to  the  French 
commandant  the  speech-belt,  or  wampum,  as  indicating 
that  the  alliance  between  them  was  broken  off.  The  lat 
ter  refused  to  accept  it,  and  soothed  the  savage  with  soft 
words  and  fair  professions,  saying  it  was  his  wish  to  live 
in  amity  and  peace  with  the  Indians,  and  to  trade  with 
them,  and  that  he  would  immediately  send  goods  to  their 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  21. 


1753* 


Passage  by 
water  to 
Venango. 


CHAPTER  towns.  These  attempts  to  inveigle  the  Half-King  and  his 
companions  were  discovered  by  Major  Washington,  who 
complained  of  the  delay,  and  insinuated  the  cause.  M.  de 
St.  Pierre  was  urbane,  as  usual,  seemed  ignorant  of  all 
that  passed,  could  not  tell  why  the  Indians  stayed,  and 
declared  nothing  should  be  wanting  on  his  part  to  fulfil 
Major  Washington's  desires.  Finally,  after  much  perplexi 
ty  and  trouble,  the  whole  party  embarked  in  a  canoe. 

The  passage  down  was  fatiguing,  slow,  and  perilous. 
Rocks,  shallows,  drifting  trees,  and  currents^  kept  them  in 
constant  alarm.  "  Many  times,"  says  Major  Washington 
in  his  Journal,  "  all  hands  were  obliged  to  get  out,  and 
remain  in  the  water  half  an  hour  or  more  in  getting  over 
the  shoals.  At  one  place  the  ice  had  lodged,  and  made 
it  impassable  by  water  ;  and  we  were  obliged  to  carry  our 
canoe  across  a  neck  of  land  a  quarter  of  a  mile  over.'7 
In  six  days  they  landed  at  Venango,  a  distance  of  one 
hundred  and  thirty  miles  by  the  winding  of  the  stream. 

The  horses  were  found  here,  but  in  so  emaciated  and 
pitiable  a  condition,  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  they 
could  perform  the  journey.  The  baggage  and  provisions 
were  all  to  be  transported  on  their  backs.  To  lighten 
their  burden,  as  much  as  possible,  Major  Washington,  clad 
in  an  Indian  walking-dress,  determined  to  proceed  on  foot, 
with  Mr.  Gist  and  Mr.  Vanbraam,  putting  the  horses  un 
der  the  direction  of  the  drivers.  After  three  days'  travel, 
the  horses  becoming  more  feeble,  and  the  cold  and  snow 
hourly  increasing,  this  mode  of  journeying  proved  so  tardy 
and  discouraging,  that  another  was  resorted  to.  Mr.  Van 
braam  took  charge  of  the  horses,  with  orders  to  go  on  as 
fast  as  he  could.  Major  Washington,  with  a  knapsack 
on  his  back,  containing  his  papers  and  food,  and  with  a 
gun  in  his  hand,  left  the  party,  accompanied  only  by  Mr. 
Gist,  equipped  in  the  same  manner.  They  turned  out  of 
the  path,  and  directed  their  course  through  the  woods  so 
as  to  strike  the  Allegany  River,  and  cross  it  near  Shan- 
nopins  Town,  two  or  three  miles  above  the  Fork  of  the 
Ohio.  The  next  day  an  adventure  occurred,  which  is 


Continues 
the  journey 
on  foot. 


fllT.21.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

well  narrated  by  Mr.   Gist  in  a  diary  written  by  him  at  CHAPTER 
the  time.  1L 

"  We  rose  early  in  the  morning,  and  set  out  about  two  1753. 

o'clock,  and  got  to  the  Murdering  Town  on  the  southeast  J°ine<i  by  an 

Indian, 


fork   of  Beaver   Creek.      Here   we   met   with   an   Indian. 

'     designs  are 

whom  I  thought  I  had  seen  at  Joncaire's,  at  Venango,  «»pected. 
when  on  our  journey  up  to  the  French  fort.  This  fel 
low  called  me  by  my  Indian  name,  and  pretended  to  be 
glad  to  see  me.  He  asked  us  several  questions,  as,  how 
we  came  to  travel  on  foot,  when  we  left  Venango,  where 
we  parted  with  our  horses,  and  when  they  would  be  there. 
Major  Washington  insisted  on  travelling  by  the  nearest 
way  to  the  Forks  of  the  Allegany.  We  asked  the  Indian  if 
he  could  go  with  us,  and  show  us  the  nearest  way.  The 
Indian  seemed  very  glad,  and  ready  to  go  with  us  ;  upon 
which  we  set  out,  and  the  Indian  took  the  Major's  pack. 
We  travelled  very  brisk  for  eight  or  ten  miles,  when  the 
Major's  feet  grew  very  sore,  and  he  very  weary,  and  the 
Indian  steered  too  much  northeastwardly.  The  Major  de 
sired  to  encamp  ;  upon  which  the  Indian  asked  to  carry 
his  gun,  but  he  refused  j  and  then  the  Indian  grew  churl 
ish,  and  pressed  us  to  keep  on,  telling  us  there  were 
Ottawa  Indians  in  those  woods,  and  they  would  scalp  us, 
if  we  lay  out  j  but  go  to  his  cabin,  and  we  should  be 
safe. 

"  I  thought  very  ill  of  the  fellow,  but  did  not  care  to 
let  the  Major  know  I  mistrusted  him.  But  he  soon  mis 
trusted  him  as  much  as  I  did.  The  Indian  said  he  could 
hear  a  gun  from  his  cabin,  and  steered  us  more  north 
wardly.  We  grew  uneasy,  and  then  he  said  two  whoops 
might  be  heard  from  his  cabin.  We  went  two  miles 
further.  Then  the  Major  said  he  would  stay  at  the  next 
water,  and  we  desired  the  Indian  to  stop  at  the  next 
water  ;  but,  before  we  came  to  water,  we  came  to  a  clear 
meadow.  It  was  very  light,  and  snow  was  on  the  ground. 
The  Indian  made  a  stop,  and  turned  about.  The  Major 
saw  him  point  his  gun  towards  us,  and  he  fired.  Said 
the  Major,  '  Are  you  shot  ?  '  '  No,'  said  I  ;  upon  which 


30  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  21. 

CHAPTER  the  Indian  ran  forward  to  a  big  standing  white  oak,  and 
1L  began  loading  his  gun,  but  we  were  soon  with  him.  I 
1753.  would  have  killed  him,  but  the  Major  would  not  suffer 
me.  We  let  him  charge  his  gun.  We  found  he  put  in 
a  ball ;  then  we  took  care  of  him.  Either  the  Major  or 
I  always  stood  by  the  guns.  We  made  him  make  a  fire 
for  us  by  a  little  run,  as  if  we  intended  to  sleep  there. 
I  said  to  the  Major,  '  As  you  will  not  have  him  killed,  we 
must  get  him  away,  and  then  we  must  travel  all  night ; ' 
upon  which  I  said  to  the  Indian,  '  I  suppose  you  were 
lost,  and  fired  your  gun.'  He  said  he  knew  the  way  to 
his  cabin,  and  it  was  but  a  little  way.  '  Well/  said  I, 
1  do  you  go  home  ;  and,  as  we  are  tired,  we  will  follow 
your  track  in  the  morning,  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for 
you,  and  you  must  give  us  meat  in  the  morning.'  He 
was  glad  to  get  away.  I  followed  him,  and  listened, 
until  he  was  fairly  out  of  the  way ;  and  then  we  went 
about  half  a  mile,  when  we  made  a  fire,  set  our  compass, 
fixed  our  course,  and  travelled  all  night.  In  the  morn 
ing  we  were  on  the  head  of  Piny  Creek." 

Whether  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Indian  to  kill 
either  of  them  can  only  be  conjectured.  The  circum 
stances  were  extremely  suspicious.  Major  Washington 
hints  at  this  incident  in  his  Journal.  "  We  fell  in  with 
a  party  of  French  Indians,"  says  he,  "  who  had  lain  in 
wait  for  us.  One  of  them  fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or  me,  not 
fifteen  steps  off,  but  fortunately  missed.  We  took  the  fel 
low  in  custody,  and  kept  him  till  nine  o'clock  at  night ; 
then  let  him  go,  and  walked  all  the  remaining  part  of 
the  night  without  making  any  stop,  that  we  might  get 
the  start  so  far  as  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  their  pur 
suit  the  next  day,  since  we  were  well  assured  they  would 
follow  our  track  as  soon  as  it  was  light."  No  more  was 
thTIi?aL  Seen  or  hearc*  °f  them.  The  next  night,  at  dusk,  the 
River.  travellers  came  to  the  Allegany  River,  a  little  above  Shan- 
nopins,  where  they  expected  to  cross  over  on  the  ice ;  but 
in  this  they  were  disappointed,  the  river  being  frozen 
only  a  few  yards  on  each  side,  and  a  great  body  of  bro 
ken  ice  driving  rapidly  down  the  current. 


/Ex.  21.]  *   LIFE    OF    WASHINGlo     .  31 

Weary  and  exhausted  they  were  compelled  to  pass  the   CHAPTER 
night  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  exposed  to  the  rigor  of        IL 
the   weather,   making   their   beds   on   the  snow,    with  no      1753. 
other   covering   than  their  blankets.     When  the  morning 
came,  their  invention  was  the  only  resource  for  providing 
the  means  of  gaining  the  opposite  shore. 
.    "There  was  no  way  of  getting  over,"  says  Major  Wash- 


ington,  "  but  on  a  raft  ;  which  we  set  about  with  but  one  river- 
poor  hatchet,  and  finished  just  after  sunsetting.  This  was 
a  whole  day's  work.  We  next  got  it  launched,  and  went 
on  board  of  it  ;  then  set  off.  But  before  we  were  half 
way  over,  we  were  jammed  in  the  ice  in  such  a  manner, 
that  we  expected  every  moment  our  raft  would  sink,  and 
ourselves  perish.  I  put  out  my  settingpole  to  try  to  stop 
the  raft,  that  the  ice  might  pass  by  ;  when  the  rapidity 
of  the  stream  threw  it  with  so  much  violence  against  the 
pole,  that  it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet  water.  But  I 
fortunately  saved  myself  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the 
raft  logs.  Notwithstanding  all  our  efforts  we  could  not 
get  the  raft  to  either  shore,  but  were  obliged,  as  we  were 
near  an  island,  to  quit  our  raft,  and  make  to  it." 

This  providential  escape  from  most  imminent  danger, 
was  not  the  end  of  their  calamities.  They  were  thrown 
upon  a  desert  island  ;  the  weather  was  intensely  cold  ;  Mr. 
Gist's  hands  and  feet  were  frozen;  and  their  sufferings 
through  the  night  were  extreme.  A  gleam  of  hope  ap 
peared  with  the  dawn  of  morning.  Between  the  island 
and  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river,  the  ice  had  congealed 
so  hard  as  to  bear  their  weight.  They  crossed  over  with-  Reaches  a 

J  trading  post. 

out  accident,  and  the  same  day  reached  a  trading  post  re 
cently  established  by  Mr.  Frazier,  near  the  spot  where 
eighteen  months  afterwards  was  fought  the  memorable 
battle  of  the  Monongahela. 

Here  they  rested  two  or  three  days,  both  to  recruit 
themselves  and  to  procure  horses.  Meantime  Major  Wash-  interview 

with  Queen 


ington  paid  a  complimentary  visit  to  Queen  Aliqmppa,  an 
Indian  princess,  who  resided  at  the  confluence  of  the  Mo-     Dec-31 
nongahela  and  Youghiogany  Rivers.     She  had  expressed 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  21. 


1753. 


Arrives  at 
Williams- 
burg. 


1754. 

Governor 
Dinwiddie 
resolves  to 
repel  the 
French. 


Major 

Washington 
appointed 
to  command 
the  troops. 


dissatisfaction,  that  he  had  neglected  this  mark  of  respect 
on  his  way  out.  An  apology,  seconded  by  the  more  sub 
stantial  token  of  a  present,  soothed  her  wounded  dignity, 
and  secured  a  gracious  reception. 

Nothing  was  heard  of  Vanbraam  and  his  party.  Anxi 
ous  to  hasten  back,  and  report  to  the  governor  the  result 
of  his  mission,  Major  Washington  did  not  wait  for  them. 
With  Mr.  Gist  he  recrossed  the  Alleganies  to  Will's  Creek, 
and  thence  proceeded  with  despatch  to  Williamsburg, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  16th  of  January,  having  been 
absent  eleven  weeks. 

The  intentions  and  movements  of  the  French  being  now 
understood,  Governor  Dinwiddie  thought  the  occasion  de 
manded  prompt  and  energetic  action.  He  called  his  Coun 
cil  together,  and  laid  before  them  Major  Washington's 
journal,  and  the  letter  of  the  French  commandant.  It 
was  agreed,  that  the  instructions  heretofore  received  from 
the  ministry  imposed  it  as  a  duty,  in  case  of  an  invasion 
of  the  King's  dominions,  to  repel  it  by  a  resort  to  arms. 
There  was  no  longer  any  doubt,  that  the  state  of  things, 
anticipated  by  the  ministers,  had  actually  come  to  pass. 
It  was  now  time  to  prepare  for  the  exigency.  At  the 
last  meeting  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  the  governor  had 
failed  in  his  endeavors  to  rouse  the  representatives  of  the 
people  to  a  sense  of  danger,  and  no  funds  had  been  pro 
vided  for  establishing  a  military  force. 

Without  waiting  for  the  burgesses  to  convene,  the  Coun 
cil  advised  the  immediate  enlistment  of  two  hundred  men, 
with  directions  to  march  to  the  Ohio,  and  build  one  or 
two  forts  there,  before  the  French  should  be  able  to  de 
scend  the  river  in  the  spring,  as  they  had  threatened  to 
do.  An  order  was  issued  for  raising  two  companies,  of 
one  hundred  men  each,  in  the  northern  counties  by  vol 
untary  enlistments,  or,  if  that  method  should  prove  im 
practicable,  by  drafts  from  the  militia.  The  conduct  of 
Major  Washington  had  hitherto  been  marked  with  so  much 
prudence,  resolution,  and  capacity,  that  he  was  appointed 


JEr.  22.]  L  I F  E    O  F    W  A  S  H  I N  G  T  O  N.  33 

to  the  chief  command  of  these  troops,  apparently  by  the  CHAPTER 

unanimous  voice  of  the  Council.  IL 

To   make   an   impression   on   the   minds  of  the  people,  1754. 

and  if  possible  to  work  them  up  to  some  degree  of  en-  His  journal 

.  published. 

thusiasm,  and  excite  their  indignation  against  the  invaders, 
Governor  Dinwiddie  caused  Major  Washington's  journal  to 
be  published.  It  was  copied  into  nearly  all  the  newspa 
pers  of  the  other  colonies.  In  London  it  was  reprinted, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  government,  and  accounted  a 
document  of  much  importance,  as  unfolding  the  views  of 
the  French,  and  announcing  the  first  positive  proof  of  their 
hostile  acts  in  the  disputed  territory. 

Nothing  more  was  expected  from  the  small  military  prep 
arations  set  on  foot  by  the  governor  and  Council,  than  to 
take  a  position  on  the  Ohio  before  the  French  should 
come  down  the  river,  and  unite  with  the  parties  from 
New  Orleans.  The  command  of  one  of  the  two  compa 
nies  was  given  to  Captain  Trent,  who,  being  acquainted 
with  the  frontiers,  was  sent  forward  to  enlist  his  men 
among  the  traders  and  back  settlers,  and  ordered  to  com 
mence  with  all  speed  the  building  of  a  fort  at  the  Fork 
of  the  Ohio,  in  conformity  with  the  recommendation  of 
Major  Washington,  who  had  examined  that  place,  as  we 
have  seen,  with  a  view  to  its  military  advantages. 

At  the  same  time,  Major  Washington  was  stationed   at  stationed  at 

,  ,  ,    .  .  Alexandria. 

Alexandria,  as  a  convenient   situation   for  the  rendezvous 

February . 

of  his  men,  and  for  superintending  the  transportation  of 
supplies  and  the  cannon  intended  to  be  mounted  in  the 
fort.  Lord  Fairfax,  holding  the  office  of  county-lieutenant, 
which  gave  him  authority  over  the  militia  in  his  neigh 
borhood,  was  active  in  procuring  enlistments  and  render 
ing  other  services  to  his  young  friend.  The  governor's 
instructions  to  the  officers  bore  a  warlike  aspect.  They 
were  to  drive  away,  kill,  and  destroy,  or  seize  as  pris 
oners,  all  persons  not  the  subjects  of  the  King  of  Great 
Britain,  who  should  attempt  to  settle  or  take  possession 
of  the  lands  on  the  Ohio  River  or  any  of  its  tributaries. 
These  arrangements  being  made,  Governor  Dinwiddie 
5 


34 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  22. 


1754. 

The  gover 
nor  endeav 
ors  to  rouse 
the  other 
colonies. 


Messengers 
sent  to  the 

southern  In 
dians. 


Assembly 
divided  as  to 
the  propriety 
of  military 
operations. 


summoned  the  legislature  to  meet  at  an  early  day,  in  or 
der  to  take  into  consideration  the  critical  state  of  affairs, 
and  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Dominion,  as  Virginia 
was  at  that  time  denominated.  He  also  wrote  letters  to 
the  governors  of  the  other  provinces,  calling  on  them  for 
aid,  and  drawing  a  vivid  picture  of  the  common  danger, 
with  moving  appeals  to  their  patriotism  and  sense  of  duty 
to  their  sovereign.  New  York  and  the  New  England 
colonies  he  desired  to  send  troops  towards  Canada,  and 
make  a  feint  in  that  direction,  which  should  prevent  the 
reinforcements  at  Quebec  from  marching  to  the  Ohio. 

These  appeals  were  of  little  avail ;  the  governors  had 
received  no  instructions;  funds  for  military  objects  were 
not  at  their  disposal ;  and  the  assemblies  were  slow  to 
impose  taxes  even  for  the  support  of  their  own  govern 
ments.  Some  persons  doubted  the  authority  of  the  gov 
ernor  of  Virginia  to  meddle  in  so  grave  a  matter ;  others 
were  not  convinced,  that  the  French  had  encroached  up 
on  the  King's  lands ;  and  others  regarded  it  as  a  national 
concern,  in  which  the  colonies  had  no  right  to  interfere 
without  direct  orders  and  assistance  from  the  King.  If 
treaties  have  been  violated,  said  they,  it  is  not  for  us  to 
avenge  the  insult,  and  precipitate  a  war  by  our  zeal  and 
rashness. 

In  short,  the  call  was  premature,  and  there  was  little 
hope  of  cooperation  frpm  the  other  colonies.  Messengers 
were  despatched  to  the  southern  Indians,  the  Catawbas 
and  Cherokees,  inviting  them  to  join  in  repelling  a  com 
mon  enemy,  who  had  already  engaged  in  their  behalf  the 
powerful  nations  of  Chippewas  and  Ottowas.  Reliance 
was  also  placed  on  the  friendship  of  the  Twigtwees,  Del- 
awares,  and  other  tribes  beyond  the  Ohio. 

When  the  assembly  met,  a  difference  of  opinion  pre 
vailed,  as  to  the  measures  that  ought  to  be  pursued;  but 
ten  thousand  pounds  were  finally  voted  for  the  defence 
of  the  colony,  cloaked  under  the  title  of  an  act  "  for  the 
encouragement  and  protection  of  the  settlers  on  the  Mis 
sissippi."  The  governor's  equanimity  was  severely  tried. 


JET. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


35 


The  King's   prerogative  and   his  own   dignity  he  thought    CHAPTER 
were  not  treated  with  due  respect.     So  obtuse  were  some  ' 

of  the  burgesses,  that  they  could  not  perceive  the  justice  l754- 
of  the  King's  claims  to  the  lands  in  question,  and  they 
had  the  boldness  to  let  their  doubts  be  known  in  a  full 
assembly.  "You  may  well  conceive,"  said  the  governor 
in  writing  to  a  friend,  "  how  I  fired  at  this ;  that  an  Eng 
lish  legislature  should  presume  to  doubt  the  right  of  his 
Majesty  to  the  interior  parts  of  this  continent,  the  back 
of  his  dominions."  And,  alluding  to  one  of  the  members, 
he  added,  "  How  this  French  spirit  could  possess  a  person 
of  his  high  distinction  and  sense,  I  know  not."  Another 
point  was  still  more  annoying  to  him.  The  Assembly 
appointed  commissioners  to  superintend  the  appropriation 
of  the  funds.  This  act  he  took  as  a  slight  to  himself, 
since  by  virtue  of  his  office  the  disposal  of  money  for 
public  uses  ought  to  rest  exclusively  with  the  governor. 
Such  was  his  view  of  the  matter,  and  he  declared  that 
nothing  but  the  extreme  urgency  of  the  case  should  have 
induced  him  to  sign  the  bill. 

To  the  Earl  of  Holdernesse  he  complained  of  the  way-  Governor's 
ward  temper  and  strange  doings  of  the  Assembly.  "  I  am 
sorry  to  find  them,"  said  he,  "  very  much  in  a  republican 
way  of  thinking  ;  and,  indeed,  they  do  not  act  in  a  pro 
per  constitutional  way,  but  make  encroachments  on  the 
prerogative  of  the  crown,  in  which  some  former  governors 
have  submitted  too  much  to  them  ;  and,  I  fear,  without 
a  very  particular  instruction,  it  will  be  difficult  to  bring 
them  to  order."  Notwithstanding  these  grievances,  the 
governor's  zeal  for  the  public  good  rose  above  his  personal 
feelings,  and  he  applied  himself  ardently  to  the  work  he 
had  undertaken. 


complaints. 
March  12. 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


.  22. 


CHAPTER  III. 


Military  Preparations. —  Washington  appointed  Lieutenant-Colonel.  —  March 
es  to  the  Allegany  Mountains.  —  Joined  by  Parties  of  Indians.  —  Skirmish 
with  a  French  Detachment  under  Jumonville.  —  The  Chief  Command  de 
volves  on  Colonel  Washington.  —  His  generous  Sentiments  respecting  the 
Terms  of  Service.  —  Fort  Necessity.  —  Battle  of  the  Great  Meadows.  — 
Resigns  his  commission.  —  Engages  in  the  expedition  under  General  Brad- 
dock.  —  Difficulties  encountered  by  the  Army  in  its  March.  —  Battle  of 
the  Monongahela.  —  Its  disastrous  Results.  —  Bravery  and  good  Conduct 
of  Colonel  Washington  in  that  Action.  —  His  prudent  Advice  to  General 
Braddock. 

CHAPTER        With  the  means  now  provided  by  the  legislature,   the 

E!i military  establishment  was  increased  to  six  companies,  un- 

1754>     der   the   command   of  Colonel   Joshua  Fry.     He   was   an 
Military  e-    Englishman  by  birth,  educated  at   Oxford,    skilled  in  the 


tablishment 
increased. 


Bounty 
lands  grant 
ed. 


mathematical  sciences,  and  much  esteemed  for  his  amiable 
qualities  and  gentlemanly  character.  Major  Washington 
was  made  second  in  command,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel.  Subordinate  officers  were  commissioned,  and,  to 
quicken  the  military  zeal  of  the  people,  and  give  alacrity 
to  the  recruiting  service,  Governor  Dinwiddie  issued  a  proc 
lamation  granting  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  on 
the  Ohio  River,  to  be  divided  among  the  troops,  who 
should  engage  in  the  proposed  expedition,  and  releasing 
the  same  from  quitrents  for  fifteen  years.  One  thousand 
acres  were  ordered  to  be  laid  oif,  contiguous  to  the  fort  at 
the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  for  the  use  of  the  soldiers  doing 
duty  there,  to  be  called  the  garrison  lands. 

The  reasons  assigned  by  the  governor  to  the  ministers 
for  making  this  grant  were,  that  he  hoped  the  soldiers 
would  become  permanent  settlers,  and  that  it  was  better 
to  secure  the  lands  by  such  a  bounty,  than  to  allow  the 
French  to  take  quiet  possession  of  as  many  millions  of 
acres  as  he  had  granted  thousands.  His  proclamation  was 
sanctioned  by  the  King,  but  it  was  not  well  received  in 


^T.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  37 

another    quarter.       The  Assembly   of    Pennsylvania  took    CHAPTER 
alarm  at  the  freedom,  with   which  lands,    situate  as  they        m< 
said  in  that  province,  were  given  away.     Governor  Ham-     1754. 
ilton  wrote  an  expostulatory  letter.     It  was   a  perplexing 
case  j  but  Governor  Dinwiddie  escaped  from  the  difficulty    March  21. 
by  replying,  that  the  claims  of  Pennsylvania  were  at  least 
doubtful,  the  boundary  line  not  having  been  run,  that  the 
object  in  view  equally  concerned  both  provinces,  that  his 
grant   did   not   necessarily   imply   future   jurisdiction,    and 
that,  if  the   Pennsylvania  claim  should  be  established,  the 
quitrents  might  eventually  be  paid   to  the  proprietary  in 
stead  of  the  crown. 

Fresh  encouragement  was  inspired  by  a  letter  from  the  independent 
Earl  of  Holdernesse,  authorizing  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  call  called  to 

Virginia. 

to  his  aid  two  independent  companies  from  New  York, 
and  one  from  South  Carolina.  These  were  colonial  troops, 
raised  and  supported  at  the  King's  charge,  and  command 
ed  by  officers  with  royal  commissions.  They  could  be 
marched  to  any  part  of  the  continent.  None  of  these 
companies  had  ever  been  stationed  in  Virginia.  Expresses 
were  immediately  despatched  to  the  governors  of  the  above 
colonies,  requesting  them  to  order  forward  the  companies 
without  delay. 

News  came  from  North  Carolina,  also,  that  the  Assem-  North  caro- 
bly  had  voted   twelve   thousand   pounds  for  defence,  and  money  and 
that  a  respectable  force  would  soon  be  in  the  field  to  join  for  defence, 

J  but  the  other 

their  neighbors  in  the  common  cause.     Thus  far  the  pros-  colonies  are 

backward 

pect  was  flattering.  The  sympathy  of  the  other  colonies, 
however,  did  not  manifest  itself  in  any  direct  efforts.  The 
Assembly  of  Maryland  brought  in  a  money  bill,  which 
was  rejected  by  the  governor,  under  pretence,  that  the 
mode  proposed  for  levying  the  taxes  was  an  encroachment 
upon  the  prerogative.  Indeed,  the  apparition  of  the  pre 
rogative  never  failed  to  stare  the  colonial  governors  in  the 
face,  whenever  any  measure  salutary  to  the  people  was  to 
be  approved  by  them.  It  may  be,  that  the  bold  experi 
ments  and  aspiring  demands  of  the  assemblies  sometimes 
required  this  cautionary  check. 


38  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^T   22. 

The   spirit   of    liberty,  even   at    that  day,    was   restless 
under  the  burden  of  charters  and  usages,  and  was  every- 
1754.     where  struggling  to  throw  it  off,  or  at  least  to  diminish 
its  weight.      The   prerogative  was  the  potent  charm,  by 
which  the  governors  endeavored  to  allay  this  spirit,  when 
they  found   arguments  and   personal  influence  unavailing. 
Disputes       In  Pennsylvania,  more  exposed  to  the   invasion  than  Vir- 

betweenthe  , 

governor  ginia,  the  legislature  were  so  busy  in  carrying  on  the 
sXanuf1111"  quarrel>  which  continued  for  years  between  themselves  and 
the  governor,  that  they  had  little  leisure  for  other  busi 
ness.  Here  again -was  a  prerogative,  but  not  enforced  in 
the  name  of  the  King,  and  hence  perhaps  the  more  odi 
ous  to  the  people. 

The  descendants,  of  William  Penn,  called  the  proprieta 
ries,  owned  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  province.  The 
Assembly  insisted,  and  very  justly,  that  these  lands,  being 
equally  benefited,  ought  to  bear  an  equal  portion  of  the 
tax  for  defence.  They  reported  money  bills  upon  that 
principle  ;  the  governor  refused  his  signature,  maintaining 
the  proprietary  prerogative.  The  bills  fell  to  the  ground, 
and  nothing  was  done.  In  his  letter  of  explanation,  Gov 
ernor  Hamilton  regretted  the  failure  of  the  bills,  but  laid 
the  blame  at  the  door  of  the  Quakers,  who,  he  said,  had 
scruples  about  arming. 

ma°rchsto  Although  thus  feebly  sustained  by  their  neighbors,  the 
Virginians  did  not  abate  their  exertions.  The  enlistments 
went  on  with  considerable  success.  Colonel  Washington 
continued  his  head-quarters  at  Alexandria  till  the  begin 
ning  of  April.  Two  companies  had  been  collected  at  that 
place,  with  which  he  marched  to  Will's  Creek,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  20th,  having  been  joined  on  the  way  by 
another  company  under  Captain  Stephen.  The  march  was 
slow  and  fatiguing,  on  account  of  the  roughness  of  the 
roads,  and  the  difficulty  of  procuring  wagons  to  convey 
the  baggage.  It  was  necessary  to  put  the  militia  law  in 
execution,  which  authorized  impressments  ;  but  measures  of 
this  sort  are  always  disliked  by  the  people,  and  orders  are 
tardily  obeyed  or  evaded.  The  artillery  and  some  of  the 
heavier  articles  went  by  water  up  the  Potomac. 


AT.  22.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


39 


A  party  of  Captain  Trent's  men  had  already  gone  to  CHAPTER 
the  Ohio,  and  begun  to  build  a  fort.  Just  before  Colonel 
Washington  reached  Will's  Creek,  a  rumor  came  from  the 
interior,  that  these  men  were  taken  by  the  French  j  and 
two  days  afterwards  the  alarming  intelligence  was  con- 
firmed  by  the  ensign  of  Captain  Trent's  company.  He 
reported,  that,  while  they  were  at  work,  forty-one  in  num 
ber,  a  body  of  French  troops  descended  the  river  from 
Venango,  consisting  of  one  thousand  men,  with  eighteen 
pieces  of  cannon,  sixty  batteaux,  and  three  hundred  canoes, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Contrecoeur,  and  summon 
ed  them  to  surrender,  threatening  to  take  forcible  posses 
sion  of  the  fort,  if  this  summons  were  not  immediately 
obeyed.  No  alternative  remained,  and,  the  captain  and 
lieutenant  being  absent,  Ensign  Ward  acceded  to  articles  April  n. 
of  capitulation,  and  gave  up  the  fort,  but  was  permitted 
to  retire  with  his  men.  He  came  to  Will's  Creek,  and 
brought  the  news  of  the  disaster.  His  statement,  how 
ever,  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  French,  their  cannon  and 
boats,  turned  out  to  be  very  much  exaggerated.  This 
was  the  first  open  act  of  hostility  in  the  memorable  war 
of  seven  years  that  followed.  The  French  enlarged  and 
completed  the  fort,  which  they  called  Fort  Duquesne,  in 
compliment  to  the  governor  of  Canada. 

To  the  little  army  under  Colonel  Washington,  as  yet 
amounting  to  no  more  than  three  small  companies,  this 
was  a  critical  moment.  They  occupied  an  outpost,  be-  The  army 

moves  for- 

yond  which  there  was  no  barrier  to  oppose  the  formidable  ward  into 

the  wilder- 

French   force   on   the    Ohio.       Even    a   detachment,    well  ness- 
armed  and   disciplined,  might  surround  and  cut  them  off. 
Colonel  Fry  had  not  joined  them,  and  the  whole  respon-     - 
sibility   rested   on   the  Lieutenant-Colonel.      He   instantly 
sent  expresses  to  the  governors  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and 
Pennsylvania,  setting   forth  his  weak  and  exposed  condi 
tion,    and    calling   for    reinforcements.      He   then   held   a 
council  of  war.     Notwithstanding  the  dangers  that  threat 
ened  on  every  side,   it   was  resolved  to  push  boldly  into 
the  wilderness,  to  clear  and  prepare  the  road  as  they  ad- 


40  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JE-r.  22. 

CHAPTER  vanced,  and,  if  possible,  to  penetrate  to  the  Monongahela 
1IL  at  the  mouth  of  Red-stone  Creek,  and  erect  there  a  forti- 
1 7  5  4 '  fication.  The  soldiers  would  thus  be  employed,  their  ap 
prehensions  quieted,  the  bane  of  idleness  avoided,  and  a 
way  opened  for  the  more  expeditious  march  of  the  troops 
in  the  rear. 

Difficulties         So   many   obstacles   intervened,    that  the    progress   was 

march.  slow.  Trees  were  to  be  felled,  bridges  made,  marshes  fill 
ed  up,  and  rocks  removed.  In  the  midst  of  these  diffi 
culties  the  provisions  failed,  the  commissaries  having  neg 
lected  to  fulfil  their  engagements,  and  there  was  great 
distress  for  want  of  bread. 

conveyance       At  the  Youghiogany,  where  they  were  detained  in  con- 

bV  \VttttT 

impractica-  structing  a  bridge,  Colonel  Washington  was  told  by  the 
Ma  20  traders  and  Indians,  that  except  at  one  place  a  passage 
might  be  had  by  water  down  that  river.  To  ascertain 
this  point,  extremely  advantageous  if  true,  he  embarked 
in  a  canoe  with  five  men  on  a  tour  of  discovery,  leaving 
the  army  under  the  command  of  a  subordinate  officer. 
His  hopes  were  disappointed.  After  navigating  the  river 
in  his  canoe  near  thirty  miles,  encountering  rocks  and 
shoals,  he  passed  between  two  mountains,  and  came  to  a 
fall  that  arrested  his  course,  and  rendered  any  further  at 
tempt  impracticable.  He  returned,  and  the  project  of  a 
conveyance  by  water  was  given  up.* 

*  In  his  journal,  as  published  by  the  French  government,  Colonel 
Washington  gives  the  following  account  of  this  tour  of  discovery. 

"  On  the  20th  of  May  I  embarked  in  a  canoe,  with  Lieutenant  West, 
three  soldiers,  and  an  Indian.  Having  followed  the  river  for  about  half 
a  mile  we  were  obliged  to  go  ashore,  where  we  found  a  trader,  who 
seemed  to  discourage  my  attempting  to  seek  a  passage  by  water,  which 
caused  me  to  change  my  intention  of  having  canoes  made.  I  ordered 
the  troops  to  wade  the  river,  as  the  waters  had  now  sufficiently  sub 
sided.  I  continued  to  descend  the  river,  but,  finding  our  canoe  too 
small  for  six  persons,  we  stopped  to  construct  a  bark,  with  which  and 
the  canoe  we  reached  Turkey  Foot  just  as  the  night  began.  Eight  or 
ten  miles  further  onward  we  encountered  several  difficulties,  which  were 
of  little  consequence.  At  this  point  we  stopped  some  time  to  examine 
the  position,  and  found  it  well  suited  for  a  fort,  being  at  the  mouth  of 
three  branches  or  small  rivers,  and  having  a  gravelly  foundation. 


JEr.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  41 

He   had   scarcely  rejoined   the   army,  when   a   message  CHAPTER 
was  brought  to  him  from  his  old  friend  Tanacharison,  or        1!1 
the  Half-King,  then  with  his  people  near  the  Monongahela     1754. 

River,  which  warned  him  to  be  on  his  guard,  as  a  party  Message 

.  r        J  from  the  In- 

of  French  had  been  out  two  days,  and  were  then  march-  dians  that  a 

1    J  party  of 

ing  towards   him  determined  to   attack   the   first    English 


they  should  meet.     His  account  was  confirmed  by  another,-  ins- 
which  stated  the  French  to  be  only  fifteen  miles  distant. 
Not  knowing  their   number,    or   at  what   moment   they 

J 

might  approach,  he  hastened  to  a  place  called  the  Great 
Meadows,  cleared  away  the  bushes,  threw  up  an  entrench-  May  25. 
ment,  and  prepared,  as  he  expressed  it,  "  a  charming 
field  for  an  encounter."  He  then  mounted  some  of  the 
soldiers  on  wagon-horses,  and  sent  them  out  to  reconnoitre. 
They  came  back  without  having  seen  any  traces  of  the 
enemy  ;  but  the  camp  was  alarmed  in  the  night,  the  sen- 

"  We  went  down  about  two  miles  to  examine  the  course  of  the  river, 
which  is  straight,  with  many  currents,  and  full  of  rocks  and  rapids. 
We  crossed  it,  though  the  water  was  high,  which  induced  me  to  be 
lieve  the  canoes  would  easily  pass,  but  this  was  not  effected  without 
difficulty.  Besides  these  rapids  we  met  with  others,  but,  the  water 
being  more  shallow  and  the  current  smoother,  we  passed  them  easily. 
We  then  found  the  water  very  deep,  and  mountains  rising  on  both 
sides.  After  proceeding  about  ten  miles,  we  came  to  a  fall  in  the  river, 
which  arrested  our  progress,  and  compelled  us  to  go  ashore  and  desist 
from  any  further  attempt."  —  Mimoire  contenant  le  Pricis  des  Fails,  &c. 
p.  121. 

The  full  title  of  the  book,  which  is  here  quoted,  is  as  follows  ;  — 
"  MEMOIRE  contenant  le  Precis  des  Faits,  avec  leurs  Pieces  Justificatives, 
pour  servir  de  Reponse  aux  OBSERVATIONS  envoyees,  par  les  Ministres 
d'Jlngleterre,  dans  les  Cours  de  F  Europe.  A.  Paris;  de  VImprimerie 
Roy  ale.  1756."  Four  or  five  years  had  been  consumed  in  unavailing 
attempts  at  a  negotiation  between  England  and  France,  with  the  osten 
sible  design  on  both  sides  to  effect  a  reconciliation  of  difficulties,  but 
neither  party  in  reality  was  solicitous  to  avoid  a  war.  At  length  hos 
tilities  were  commenced  in  time  of  peace,  and  each  nation  charged  the 
other  with  being  the  aggressor.  Two  French  vessels  on  their  way  to 
Canada  were  taken  by  the  British  Admiral  Boscawen,  and,  to  justify 
this  procedure,  the  "  Observations  "  above  mentioned  were  published,  in 
which  the  position  was  maintained,  that  the  French  had  actually  begun 
the  war,  by  their  encroachments  with  a  military  force  on  the  Ohio  fron 
tiers.  To  repel  this  charge,  the  French  government  circulated  among 
6 


LIFEOFWASHINGTON. 


[^Er.  22. 


1754. 


camp. 


CHAPTER  tries  fired,  and  all  hands  were  kept  under  arms  till  morn- 
_51  _  ing.  Mr.  Gist  came  to  the  camp,  also,  and  reported  that 
a  French  detachment,  consisting  of  fifty  men,  had  been 
at  his  settlement  the  day  before,  and  that  he  had  observ 
ed  their  tracks  within  five  miles  of  the  Great  Meadows. 
The  approach  of  the  French,  with  hostile  designs,  was 
now  deemed  certain  ;  and  the  best  preparation  was  made 
to  receive  them,  which  circumstances  would  permit.  In 
the  mean  time,  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  another  ex 
press  came  from  the  Half-King,  who  was  then  with  a 
party  of  his  warriors  about  six  miles  from  the  camp,  stating 
that  he  had  seen  the.  tracks  of  two  Frenchmen,  and  that 
the  whole  detachment  was  near  that  place.  Colonel  Wash- 
ington  immediately  put  himself  at  the  head  of  forty  men, 
leaving  the  rest  to  guard  the  camp,  and  set  off  to  join  the 
Half-King.  The  night  was  dark,  the  rain  fell  in  torrents, 
the  paths  through  the  woods  were  narrow  and  intricate, 
and  the  -soldiers  often  lost  their  way,  groping  in  the 
bushes,  and  clambering  over  rocks  and  fallen  trees. 

the  courts  of  Europe  the  Memoire,  whose  title  is  here  given,  the  object 
of  which  was  to  prove,  that  the  British  had  been  the  first  to  transgress. 

This  Mimoire  is  curious,  as  containing  many  official  and  other  docu 
ments  relating  to  the  question  at  issue,  which  are  nowhere  else  to  be 
found,  and  particularly  selections  from  the  manuscripts  of  General  Brad- 
dock  and  of  Washington,  which  the  French  had  captured  at  the  disas 
trous  battle  of  the  Monongahela.  Among  other  things  are  Braddock's 
instructions,  several  of  his  letters  to  the  ministry,  and  extracts  purport 
ing  to  be  from  a  journal  kept  by  Washington  during  his  preceding 
campaign.  With  what  fidelity  these  were  published  cannot  now  be 
known,  but  as  it  was  the  object  of  the  J)lemoire  to  prove  a  contested 
point,  it  may  be  presumed,  that  such  parts  of  the  papers  only  were 
brought  forward,  as  would  make  for  that  end.  Coming  out  as  they  did, 
however,  under  the  name  and  sanction  of  the  government,  there  can 
be  no  room  for  doubt,  that  the  official  papers  at  least  were  given  with 
accuracy. 

These  papers  were  originally  published  by  the  French  government 
in  a  duodecimo  volume.  A  copy  was  soon  afterwards  found  in  a  French 
prize,  that  was  brought  to  New  York.  It  was  there  translated  into 
English,  and  printed  the  year  after  its  appearance  in  Paris.  The  trans 
lation  was  hastily  executed,  and  is  worthy  of  little  credit,  being  equally 
uncouth  in  its  style,  and  faulty  in  its  attempts  to  convey  the  sense  of 
the  original. 


JEr.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  43 

The  whole  night  was  passed  in  the  march,  and  they  CHAPTER 
got  to  the  Indian  encampment  just  before  sunrise.  A 
council  was  held  with  Tanacharison  and  his  chief  war 
riors,  and  it  was  agreed  that  they  should  march  in  con 
cert  against  the  French.  Two  Indians  went  out  to 
ascertain  the  position  of  the  enemy,  which  was  discovered 
to  be  in  an  obscure  retreat,  surrounded  by  rocks,  half  a 
mile  from  the  road.  The  plan  of  the  attack  was  then 
formed.  Colonel  Washington  and  his  men  were  to  ad 
vance  on  the  right,  and  the  Indians  on  the  left.  The 
march  was  pursued  in  single  file,  according  to  the  Indian 
manner,  till  they  came  so  near  as  to  be  discovered  by 
the  French,  who  instantly  seized  their  arms,  and  put 
themselves  in  an  attitude  of  defence. 

At  this  moment  the   firing  commenced   on  both   sides,  skirmish 

•with  the 

A  smart  skirmish  ensued,  which  was  kept  up  for  a  quar-  French, 
ter  of  an  hour,  when  the  French  ceased  to  resist.  M.  jjjjjnj{lle 
de  Jumonville,  the  commander  of  the  French  party,  and 
ten  of  his  men,  were  killed.  Twenty-two  were  taken 
prisoners,  one  of  whom  was  wounded.  A  Canadian  made 
his  escape  during  the  action.  One  of  Colonel  Washing 
ton's  men  was  killed,  and  two  or  three  wounded.  No 
harm  happened  to  the  Indians,  as  the  enemy's  fire  was 
directed  chiefly  against  the  English.  This  event  occurred 
on  the  28th  of  May.  The  prisoners  were  conducted  to 
the  Great  Meadows,  and  thence  under  a  guard  to  Gov 
ernor  Dinwiddie. 

No  transaction   in  the  life  of  Washington   has  been  so  Errors  of 

the  French  - 

much  misrepresented,  or  so  little  understood,  as  this  skir-  writers  <*»- 
mish  with  Jumonville.  It  being  the  first  conflict  of  arms 
in  the  war,  a  notoriety  was  given  to  it,  particularly  in  Eu 
rope,  altogether  disproportioned  to  its  importance.  War  had 
not  yet  been  declared  between  Great  Britain  and  France, 
and  indeed  the  diplomatists  on  both  sides  were  making 
great  professions  of  friendship.  It  was  the  policy  of  each 
nation  to  exaggerate  the  proceedings  of  the  other  on  their 
colonial  frontiers,  and  to  make  them  a  handle  for  recrimi 
nation  and  complaints,  by  throwing  upon  the  adverse  party 


44  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [J£T.  22. 

CHAPTER  the  blame  of  committing  the  first  acts  of  aggression. 
Hence  when  the  intelligence  of  the  skirmish  with  Ju- 
1754.  monville  got  to  Paris,  it  was  officially  published  by  the 
government,  in  connexion  with  a  memoir  and  various  pa 
pers,  and  his  death  was  called  a  murder.  It  was  said, 
that,  while  bearing  a  summons  as  a  civil  messenger  with 
out  any  hostile  intentions,  he  was  waylaid  and  assassin 
ated.  The  report  was  industriously  circulated,  and  gained 
credence  with  the  multitude.  M.  Thomas,  a  poet  and 
scholar  of  repute,  seized  the  occasion  to  write  an  epic,  en 
titled  "  Jumonville,"  in  which  he  tasked  his  invention  to 
draw  a  tragical  picture  of  the  fate  of  his  hero.  The  fab 
ric  of  the  story  and  the  incidents  were  alike  fictitious. 
But  the  tale  passed  from  fiction  to  history,  and  to  this  day 
it  is  repeated  by  the  French  historians,  who  in  other  re 
spects  render  justice  to  the  character  of  Washington,  and 
who  can  find  no  other  apology  for  this  act,  than  his  youth 
and  inexperience,  and  the  ferocity  of  his  men. 

The  mistakes  of  the  French  writers  were  not  unknown 
to  Washington;  but,  conscious  of  having  acted  in  strict 
conformity  with  his  orders  and  military  usage,  he  took  no 
pains  to  correct  them,  except  in  a  single  letter  to  a  friend, 
written  several  years  afterwards,  which  related  mostly  to 
the  errors  in  the  French  account  of  the  subsequent  action 
of  the  Great  Meadows.  Unfortunately  all  his  correspon 
dence,  and  the  other  papers  which  he  wrote  during  this 
campaign,  were  lost  the  next  year  at  the  battle  of  the 
Monongahela;  and  he  was  thus  deprived  of  the  only  au 
thentic  materials,  that  could  be  used  for  explanation  and 
defence.  The  most  important  of  these  papers  have  recently 
been  found,  and  they  afford  not  only  a  complete  vindica 
tion  of  the  conduct  of  Colonel  Washington  in  this  affair, 
but  show  that  it  met  with  the  unqualified  approbation  of 
the  governor  and  legislature  of  Virginia,  and  of  the  Brit 
ish  ministry.* 


*  In  the  public  offices  at  London,  I  examined  the  official  communi 
cations  from  Governor  Dinwiddie,  giving  a  full  account  of  the  events 


Ah.  23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  45 

It  is  true  that  Jumonville  was  the  bearer  of  a  summons ; 
but  this  was  unknown  to  Colonel  Washington,  nor  did  the 
mode  in  which  the  former  approached   the  English  camp     1754. 
indicate  that  he  came  on  an  errand  of  peace.     He  was  at 

r 

the  head  of  an  armed  force,  he  sent  out  spies  in  advance, 
concealed  himself  and  his  party  two  days  in  an  obscure  tion- 
place  near  the  camp,  and  despatched  messengers  with  intel 
ligence  to  his  commander  at  the  fort.  These  were  strong 
evidences  of  a  hostile  intention  ;  and,  had  Colonel  Wash 
ington  not  regarded  them  in  that  light,  he  would  have 
been  justly  censurable  for  ignorance  or  neglect  of  duty. 

The    summons    itself    was   by   no   means    conciliatory,  The  sum- 

J  '•'     mons  not 

and  if  Colonel  Washington  had  actually  known,  that  the  conciliatory. 
French  officer  had  such  a  paper  in  his  pocket,  he  could 
not  properly  do  otherwise  than  he  did,  under  the  circum 
stances  in  which  M.  de  Jumonville  chose  to  place  himself. 
It  warned  the  English  to  retire  below  the  Alleganies,  and 
threatened  compulsory  measures  if  it  should  not  be  obeyed. 
The  presumption  was,  that  the  summons  was  only  a  feint, 
in  case  the  party  should  be  captured,  and  that  Jumonville 
was  to  remain  concealed,  and  wait  for  reinforcements,  af 
ter  he  had  reconnoitred  the  English  camp,  and  ascertained 
its  strength.  If  such  were  not  the  object,  the  conse 
quences  are  justly  chargeable  on  the  indiscretion  of  M.  de 
Jumonville  in  the  extraordinary  mode  of  .conducting  his 
enterprise.* 

of  that  period.  By  the  politeness  of  an  individual  in  England,  who  had 
in  his  possession  the  letter  books  and  private  papers  of  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  I  was  permitted  to  inspect  those  papers,  and  to  have  copies 
taken.  Among  them  were  the  original  letters  of  Colonel  Washington, 
written  at  the  time,  respecting  the  skirmish  with  Jumonville,  and  the 
principal  incidents  of  the  campaign. 

*  In  Horace  Walpole's  Memoirs  of  George  the  Second  is  the  following 
passage.  "In  the  express  which  Major  Washington  despatched  on  his 
preceding  little  victory,  (the  skirmish  with  Jumonville,)  he  concluded 
with  these  words,  —  *  I  heard  the  bullets  whistle,  and,  believe  me,  there 
is  something  charming  in  the  sound.'  On  hearing  of  this  the  King 
said  sensibly,  —  *  He  would  not  say  so,  if  he  had  been  used  to  hear 
many.'  However,  this  brave  braggart  learned  to  blush  for  his  rhodo- 
montade,  and,  desiring  to  serve  General  Braddock  as  aid-de-camp, 

E 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  22. 


CHAPTER 
III. 

1754. 

Complaints 
of  the  offi 
cers,  and 
Washing- 
ton's  re 
marks  on 
them. 


Endeavors 
to  calm 
their  feel 
ings. 


The  labors  and  dangers  of  the  field  were  not  the  only 
troubles,  with  which  Colonel  Washington  at  this  time  had 
to  contend.  By  an  ill  timed  parsimony,  the  pay  of  the 
officers  was  reduced  so  low,  as  to  create  murmurs  and 
discontent  throughout  the  camp.  Complaints  grew  loud 
and  vehement,  accompanied  with  threats  to  resign  and 
leave  the  army  to  its  fate.  Under  this  pressure  the  char 
acter  of  Washington  shone  with  the  same  purity  and  lus 
tre,  that  often  distinguished  it  afterwards  on  similar  trying 
occasions.  In  his  letters  to  the  governor  he  assumed  a 
firm  and  manly  tone,  demanded  for  himself  and  his  asso 
ciates  an  allowance  equal  to  that  received  by  the  King's 
troops,  and  deprecated  the  idea  of  being  placed  upon  a 
footing,  which  should  imply  an  inferiority  in  rank,  or  in 
the  value  of  their  services. 

While  he  took  this  high  stand,  in  defending  the  just 
claims  of  the  officers,  he  endeavored  to  calm  their  feel 
ings,  and  reconcile  them  to  their  condition,  by  appeals  to 
their  honor  and  the  obligations  of  duty.  "  I  have  com 
municated  your  sentiments  to  the  other  officers,"  said  he 

acquitted  himself  nobly."  Vol.  I.  p.  347.  The  original  despatch  com 
municated  by  Major  Washington  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  narrating  the 
particulars  of  the  rencounter  with  Jumonville,  contains  nothing  about 
the  "whistling  of  bullets."  See  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II.  p.  32. 
Nor  is  this  sentiment  uttered  in  any  of  his  letters,  that  have  been  pre 
served.  Yet  this  anecdote  would  seem  not  to  be  wholly  without  foun 
dation,  if  we  may  rely  on  a  statement  of  Gordon,  in  which  he  says ;  — 
"A  gentleman,  who  had  heard  the  Reverend  Mr.  Davies  relate,  that 
Colonel  Washington  had  mentioned,  he  knew  of  no  music  so  pleasing 
as  the  whistling  of  bullets,  being  alone  in  conversation  with  him  at 
Cambridge,  asked  him  whether  it  was  as  he  had  related.  The  General 
answered,  '  If  I  said  so,  it  was  when  I  was  young.' "  Gordon's  History, 
Vol.  II.  p.  203. 

The  Memoirs  of  Horace  Walpole,  Earl  of  Orford,  quoted  above,  are 
understood  to  have  been  written  near  the  time  of  the  events,  but  they 
were  not  published  till  after  his  death.  The  Editor  remarks,  in  a  note 
on  the  word  Iraggart,  —  "  It  is  wonderful,  that  Lord  Orford  should  have 
allowed  this  expression  to  remain,  after  he  had  lived  to  witness  and 
admire  the  subsequent  career  of  that  great  man  General  Washington." 
It  may  be  added,  that  it  was  not  by  his  own  desire,  but  at  the  solicitation 
of  General  Braddock,  that  Washington  joined  him  as  aid-de-camp. 


/Ex.  22.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


47 


to  the   governor,    "and,   as  far  as  I  could  put  on  the  hy-    CHAPTER 
pocrite,  set  forth  the  advantages  that  may  accrue,  and  ad-        IIL 
vised  them  to  accept  the  terms,  as  a  refusal  might  reflect     1754. 
dishonor  upon  their  character,  leaving  it  to  the  world  to 
assign   what  reason  it  pleases   for  their  quitting   the  ser 
vice."     And   again;    "I  considered   the   pernicious   conse 
quences  that  would  attend  a  disunion,  and  was  therefore 
too  much   attached  to  my  country's  interests  to  suffer  it 
to  ripen."     In  this  way  he  concealed  his  uneasiness,  and 
tranquillized   the   minds   of  his  officers,   although   he  felt 
the   wrongs   they   suffered,    and   approved   the   spirit   that 
would  not  tamely  submit  to  them. 

As  to  himself,  it  was  not  so  much  the  smallness  of  the 
pay,  that  gave  him  concern,  as  the  indignity  and  injustice 
of  having  his  services  estimated  at  a  lower  rate,  than  in 
the  British  establishment,  when  in  reality  no  service  could 
be  more  severe  and  hazardous,  or  less  promising  of  glory, 
than  the  one  in  which  he  was  engaged.  "Now  if  we 
could  be  fortunate  enough,"  said  he,  "to  drive  the  French 
from  the  Ohio,  as  far  as  your  Honor  would  please  to  have 
them  sent,  in  any  short  time,  our  pay  will  not  be  suffi 
cient  to  discharge  our  first  expenses.  I  would  not  have 
you  imagine  from  this,  that  I  have  said  all  these  things 
to  have  our  pay  increased,  but  to  justify  myself,  and  to 
show  you  that  our  complaints  are  not  frivolous,  but  found 
ed  on  strict  reason.  For  my  own  part,  it  is  a  matter 
almost  indifferent,  whether  I  serve  for  full  pay,  or  as  a 
generous  volunteer.  Indeed,  did  my  circumstances  cor 
respond  with  my  inclinations,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  mo 
ment  to  prefer  the  latter;  for  the  motives  that  have  led 
me  here  are  pure  and  noble.  I  had  no  view  of  acquisi 
tion,  but  that  of  honor,  by  serving  my  King  and  country." 
In  this  declaration,  uttered  in  the  sincerity  of  his  heart, 
we  perceive  the  principles,  the  eminent  virtues,  that  dic 
tated  every  act  of  his  public  life. 

Colonel   Fry    having   died    suddenly    at    Will's    Creek,  Appointed 

.,  .  ...  Colonel  of 

while  on  his  way  to  join  the  army,  the  chief  command  the  Virginia 
devolved  on  Colonel  Washington.     Recruits  were  brought 


48  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  22. 

CHAPTER   forward  by  Major  Muse.     The  North  Carolina  troops,   to 

— .  the  number  of  about  three  hundred  and  fifty,  led  by  Col- 

1754.  onei  inneS)  arrived  at  Winchester.  The  governor  was 
then  in  that  town,  holding  a  council  with  Indians,  and  he 
appointed  Innes  commander  of  the  expedition,  but  con 
firmed  Colonel  Washington's  command  of  the  Virginia 
regiment. 

The  appointment  of  Innes  was  an  unpopular  measure 
in  Yirginia,  as  he  was  from  another  colony ;  and  the  gov 
ernor  was  accused  of  partiality  for  an  old  friend  and  coun 
tryman,  both  he  and  Innes  being  Scotchmen  by  birth. 
No  ill  consequences  ensued.  Neither  Colonel  Innes  nor 
his  troops  advanced  beyond  Winchester.  To  promote  en 
listments  the  men  were  extravagantly  paid ;  and,  when 
the  money  raised  by  the  Assembly  of  North  Carolina  for 
their  support  was  expended,  they  dispersed  of  their  own 
accord.  An  Independent  Company  from  South  Carolina, 

captain  consisting  of  one  hundred  men  under  Captain  Mackay, 
arrived  at  the  Great  Meadows.  Two  companies  from  New 
York  landed  at  Alexandria,  and  marched  to  the  interior, 
but  not  in  time  to  overtake  or  succor  the  army  in 
advance. 

Detachment        It  was  foreseen  by  Colonel  Washington,  that,  when  the 

oftheFrerch  J 

expected.  French  at  Fort  Duquesne  should  get  the  news  of  Ju- 
monville's  defeat,  a  strong  detachment  would  be  sent 
out  against  him.  As  a  preparation  for  this  event,  he  set 
all  his  men  at  work  to  enlarge  the  entrenchment  at  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  erect  palisades.  To  the  structure  thus 
hastily  thrown  up  he  gave  the  name  -of  Fort  Necessity. 

^he  Indians,  who  leaned  to  the  English  interest,  fled 
before  the  French  and  flocked  to  the  camp,  bringing 
along  their  wives  and  children,  and  putting  them  under 
his-  protection.  Among  them  came  Tanacharison  and  his 
people,  Queen  Aliquippa  and  her  son,  and  other  persons 
of  distinction,  till  between  forty  and  fifty  families  gath 
ered  around  him,  and  laid  his  magazine  of  supplies  under 
a  heavy  contribution.  It  may  be  said,  once  for  all,  that 
the  burden  of  supporting  these  sons  of  the  forest  during 


/Er.22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  49 

this    campaign,    and   the   perplexities    of   managing    them,    CHAPTER 
were  by  no  means  counterbalanced  by  any  advantage  de-       IIL 
rived  from  *  their  aid.     As  spies  and  scouts  they  were  of     1754. 
some  service  ;  in  the  field  they  did  nothing. 

The  forces  at  the  Great  Meadows,  including  Captain  Difficulties 
Mackay's  company,  had  now  increased  to  about  four  him- 
dred  men.  But  a  new  difficulty  arose,  which  threatened 
disagreeable  consequences.  Captain  Mackay  had  a  royal 
commission,  which  in  his  opinion  put  him  above  the  au 
thority  of  Colonel  Washington,  who  was  a  colonial  officer, 
commissioned  by  the  governor  of  Virginia.  He  was  a  man 
of  mild  and  gentlemanly  manners,  and  no  personal  differ 
ences  interrupted  the  harmony  between  them  ;  but  still  he 
declined  receiving  the  orders  of  the  colonel,  and  his  com 
pany  occupied  a  separate  encampment.  At  this  crisis, 
when  an  attack  was  daily  expected,  and  when  a  perfect 
union  of  design  and  action  was  essential,  such  a  state  of 
things  was  so  unpropitious,  that  Colonel  Washington  wrote 
earnestly  to  the  governor  to  settle  the  controversy  by  a 
positive  order  under  his  own  hand.  The  governor  hesi 
tated,  because  he  was  not  sure,  that  Captain  Mackay's 
pretensions  were  inconsistent  with  the  rule  adopted  by 
the  ministry,  namely,  that  all  officers  with  King's  com 
missions  should  take  rank  of  those  commissioned  in  the 
colonies. 

To  avoid  altercation,  and  prevent  the  contagious  example  Army  ad- 
of  disobedience  from  infecting  the  troops,    Colonel  Wash- 

sitv 

ington  resolved  to  advance  with  a  large  part  of  his  army, 
and,  if  not  obstructed  by  the  enemy,  to  go  on  by  the 
shortest  route  to  the  Monongahela  River.  Captain  Mac 
kay's  company  was  left  at  Fort  Necessity,  as  a  guard  to 
that  post.  The  road  was  to  be  cleared  and  levelled  for 
artillery  carriages;  and  the  process  was  so  laborious,  that 
it  took  two  weeks  to  effect  a  passage  through  the  gorge 
of  the  mountains  to  Gist's  settlement,  a  distance  of  only 
thirteen  miles.  The  Indians  were  troublesome  with  their 
speeches,  councils,  and  importunities  for  presents,  particu 
larly  a  party  from  the  interior,  who  feigned  friendship,  but 
7  p 


50  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.                   [JEr.  22. 

CHAPTER  who  were  discovered  to  be  spies  from  the  French.     Due 

IIL  vigilance  was  practised,  and  scouts  were  kept  abroad,  even 

1754.  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Duquesne,  so  that  the 

first  motions  of  the  enemy  might  be  detected. 

A  council  of  It  was  at  length  told  by  French  deserters  and  Indians, 

*"  tnat  Fort  Duquesne  was  reinforced  by  troops  from  Canada, 


ows. 


and  that  a  strong  detachment  would  shortly  march  against 
the  English.  A  council  of  war  being  called,  it  was  at 
first  thought  best  to  make  a  stand,  and  wait  the  approach 
of  the  enemy  at  Gist's  plantation.  An  intrenchment  for 
defence  was  begun,  Captain  Mackay  was  requested  to  come 
forward  with  his  company,  and  the  scouting  parties  were 
ordered  to  return  to  the  camp.  Captain  Mackay  promptly 
joined  the  advanced  division  j  and  another  council  decid 
ed,  that  the  enemy's  force  was  so  large,  as  to  leave  no 
reasonable  hope  of  a  successful  resistance,  and  that  a  re 
treat  was  necessary. 
Army  re-  in  the  face  of  many  obstacles  this  determination  was 

treats  to  the  J 

Great  Mead-  executed.  The  horses  were  few  and  weak,  and  a  severe 
service  was  imposed  on  the  men,  who  were  obliged  to 
bear  heavy  burdens,  and  drag  nine  swivels  over  a  broken 
road.  Colonel  Washington  set  a  worthy  example  to  his 
officers,  by  lading  his  horse  with  public  stores,  going  on 
foot,  and  paying  the  soldiers  a  reward  for  carrying  his 
baggage.  In  two  days  they  all  got  back  to  the  Great 
Meadows.  It  was  not  the  intention  at  first  to  halt  at 
this  place,  but  the  men  had  become  so  much  fatigued 
from  great  labor,  and  a  deficiency  of  provisions,  that 
they  could  draw  the  swivels  no  further,  nor  carry  the 
baggage  on  their  backs.  They  had  .been  eight  days 
without  bread,  and  at  the  Great  Meadows  they  found 
only  a  few  bags  of  flour.  It  was  thought  advisable  to 
wait  here,  therefore,  and  fortify  themselves  in  the  best 
manner  they  could,  till  they  should  receive  supplies  and 
reinforcements.  They  had  heard  of  the  arrival  at  Alex 
andria  of  two  Independent  Companies  from  New  York 
twenty  days  before,  and  it  was  presumed  they  must  by 
this  time  have  reached  Will's  Creek.  An  express  was 


^Er.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  51 

sent  to   hasten  them  on,  with  as  much  despatch  as  pos-   CHAPTER 
sible.  IIL 

Meantime  Colonel  Washington  set  his  men  to  felling  1754. 
trees,  and  carrying  logs  to  the  fort,  with  a  view  to  raise  FortNeces- 
a  breastwork,  and  enlarge  and  strengthen  the  fortification 
in  the  best  manner,  that  circumstances  would  permit. 
The  space  of  ground,  called  the  Great  Meadows,  is  a  level 
bottom,  through  which  passes  a  small  creek,  and  is  sur 
rounded  by  hills  of  a  moderate  and  gradual  ascent.  This 
bottom,  or  glade,  is  entirely  level,  covered  with  long  grass 
and  small  bushes,  and  varies  in  width.  At  the  point 
where  the  fort  stood,  it  is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  wide,  from  the  base  of  one  hill  to  that  of  the  op 
posite.  The  position  of  the  fort  was  well  chosen,  being 
about  one  hundred  yards  from  the  upland,  or  wooded 
ground,  on  the  one  side,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty  on 
the  other,  and  so  situated  on  the  margin  of  the  creek, 
as  to  afford  an  easy  access  to  water.  At  one  point  the 
high  ground  comes  within  sixty  yards  of  the  fort,  and 
this  was  the  nearest  distance  to  which  an  enemy  could 
approach  under  the  shelter  of  trees.  The  outlines  of  the 
fort  were  still  visible,  when  the  spot  was  visited  by  the 
writer  in  1830,  occupying  an  irregular  square,  the  dimen 
sions  of  which  were  about  one  hundred  feet  on  each  side. 
One  of  the  angles  was  prolonged  further  than  the  others, 
for  the  purpose  of  reaching  the  water  in  the  creek.  On 
the  west  side,  next  to  the  nearest  wood,  were  three  en 
trances,  protected  by  short  breastworks,  or  bastions.  The 
remains  of  a  ditch,  stretching  round  the  south  and  west 
sides,  were  also  distinctly  seen.  The  site  of  this  fort, 
named  Fort  Necessity  from  the  circumstances  attending 
its  erection  and  original  use,  is  three  or  four  hundred  yards 
south  of  what  is  now  called  the  National  Road,  four  miles 
from  the  foot  of  Laurel  Hill,  and  fifty  miles  from  Cum 
berland  at  Will's  Creek. 

On  the  3d  of  July  early  in  the  morning  an  alarm  was  Battle  of  th« 

Great  Mead- 

received  from  a  sentinel,  who  had  been  wounded  by  the  °ws. 
enemy ;   and  at  nine  o'clock   intelligence   came,  that   the      July  3* 


52 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[-fix.  22. 


CHAPTER    whole  body   of  the   enemy,  amounting,    as   was   reported, 
IIL        to  nine  hundred  men,  was  only  four  miles  off.     At  eleven 


1754 


Proposal  to 
capitulate. 


o'clock  they  approached  the  fort,  and  began  to  fire,  at 
the  distance  of  six  hundred  yards,  but  without  effect. 
Colonel  Washington  had  drawn  up  his  men  on  the  open 
and  level  ground  outside  of  the  trenches,  waiting  for  the 
attack,  which  he  presumed  would  be  made  as  soon  as  the 
enemy's  forces  emerged  from  the  woods ;  and  he  ordered 
his  men  to  reserve  their  fire,  till  they  should  be  near 
enough  to  do  execution.  The  distant  firing  was  suppos 
ed  to  be  a  stratagem  to  draw  Washington's  men  into  the 
woods,  and  thus  to  take  them  at  a  disadvantage.  He 
suspected  the  design,  and  maintained  his  post  till  he  found 
the  French  did  not  incline  to  leave  the  woods,  and  attack 
the  fort  by  an  assault,  as  he  supposed  they  would,  con 
sidering  their  superiority  of  numbers.  He  then  drew  his 
men  back  within  the  trenches,  and  gave  them  orders  to 
fire  according  to  their  discretion,  as  suitable  opportunities 
might  present  themselves.  The  French  and  Indians  re 
mained  on  the  side  of  the  rising  ground,  which  was  near 
est  to  the  fort,  and,  sheltered  by  the  trees,  kept  up  a 
brisk  fire  of  musketry,  but  never  appeared  in  the  open 
plain  below.  The  rain  fell  heavily  through  the  day,  the 
trenches  were  filled  with  water,  and  many  of  the  arms 
of  Colonel  Washington's  men  were  out  of  order,  and  used 
with  difficulty. 

In  this  way  the  battle  continued  from  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  till  eight  at  night,  when  the  French  call 
ed  and  requested  a  parley.  Suspecting  this  to  be  a  feint 
to  procure  the  admission  of  an  officer  into  the  fort,  that 
he  might  discover  their  condition,  Colonel  Washington  at 
first  declined  listening  to  the  proposal,  but  when  the  call 
was  repeated,  with  the  additional  request  that  an  officer 
might  be  sent  to  them,  engaging  at  the  same  time  their 
parole  for  his  safety,  he  sent  out  Captain  Vanbraam,  the 
only  person  under  his  command,  that  could  speak  French, 
except  the  Chevalier  de  Peyrouny,  an  ensign  in  the  Vir 
ginia  regiment,  who  was  dangerously  wounded,  and  dis- 


J£T.  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  53 

abled  from  rendering  any  service  on  this  occasion.     Van-    CHAPTER 
braam  returned,    and  brought   with   him  from  M.  de  Vil-       nl> 
liers,    the  French   commander,    proposed   articles  of  capit-     1754- 
ulation.     These   he  read  and   pretended  to  interpret,   and 
some   changes  having   been   made   by   mutual   agreement, 
both  parties  signed  them  about  midnight. 

By   the   terms   of  the   capitulation,    the  whole  garrison  Terms  of 

'  .  capitulation. 

was  to  retire,  and  return  without  molestation  to  the  in-  July4> 
habited  parts  of  the  country;  and  the  French  commander 
promised,  that  no  embarrassment  should  be  interposed,  ei 
ther  by  his  own  men  or  the  savages.  The  English  were 
to  take  away  every  thing  in  their  possession,  except  their 
artillery,  and  to  march  out  of  the  fort  the  next  morning 
with  the  honors  of  war,  their  drums  beating  and.  colors 
flying.  As  the  French  had  killed  all  the  horses  and  cat 
tle,  Colonel  Washington  had  no  means  of  transporting  his 
heavy  baggage  and  stores ;  and  it  was  conceded  to  him, 
that  his  men  might  conceal  their  effects,  and  that  a  guard 
might  be  left  to  protect  them,  till  horses  could  be  sent 
up  to  take  them  away.  Colonel  Washington  agreed  to  re 
store  the  prisoners,  who  had  been  taken  at  the  skirmish 
with  Jumonville ;  and,  as  a  surety  for  this  article,  two 
hostages,  Captain  Vanbraam  and  Captain  Stobo,  were  de 
livered  up  to  the  French,  and  were  to  be  retained  till 
the  prisoners  should  return.  It  was  moreover  agreed,  that 
the  party  capitulating  should  not  attempt  to  build  any 
more  establishments  at  that  place,  or  beyond  the  moun 
tains,  for  the  space  of  a  year. 

Early  the  next  morning  Colonel  Washington  began  to 
inarch  from  the  fort  in  good  order,  but  he  had  proceeded  <?re<* 
only  a  short  distance,  when  a  body  of  one  hundred  In 
dians,  being  a  reinforcement  to  the  French,  came  upon 
him,  and  could  hardly  be  restrained  from  attacking  his 
men.  They  pilfered  the  baggage  and  did  other  mischief. 
He  marched  forward,  however,  with  as  much  speed  as 
possible,  in  the  weakened  and  encumbered  condition  of  his 
army,  there  being  no  other  mode  of  conveying  the  wound 
ed  men  and  the  baggage,  than  on  the  soldiers'  backs. 

F* 

/ 


54  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEx.  22 

CHAPTER    As  the  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  no  time  was  to 

— — be  lost;   and,    leaving   much   of  the  baggage  behind,    he 

>4'  hastened  to  Will's  Creek,  where  all  the  necessary  sup 
plies  were  in  store.  Thence  Colonel  Washington  and 
Captain  Mackay  proceeded  to  Williamsburg,  and  commu 
nicated  in  person  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  the  events  of 
the  campaign. 

Number  of         The  exact  number  of  men  engaged  in  the  action  can- 
men  engaged 

in  the  battle.  not  fa  ascertained.  According  to  a  return  made  out  by 
Colonel  Washington  himself,  the  Virginia  regiment  con 
sisted  of  three  hundred  and  five,  including  officers,  of 
whom  twelve  were  killed  and  forty-three  wounded.  Cap 
tain  Mackay 's  company  was  supposed  to  contain  about 
one  hundred,  but  the  number  of  killed  and  wounded  is 
not  known.  The  Independent  Companies  from  Ne\v  York 
did  not  reach  the  army  before  the  action. 

vote  of  The  conduct  of  the  commander  and  of  the  troops  was 

thanks  by  • 

highly  approved  by  the  governor  and  Council,  and  received 
merited  applause  from  the  public.  As  soon  as  the  House 
of  Burgesses  assembled,  they  passed  a  vote  of  thanks  to 
Colonel  Washington  and  his  officers  "  for  their  bravery  and 
gallant  defence  of  their  country."  A  pistole  was  granted 
from  the  public  treasury  to  each  of  the  soldiers.  * 

*  It  was  fortunate  that  the  disagreement  between  Colonel  Washing 
ton  and  Captain  Mackay,  respecting  the  right  of  command,  did  not 
produce  any  personal  ill  feeling,  nor  interfere  with  their  public  duty. 
It  is  also  pleasing  to  observe,  that  their  friendship  continued  through 
life,  although  they  never  again  saw  each  other.  Thirty-eight  years 
after  the  battle  of  the  Great  Meadows,  that  is,  in  1792,  a  gentleman 
in  Scotland  wrote  to  Washington,  making  inquiries  about  Captain  Mac 
kay.  Washington  replied ;  "  In  1755,  he  left  the  service,  sold  out,  and 
went  to  Georgia.  I  heard  nothing  of  him  from  that  time  till  about  five 
or  six  years  ago,  when  he  went  by  water  from  Georgia  to  Rhode  Is 
land  on  account  of  his  health.  On  his  return  to  Georgia  by  land,  he 
was  seized  either  by  the  complaint  for  which  he  had  gone  to  Rhode 
Island,  or  by  some  other  disorder,  and  died  at  Alexandria;  not  at  my 
house,  as  your  letter  mentions.  I  was  not  informed  of  his  being  at 
Alexandria  until  after  his  death,  which  was  a  circumstance  that  I  re 
gretted  much,  not  only  on  account  of  the  regard  which  1  had  for  him, 
from  our  former  acquaintance,  but  because  I  understood  that  he  was 


^T.  22.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  55 

Thus   commenced   the   military   career   of  Washington,    CHAPTER 

and  thus  ended   his   first   campaign.     Although   as   yet  a  — — 

youth,  with  small  experience,  unskilled  in  war,  and  rely-  1754- 
ing  on  his  own  resources,  he  had  behaved  with  the 
prudence,  address,  courage,  and  firmness  of  a  veteran  com 
mander.  Rigid  in  discipline,  but  sharing  the  hardships 
and  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  his  soldiers,  he  had 
secured  their  obedience  and  won  their  esteem  amidst 
privations,  sufferings,  and  perils,  that  have  seldom  been 
surpassed. 

Notwithstanding  the  late  discomfiture,  Governor  Dinwid-  Governor 
die's   ardor   did   not   abate.      It  was  indeed  a  foible    with  prosecute 

tUC  WftT. 

him,  that  his  zeal  outstripped  his  knowledge  and  discre 
tion.  Wholly  ignorant  of  military  affairs,  he  undertook  to 
organize  the  army,  prescribe  rules,  issue  orders,  form  plans 
of  operation,  and  manage  the  details.  Hence  frequent 
blunders  and  confusion.  Colonel  Washington  rejoined  his 
regiment,  which  had  marched  by  way  of  Winchester  to 
Alexandria.  He  there  received  orders  to  fill  up  the  com-  August, 
panics  by  enlistments,  and  lead  them  without  delay  to 
Will's  Creek,  where  Colonel  Innes  was  employed  in  build 
ing  Fort  Cumberland,  with  the  remnant  of  the  North 
Carolina  troops,  and  the  three  independent  companies,  that 
had  come  to  Virginia  from  South  Carolina  and  New  York. 
It  was  the  governor's  project,  that  the  united  forces  should 
immediately  cross  the  Alleganies,  and  drive  the  French 
from  Fort  Duquesne,  or  build  another  fort  beyond  the 
mountains. 

Astonished  that  such  a  scheme  should  be  contemplated,  Disapproves 
at  a  season   of  the  year   when   the   mountains   would   be  nor'f  me^. 
rendered  impassable  by  the  snows  and  rigor   of  the   cli 
mate,   and  with  an  army  destitute   of  supplies,    feeble   in 

then  on  his  way  to  pay  rile  a  visit,  and  had  expressed  an  anxious  de 
sire  to  see  me  before  he  died.  I  do  not  know  whether  Captain  Mac- 
kay  left  any  family  or  not;  for,  from  the  time  of  his  quitting  the  service 
until  his  death,  as  I  observed  before,  I  knew  nothing  of  him.  I  have, 
however,  been  informed,  that  he  was  possessed  of  a  handsome  prop 
erty  in  Georgia." 


56 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  B2. 


Governor's 
plans  oppos 
ed  by  the 
Assembly. 


CHAPTER  numbers,  and  worn  down  by  fatigue,  Colonel  Washington 
IIL  wrote  a  letter  of  strong  remonstrance  to  a  member  of  the 
1754.  governor's  Council,  representing  the  absurdity  and  even 
impossibility  of  such  an  enterprise.  His  regiment  was  re 
duced  by  death,  wounds,  and  sickness.  He  was  ordered 
to  obtain  recruits,  but  not  a  farthing  of  money  had  been 
provided.  He  was  ordered  to  march,  but  his  men  had 
neither  arms,  tents,  ammunition,  clothing,  nor  provisions, 
sufficient  to  enable  them  to  take  the  field,  and  no  means 
existed  for  procuring  them.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  the 
scheme  was  abandoned. 

The  governor  was  destined  to  struggle  with  difficulties, 
and  to  have  his  hopes  defeated.  The  Assembly  were  so 
perverse,  as  not  to  yield  to  all  his  demands,  and  he  never 
ceased  to  complain  of  their  "  republican  way  of  thinking," 
and  to  deplore  their  want  of  respect  for  the  authority  of 
his  office  and  the  prerogative  of  the  crown.  He  had 
lately  prorogued  them,  as  a  punishment  for  their  obstina 
cy,  and  written  to  the  ministry,  that  the  representatives 
of  the  people  seemed  to  him  infatuated,  and  that  he  was 
satisfied  "  the  progress  of  the  French  would  never  be  ef 
fectually  opposed,  but  by  means  of  an  act  of  Parliament 
to  compel  the  colonies  to  contribute  to  the  common  cause 
independently  of  assemblies."  When  the  burgesses  came 
together  again,  however,  he  was  consoled  by  their  good 
nature  in  granting  twenty  thousand  pounds  for  the  public 
service ;  and  he  soon  received  ten  thousand  pounds  in  spe 
cie  from  the  government  in  England  for  the  same  object. 

Thus  encouraged  he  formed  new  plans,  and  as  the  gift 
of  ten  thousand  pounds  was  under  his  control,  he  could 
appropriate  it  as  he  pleased.  He  enlarged  the  army  to  ten 
companies,  of  one  hundred  men  each,  and  put  the.  whole 
upon  the  establishment  of  independent  companies,  by  which 
the  highest  officers  in  the  Virginia  regiment  would  be  cap 
tains,  and  even  these  inferior  to  officers  of  the  same  rank 
holding  King's  commissions.  The  effect  was  to  reduce 
Colonel  Washington  to  the  rank  of  captain,  and  put  him 
under  officers  whom  he  had  commanded.  Such  a  degra- 


Army  en 
larged. 


JET  22.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  57 

dation,  of  course,   was  not  to  be  submitted  to  by  a  high-    CHAPTER 
minded   man.     He   resigned   his   commission,   and    retired       in* 
from  the  army.  1754. 

Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  soon  after  received  an 
appointment  from  the  King  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
forces  employed  to  act  against  the  French.  Knowing 
Colonel  Washington's  character,  and  the  importance  of 
his  aid,  Governor  Sharpe  solicited  him,  by  a  letter  from 
himself  and  another  from  one  of  his  officers,  to  resume 
his  station.  It  was  intimated,  that  he  might  hold  his 
former  commission.  "  This  idea,"  said  Washington  in  re 
ply,  "  has  filled  me  with  surprise ;  for,  if  you  think  me  NOV.  is. 
capable  of  holding  a  commission,  that  has  neither  rank 
nor  emolument  annexed  to  it,  you  must  entertain  a  very 
contemptible  opinion  of  my  weakness,  and  believe  me  to 
be  more  empty  than  the  commission  itself."  He  promptly 
declined  the  invitation,  and  added ;  "I  shall  have  the 
consolation  of  knowing,  that  I  have  opened  the  way,  when 
the  smallness  of  our  numbers  exposed  us  to  the  attacks  of 
a  superior  enemy ;  and  that  I  have  had  the  thanks  of  my 
country  for  the  services  I  have  rendered." 

Thus  sustained  within  himself,  neither  seeking  redress 
nor  venting  complaints,  he  passed  the  winter  in  retirement. 
He  acknowledged  his  partiality,  however,  for  the  profes 
sion  of  arms,  and  his  ambition  to  acquire  experience  and 
skill  in  the  military  art.  Nor  did  he  wait  long  for  an  op 
portunity  to  gratify  his  wishes. 

Early  in  the  spring,  General  Braddock  landed   in   Vir-  Accepts  the 

•         c"  appointment 

ginia,  with  two  regiments   of  regular   troops   from   Great  J^mp'tlt 
Britain,  which  it  was  supposed  would  bear  down  all  op-  g^ock. 
position,  and  drive  back  the  intruding  French  to  Canada.     March  16. 
The   people   were  elated   with  joy,   and   already  the  war 
on   the    frontier    seemed   hastening   to   an   end.      Colonel 
Washington  acceded  to  a  request  from  General  Braddock 
to  take  part  in  the  campaign  as  one  of  his  military  fam 
ily,  in  which  he  would  retain   his  former  rank,   and  the 
objections  on  that  score  would  be  obviated. 
8 


58 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  23. 


CHAPTER 
III. 

1755. 

His  reasons 
for  rejoining 
the  array. 


General 
Braddock 
and  several 
governors 
meet  at 
Alexandria. 

April  13. 


Uraddock 
inarches  to 
ihe  interior. 

April  20. 


His  views  on  the  subject  were  explained,  with  a  be 
coming  frankness  and  elevation  of  mind,  in  a  letter  to  a 
friend.  "  I  may  be  allowed,"  said  he,  "to  claim  some 
merit,  if  it  is  considered  that  the  sole  motive,  which  in 
vites  me  to  the  field,  is  the  laudable  desire  of  serving  my 
country,  not  the  gratification  of  any  ambitious  or  lucrative 
plans.  This,  I  flatter  myself,  will  manifestly  appear  by 
my  going  as  a  volunteer  without  expectation  of  reward  or 
prospect  of  obtaining  a  command,  as  I  am  confidently  as 
sured  it  is  not  in  General  Braddock's  power  to  give  me  a 
commission  that  I  would  accept."  Again,  "  If  there  is  any 
merit  in  my  case,  I  am  unwilling  to  hazard  it  among  my 
friends,  without  this  exposition  of  facts,  as  they  might  con 
ceive  that  some  advantageous  offers  had  engaged  my  ser 
vices,  when,  in  reality,  it  is  otherwise,  for  I  expect  to  be 
a  considerable  loser  in  my  private  affairs  by  going.  It  is 
true  I  have  been  importuned  to  make  this  campaign  by 
General  Braddock,  as  a  member  of  his  family,  he  conceiv 
ing,  I  suppose,  that  the  small  knowledge  I  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  acquiring  of  the  country  and  the  Indians  is 
worthy  of  his  notice,  and  may  be  useful  to  him  in  the 
progress  of  the  expedition."  Influenced  by  these  honor 
able  and  generous  motives,  he  accepted  the  offer,  and  pre 
pared  to  engage  in  the  service  as  a  volunteer. 

Several  companies  of  Braddock's  two  regiments  were 
cantoned  at  Alexandria,  at  which  place  the  commander 
himself  met  the  governors  of  five  colonies,  in  order  to 
concert  a  general  scheme  of  military  operations.  Colonel 
Washington  was  introduced  to  these  gentlemen;  and  the 
manner  in  which  he  was  received  by  them  gave  a  flatter 
ing  testimony  of  the  consideration,  which  his  name  and 
character  had  already  inspired.  With  the  deportment  and 
civilities  of  Governor  Shirley  he  was  particularly  pleased. 

General  Braddock  marched  to  the  interior,  and  was 
overtaken  by  Colonel  Washington  at  Winchester,  when  the 
latter  assumed  the  station  and  duties  of  aid-de-camp.  The 
troops  followed  in  divisions  by  different  routes,  and  all  as 
sembled  at  Will's  Creek.  Here  the  general  was  disap- 


jEr.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  59 

pointed,  vexed,  and  thrown  into  paroxysms  of  ill  humor,    CHAPTER 
at  not  finding  in  readiness  the  horses  and  wagons,  which        IIL 
had  been  promised,  and  on  which  he  depended  for  trans-     1755. 
porting  the  baggage,  tents,  provisions,  and  artillery  beyond 
that    post.     The   contractors   had   proved    faithless,    either 
from  neglect  or  inability. 

The  embarrassment  was  at  last  removed  by  the  patriotic  Patriotic 

zeal  and  ac- 

zeal  and  activity  of  Franklin.  Being  postmaster-general  of 
the  provinces,  he  visited  the  commander  during  his  march, 
with  the  view  of  devising  some  plan  to  facilitate  the  trans 
mission  of  the  mail  to  and  from  the  army.  On  certain 
conditions  he  agreed  to  procure  one  hundred  and  fifty 
wagons,  and  the  requisite  number  of  horses.  By  prompt 
exertions,  and  by  his  influence  among  the  farmers  of  Penn 
sylvania,  he  obtained  them  all  and  sent  them  to  Will's 
Creek.  This  act  was  praised  by  General  Bracjdock  in  a 
letter  to  the  ministry :  but  he  passed  a  severe  censure  up 
on  the  authorities  of  the  country  by  adding,  "  that  it  was 
the  only  instance  of  address  and  integrity,  which  he  had 
seen  in  the  provinces."  It  is  true,  that  by  this  timely 
aid  alone  his  army  was  enabled  to  move.  General  Brad- 
dock  had  good  grounds  of  complaint,  if  we  may  judge 
from  some  of  his  letters  afterwards  published.  The  con 
tractors  deceived  and  disappointed  him  in  nearly  every 
instance,  a,nd  paralyzed  his  most  strenuous  efforts  to  pro 
ceed  with  the  army.  This,  to  be  sure,  was  not  the  fault 
of  the  country,  but  it  would  seem  to  have  been  the  duty 
of  the  adjoining  colonies  to  take  care,  that  supplies  were 
promptly  forwarded  through  some  channel  or  other,  and 
not  to  leave  the  expedition  at  the  mercy  of  faithless  and 
peculating  contractors.  It  is  evident,  that  the  sense  of 
the  people  was  but  little  wakened  to  the  necessity,  or  im 
portance,  of  these  enterprises  against  the  French,  and  that 
they  looked  upon  them  rather  as  the  results  of  political 
objects  in  Great  Britain,  than  as  immediately  concerning 
themselves.  The  perpetual  broils  with  their  governors, 
also,  had  created  a  willingness  to  thwart  any  schemes  pro- 


60  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  23. 

CHAPTER   posed  by  these  staunch  and  obstinate  defenders  of  the  pre- 
IIL        rogative  and  of  prescriptive  abuses.* 

While    these    preparations    were    in     progress,    Colonel 
Washington   Washington   was   sent   on   a   mission   to  Williamsburg   to 

goes  to  Wil- 

immsburg.  procure  money  for  the  military  chest.  The  trust  was  ex- 
May  so.  ecuted  with  despatch  and  success.  On  returning  to  camp 
he  found  that  a  detachment  of  five  hundred  men  had 
marched  in  advance  ;  and  all  the  troops  were  immediate 
ly  put  in  motion,  except- a  small  party  left  as  a  guard  at 
Fort  Cumberland.  The  scene  was  new  to  the  gener 
al  and  his  officers,  and  obstacles  presented  themselves  at 
every  step,  which  they  had  not  anticipated.  The  rough 
ness  of  the  road  made  it  impossible  for  the  usual  number 
of  horses  to  drag  the  wagons,  loaded  as  they  were,  not 
only  with  the  supplies  and  munitions,  but  with  superflu 
ous  baggage,  and  the  camp  equipage  of  the  officers  ;  and 
they  were  obliged  to  double  the  teams,  thus  detaining  the 
whole  train  of  wagons,  till  those  in  front  were  forced 
along  by  this  tedious  process. 

His  opinion        It  was  soon  apparent,   that,  with    these  hindrances,  the 

in  a  council  rr 

season  might  be  consumed  in  crossing  the  mountains.  A 
council  of  war  was  resorted  to  ;  but  before  it  met,  the 
general  privately  asked  the  opinion  of  Colonel  Washing 
ton.  "  I  urged  him,"  said  he,  "  in  the  warmest  terms  I 
was  able,  to  push  forward,  if  he  even  did  it  with  a  small 
but  chosen  band,  with  such  artillery  and  light  stores  as 
were  necessary,  leaving  the  heavy  artillery  and  baggage 
with  the  rear  division  to  follow  by  slow  and  easy  marches, 
which  they  might  do  safely  while  we  were  advancing  in 
front."  His  reason  for  pressing  this  measure  was,  that, 
from  the  best  advices,  an  accession  of  force  was  shortly 
expected  at  Fort  Duquesne,  and  that  it  was  of  the  utmost 
moment  to  make  the  attack  before  such  an  event  should 

*  The  merit  of  procuring  the  wagons  and  horses,  here  mentioned, 
was  wholly  due  to  the  personal  exertions  of  Franklin,  and  not  to  any 
agency  or  previous  intention  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly.  When  he 
returned  to  Philadelphia,  however,  the  Assembly  being  in  session,  they 
J  a  vote  of  thanks  for  his  services. 


£/r.23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  61 

occur.      It    was   moreover   important   to   divide  the   army,    CHAPTER 
because  the  narrowness  of  the  road,  and  the  difficulty  of        IIL 
getting  the  wagons  along,  caused  it  to   be   stretched   into      j?55. 
a  line  four   miles  in    length,  by   which  the  soldiers  were 
so  much  scattered,  that  they  might  be  attacked  and  routed 
at  any  point,  even  by  small  parties,  before  a  proper  force 
could  be  brought  to  their  support. 

These  suggestions    prevailed   in   the  council,   and   were  HIS  advice 

prevails. 

approved  by  the  general.  The  army  was  separated  into 
two  divisions.  Braddock  led  the  advanced  division  of 
twelve  hundred  men  lightly  equipped,  taking  only  such 
carriages  and  articles  as  were  absolutely  essential.  Colo 
nel  Dunbar,  with  the  residue  of  the  army,  about  six  hun 
dred,  remained  in  the  rear. 

At   this    time    Colonel   Washington   was   seized   with  a  seized  with 

•  •  i  a  v*°'ent 

rasing  fever,  which  was  so  violent  as  to  alarm  the  physi-  <  fever  which 

r     3  detains  him 

cian  ;  and,  as  an  act  of  humanity,  the  general  ordered  him  several  days. 
to  proceed   no  further,   till  the  danger   was   over ;   with   a     June  i4 
solemn  pledge,  that  he  should  be  brought  up  to  the  front 
of  the  army  before  it  should  reach  the  French  fort.     Con 
signed  to  a  wagon,  and  to  the  physician's  care,  he  contin 
ued  with   the  rear   division  nearly   two   weeks,  when   he 
was  enabled  to  be  moved  forward  by  slow  stages,  but  not 
without  much  pain  from  weakness  and  the  jolting  of  the 
vehicle.     He  overtook   the   general  at   the   mouth   of  the 
Youghiogany  River,  fifteen  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne,  the      juiy  s. 
evening  before  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela. 

The  officers  and  soldiers  were  now  in  the  highest  spir-  March  of  the 
its,  and  firm  in  the  conviction,  that  they  should  within  a 
few  hours  victoriously  enter  the  walls  of  Fort  Duquesne. 
The  steep  and  rugged  grounds,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
Monongahela,  prevented  the  army  from  marching  in  that 
direction,  and  it  was  necessary  in  approaching  the  fort, 
now  about  fifteen  miles  distant,  to  ford  the  river  twice, 
and  march  a  part  of  the  way  on  the  south  side.  Early 
on  the  morning  of  the  9th,  all  things  were  in  readiness, 
and  the  whole  train  passed  through  the  river  a  little  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogany,  and  proceeded  in  perfect 


62  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [J£T.  23 

CHAPTER   order    along   the    southern    margin    of   the    Monongahela. 
_  IIL        Washington  was   often   heard    to   say  during   his  lifetime, 


1755.  faQt  ^g  most  beautiful  spectacle  he  had  ever  beheld  was 
the  display  of  the  British  troops  on  this  eventful  morning. 
Every  man  was  neatly  dressed  in  full  uniform,  the  sol 
diers  were  arranged  in  columns  and  marched  in  exact  01- 
der,  the  sun  gleamed  from  their  burnished  arms,  the  river 
flowed  tranquilly  on  their  right,  and  the  deep  forest  over 
shadowed  them  with  solemn  grandeur  on  their  left.  Offi 
cers  and  men  were  equally  inspirited  with  cheering  hopes 
and  confident  anticipations. 

Battle  of  the       In   this   manner  they  marched  forward   till  about  noon, 

heia.  ]         when  they  arrived  at  the  second  crossing-place,  ten  miles 

July  9*      from  Fort  Duquesne.     They  halted  but  a  little  time,  and 

then  began  to  ford  the  river  and  regain  its  northern  bank. 

>  As   soon   as   they   had  crossed,   they   came   upon    a   level 

plain,  elevated  only  a  few  feet  above  the  surface  of  the 

river,  and   extending  northward  nearly   half  a   mile    from 

its  margin.     Then  commenced  a  gradual  ascent  at  an  an 

gle  of  about  three  degrees,  which  terminated   in  hills  of 

a  considerable  height  at  no    great  distance  beyond.     The 

road   from   the  fording-place   to  Fort  Duquesne  led  across 

the  plain  and  up  this  ascent,  and  thence  proceeded  through 

an  uneven  country,  at  that  time  covered  with  wood. 

By  the  order  of  march,  a  body  of  three  hundred  men, 
under  Colonel  Gage,  made  the  advanced  party,  which 
was  immediately  followed  by  another  of  two  hundred. 
Next  came  the  general  with  the  columns  of  artillery,  the 
main  body  of  the  army,  and  the  baggage.  At  one 
o'clock,  the  whole  had  crossed  the  river,  and  almost  at 
this  moment  a  sharp  firing  was  heard  upon  the  advanc 
ed  parties,  who  were  now  ascending  the  hill,  and  had 
proceeded  about  a  hundred  yards  from  the  termination  of 
the  plain.  A  heavy  discharge  of  musketry  was  poured  in 
upon  their  front,  which  was  the  first  intelligence  they 
had  of  the  proximity  of  an  enemy,  and  this  was  suddenly 
followed  by  another  on  the  right  flank.  They  were  filled 
with  the  greater  consternation,  as  no  enemy  was  in  sight, 


^Ex.  23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  63 

and   the    firing  seemed  to   proceed  from   an   invisible   foe.    CHAPTER 
They  fired  in   their  turn,  however,    but  quite  at   random        I1L 
and  obviously  without  effect. 

The  general  hastened  forward  to  the  relief  of  the  ad 
vanced  parties  ;  but,  before  he  could  reach  the  spot  which 
they  occupied,  they  gave  way  and  fell  back  upon  the  ar 
tillery  and  the  other  columns  of  the  army,  causing  extreme 
confusion,  and  striking  the  whole  mass  with  such  a  panic, 
that  no  order  could  afterwards  be  restored.  The  general 
and  the  officers  behaved  with  the  utmost  courage,  and 
used  every  effort  to  rally  the  men,  and  bring  them  to  or 
der,  but  all  in  vain.  In  this  state  they  continued  nearly 
three  hours,  huddling  together  in  confused  bodies,  firing 
irregularly,  shooting  down  their  own  officers  and  men,  and 
doing  no  perceptible  harm  to  the  enemy.  The  Virginia 
provincials  were  the  only  troops,  who  seemed  to  retain 
their  senses,  and  they  behaved  with  a  bravery  and  reso 
lution  worthy  of  a  better  fate.  They  adopted  the  Indian 
mode,  and  fought  each  man  for  himself  behind  a  tree. 
This  was  prohibited  by  the  general,  who  endeavored  to 
form  his  men  into  platoons  and  columns,  as  if  they  had 
been  mancBuvring  on  the  plains  of  Flanders.  Meantime 
the  French  and  Indians,  concealed  in  the  ravines  and  be 
hind  trees,  kept  up  a  deadly  and  unceasing  discharge  of 
musketry,  singling  out  their  objects,  taking  deliberate  aim, 
and  producing  a  carnage  almost  unparalleled  in  the  annals 
of  modern  warfare.  More  than  half  of  the  whole  army, 
which  had  crossed  the  river  in  so  proud  an  array  only 
three  hours  before,  were  killed  or  wounded.  The  gen 
eral  himself  received  a  mortal  wound,  and  many  of  his 
best  officers  fell  by  his  side. 

During  the  whole  of  the  action,  as  reported  by  an  offi- 
cer  who  witnessed  his  conduct,  Colonel  Washington  be-  ln  *he  battle- 
haved  with  "  the  greatest  courage  and  resolution."  Cap 
tains  Orme  and  Morris,  the  two  other  aids-de-camp,  were 
wounded  and  disabled,  and  the  duty  of  distributing  the 
general's  orders  devolved  on  him  alone.  He  rode  in  every 
direction,  and  was  a  conspicuous  mark  for  the  enemy's 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  23. 


CHAPTER 
III. 

1755. 


Numbers 
killed  and 
wounded. 


The  rem 
nant  of  the 
army 
retreats. 


Death  of 

General 

Braddock. 

July  13. 


sharp-shooters.  "  By  the  all  powerful  dispensations  of 
Providence,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  "  I  have 
been  protected  beyond  all  human  probability  or  expecta 
tion  ;  for  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two 
horses  shot  under  me,  yet  I  escaped  unhurt,  although 
death  was  levelling  my  companions  on  every  side  of  me." 
So  bloody  a  contest  has  rarely  been  witnessed.  The 
number  of  officers  in  the  engagement  was  eighty-six,  of 
whom  twenty-six  were  killed,  and  thirty-seven  wounded. 
The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  privates  amounted  to 
seven  hundred  and  fourteen.  On  the  other  hand,  the  en 
emy's  loss  was  small.  Their  force  amounted  at  least  to 
eight  hundred  and  fifty  men,  of  whom  six  hundred  were 
Indians.  According  to  the  returns,  not  more  than  forty 
were  killed.  They  fought  in  deep  ravines,  concealed  by 
the  bushes,  and  the  balls  of  the  English  passed  over  their 
heads. 

The  remnant  of  Braddock 's  army  being  put  to  flight, 
and  having  recrossed  the  river,  Colonel  Washington  hast 
ened  to  meet  Colonel  Dunbar,  and  order  up  horses  and 
wagons  for  the  wounded.  Three  days  were  occupied  in 
retreating  to  Gist's  plantation.  The  enemy  did  not  pur 
sue  them.  Satiated  with  carnage  and  plunder,  the  In 
dians  could  not  be  tempted  from  the  battle-field,  and  the 
French  were  too  few  to  act  without  their  aid.  The  un 
fortunate  general,  dying  of  his  wounds,  was  transported 
first  in  a  tumbril,  then  on  a  horse,  and  at  last  was  car 
ried  by  the  soldiers.  He  expired  the  fourth  day  after  the 
battle,  and  was  buried  in  the  road  near  Fort  Necessity. 
A  new  panic  seized  the  troops  ;  disorder  and  confusion 
reigned ;  the  artillery  was  destroyed  ;  the  public  stores 
and  heavy  baggage  were  burnt,  no  one  could  tell  by 
whose  orders ;  nor  were  discipline  and  tranquillity  restor 
ed,  till  \he  straggling  and  bewildered  companies  arrived 
at  Fort  Cumberland.  Colonel  Washington,  no  longer  con 
nected  with  the  service,  and  debilitated  by  his  late  ill 
ness,  stayed  there  a  few  days  to  regain  strength,  and 
then  returned  to  Mount  Vernon. 


.  23.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


65 


1755- 


Such  was  the  termination  of  an  enterprise,  one  of  the  CHAPTER 
most  memorable  in  American  history,  and  almost  unpar-  1IL 
alleled  for  its  disasters,  and  the  universal  disappointment 
and  consternation  it  occasioned.  Notwithstanding  its  total 
and  even  disgraceful  failure,  the  bitter  invectives  every- 
where  poured  out  against  its  principal  conductors,  and  the 
reproaches  heaped  upon  the  memory  of  its  ill-fated  com 
mander,  yet  the  fame  and  character  of  Washington  were 
greatly  enhanced  by  it.  His  intrepidity  and  good  con 
duct  were  lauded  by  his  companions  in  arms,  and  pro 
claimed  from  province  to  province.  Contrary  to  his  will, 
and  in  spite  of  his  efforts,  he  had  gathered  laurels  from 
the  defeat  and  ruin  of  others.  Had  the  expedition  been 
successful,  these  laurels  would  have  adorned  the  brow  of 
his  superiors.  It  might  have  been  said  of  him,  that  he 
had  done  his  duty,  and  acquitted  himself  honorably  ;  but 
he  could  not  have  been  the  prominent  and  single  object 
of  public  regard  ;  nor  could  he,  by  a  long  series  of  com 
mon  events,  have  risen  to  so  high  an  eminence,  or  acquir 
ed  in  so  wide  a  sphere  the  admiration  and  confidence  of 
the  people.  For  himself,  for  his  country,  for  mankind, 
therefore,  this  catastrophe,  in  appearance  so  calamitous  and 
so  deeply  deplored  at  the  time,  should  unquestionably  be 
considered  as  a  wise  and  beneficent  dispensation  of  Provi 
dence. 

It  was  known,  that  he  gave  prudent  counsel  to  General  ^.prudent 
Braddock,  which  was  little  heeded.  During  the  march,  a 
body  of  Indians  offered  their  services,  which,  at  the  earn 
est  recommendation  and  request  of  Washington,  were  ac 
cepted,  but  in  so  cold  a  manner,  and  the  Indians  were 
treated  with  so  much  neglect,  that  they  withdrew  one 
after  another  in  disgust.  On  the  evening  preceding  the 
action,  they  came  again  to  camp,  and  renewed  their  offer. 
Again  Colonel  Washington  interposed,  and  urged  the  im 
portance  of  these  men  as  scouts  and  out-guards,  their 
knowledge  of  the  ground,  and  skill  in  fighting  among 
woods.  Relying  on  the  prowess  of  his  regular  troops,  and 
disdaining  such  allies,  the  general  peremptorily  refused  to 
9  G* 


66  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  23. 

CHAPTER   receive   them,    in   a   tone    not   more    decided   than  ungra- 

IIL        cious.*     Had  a  scouting  party  of  a  dozen  Indians  preceded 

1755.     the   army  after  it   crossed   the   Monongahela,  they   would 

have  detected  the  enemy  in  the  ravines,  and  reversed  the 

fortunes  of  the  day. 

character  of      General  Braddock  was  a  brave  man  and  an  experienced 

Braddock.  .  r 

officer;  but,  arrogant  and  obstinate,  he  had  the  weakness, 
at  all  times  a  folly  and  in  his  case  an  infatuation,-  to  de 
spise  his  enemy.  Ignorant  of  the  country,  of  the  mode  of 
warfare  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and  of  the  force  op 
posed  to  him,  he  refused  counsel,  neglected  precautions, 
and  thus  lost  his  life.f 

*  This  was  told  to  me  by  William  Butler,  a  very  old  man,  who  had 
been  a  soldier  in  the  action  of  the  Monongahela,  and  who  said  he  was 
standing  as  sentinel  at  the  door  of  the  General's  tent,  and  heard  the 
conversation.  Seventy-five  years  after  the  battle,  there  were  at  least 
two  men  living  in  Pennsylvania,  who  were  engaged  in  it. 

f  A  report  has  long  been  current  in  Pennsylvania,  that  Braddock  was 
shot  by  one  of  his  own  men,  founded  on  the  declaration  of  a  provincial 
soldier,  who  was  in  the  action.  There  is  another  tradition,  also,  worthy 
of  notice,  which  rests  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Craik,  the  intimate  friend 
of  Washington  from  his  boyhood  to  his  death,  and  who  was  with  him 
at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela.  Fifteen  years  after  that  event,  they 
travelled  together  on  an  expedition  to  the  western  country,  with  a  party 
of  woodsmen,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  wild  lands.  While  near  the 
junction  of  the  Great  Kenhawa  and  Ohio  Rivers,  a  company  of  Indians 
came  to  them  with  an  interpreter,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  an  aged 
and  venerable  chief.  This  personage  made  known  to  them  by  the  in 
terpreter,  that,  hearing  Colonel  Washington  was  in  that  region,  he  had 
come  a  long  way  to  visit  him,  adding,  that,  during  the  battle  of  the 
Monongahela,  he  had  singled  him  out  as  a  conspicuous  object,  fired  his 
rifle  at  him  many  times,  and  directed  his  young  warriors  to  do  the  same, 
but  to  his  utter  astonishment  none  of  their  balls  took  effect.  He  was 
then  persuaded,  that  the  youthful  hero  was  under  the  special  guardian 
ship  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  immediately  ceased  to  fire  at  him.  He  was 
now  come  to  pay  homage  to  the  man,  who  was  the  particular  favorite 
of  Heaven,  and  who  could  never  die  in  battle. 


.-Ex.  23.] 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


67 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Colonel  Washington  appointed  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia  Forces. 
—  Distresses  of  the  Frontier  Inhabitants.  —  Reforms  in  the  Arrangement 
and  Discipline  of  the  Army.  —  Difficulties  with  an  Officer  holding  a  King's 
Commission  concerning  Rank.  —  Washington  visits  General  Shirley  at 
Boston  upon  this  Subject.  —  His  Claim  confirmed.  —  Returns  and  repairs 
to  his  Head-quarters  at  Winchester.  —  Embarrassments  of  his  Situation.  — 
Testimonies  of  Confidence  in  his  Character  and  Ability.  —  Occurrences 
of  the  Campaign.  —  Incursions  of  the  Savages  —  Plan  of  Fortifications  for 
the  Interior.  —  Fort  Cumberland.  —  Memorial  presented  by  Colonel  Wash 
ington  to  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  on  the  State  of  Military  Affairs  in  Virginia. 

ALTHOUGH  Colonel  Washington  retired  to  a  private  sta 
tion  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  did  not  neglect  his  duties  to 
the  public.  Still  holding  the  office  of  adjutant-general  of 
the  militia,  he  circulated  orders  for  them  to  assemble  at 
certain  times  and  places  to  be  exercised  and  reviewed. 
So  much  were  the  inhabitants  alarmed  at  the  recent  suc 
cesses  of  the  enemy,  that  their  martial  spirit  received  a 
new  impulse,  and  volunteer  companies  began  to  be  organ 
ized.  Their  ardor  was  stimulated  from  the  pulpit,  and  it 
was  in  a  sermon  to  one  of  these  companies,  that  the  ac 
complished  and  eloquent  Samuel  Davies  pronounced  the 
celebrated  encomium  in  a  single  sentence,  which  has  often 
been  quoted  as  prophetic.  After  praising  the  zeal  and 
courage,  which  had  been  shown  by  the  Virginia  troops, 
the  preacher  added;  "As  a  remarkable  instance  of  this, 
I  may  point  out  to  the  public  that  heroic  youth,  Colonel 
Washington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has 
hitherto  preserved  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  impor 
tant  service  to  his  country."  This  was  but  the  echo  of 
the  general  voice,  and  it  is  a  proof  of  the  high  estimation 
in  which  the  character  of  Washington  was  at  this  time 
held  by  his  countrymen,  and  of  the  hopes  it  had  raised. 

Another  and  more  substantial  proof  soon  followed.  The 
Virginia  legislature  voted  forty  thousand  pounds  for  the 


CHAPTER 
IV. 

1755. 

Retires  to 
Mount  Ver 
non. 


Prediction 
of  his  future 
career. 


Rewarded 
by  the  Vir 
ginia  legis 
lature. 


68 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEx.  5J3. 


1755. 


continue  m 
service. 


Accepts  the 

command  of 

the  Virginia 

troops. 

August  14. 


public  service,  and  enlarged  their  regiment  to  sixteen  com- 
panics.  Three  hundred  pounds  were  likewise  granted  to 
Colonel  Washington,  and  proportional  sums  to  the  other 
officers  and  privates,  "  for  their  gallant  behavior  and  losses  " 
at  the  battle  of  the  Monongahela. 

While  the  bill  was  pending,  his  friends  in  the  Assembly 
wrote  to  him,  urging  his  attendance  at  Williamsburg,  and 
expressing  their  wishes,  that  he  might  be  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  army  under  its  new  organization.  Inter 
est  was  made  for  another  person,  which  was  known  to  be 
countenanced  by  the  governor's  predilections.  To  these 
letters,  and  particularly  to  one  from  his  elder  brother,  then 
a  member  of  the  Assembly,  he  replied  in  language  worthy 
of  himself,  dignified,  disinterested,  firm.  He  said  that  he 
had  served  two  campaigns,  besides  performing  a  perilous 
journey,  had  suffered  much  in  his  health  and  affairs,  had 
been  deprived  of  his  commission  in  a  way  to  wound  his 
feelings,  had  gone  out  and  fought  as  a  volunteer,  and 
that  the  result  of  the  whole  was  vexation  and  disappoint 
ment.  He  added,  however,  "  I  am  always  willing  and 
ready  to  render  my  country  any  services  that  I  am  capa 
ble  of,  but  never  upon  the  terms  I  have  done."  He  did 
not  absolutely  ,refuse  to  accept  the  command,  if  it  should 
be  offered,  but  said  he  would  not  seek  what  he  did  not 
covet,  nor  be  thought  to  solicit  what  he  would  receive 
only  as  voluntarily  bestowed  by  his  countrymen.  Stand 
ing  on  this  high  ground,  he  prescribed  several  conditions 
as  essential  ;  among  others,  a  voice  in  choosing  his  offi 
cers,  a  better  system  of  military  regulations,  more  prompt 
ness  in  paying  the  troops,  and  a  thorough  reform,  inducing 
activity  and  method,  in  all  the  departments  for  procuring 
supplies. 

No   one,    probably,    was   more    surprised    than    himself, 

,  -i          •  i  mi 

that  all  his  requisitions  should  be  complied  with.  The 
appointment  was  confirmed  in  the  fullest  latitude  of  his 
demands,  with  the  additional  privilege  of  an  aid-de-camp 
and  secretary.  He  had  been  at  home  but  four  weeks, 
when  he  was  called  to  Williamsburg  to  receive  his  in- 


JET.  23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  69 

structions  and  make  arrangements  for  organizing  the  new    CHAPTER 
army.     Public  opinion  had  subdued  the  governor's  partial-        1V' 
ity  for  another  candidate,  and  he  acquiesced  with  apparent     1755. 
satisfaction.     In  a  letter  to  the  ministry,  he  spoke  of  Colo 
nel  Washington  as  "a  man  of  great  merit  and  resolution," 
adding,    "  I  am  convinced,  if  General  Braddock   had  sur 
vived,  he  would  have  recommended  him  to  the  royal  favor, 
which  I  beg  your  interest  in  recommending."      How  far 
the  minister's  interest  was  effectual  is  uncertain;   but  no 
royal  favor  to  Washington  ever  crossed  the  Atlantic. 

Being  now  established  in  a  command  of  high  responsi-  nead- 
bility,   he  applied   himself  to  the  discharge   of  its   duties  Winchester. 
with  his  accustomed   energy   and   circumspection.      Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Adam  Stephen   and    Major   Andrew  Lewis 
were    the  field-officers   next    in   rank.      His    head-quarters 
were  fixed  at  Winchester.     After  putting  affairs  in  train, 
sending  out  recruiting  officers,  and  reporting  to  the  gov 
ernor  the  state  of  the  old  regiment  and  estimates  for  the 
new,  he  performed  a  tour  of  inspection  among  the  moun-  Performs  a 

...  ,  i/»-/*  T-I  tour  of  in- 

tains,  visiting  all  the  outposts  along  the  frontier  from  Fort 


Cumberland  to  Fort  Dinwiddie  on  Jackson's  River,  giving  september- 
the  necessary  orders,  and  obtaining,  from  personal  obser 
vation,  a  knowledge  of  every  thing  within  the  compass  of 
his  command.  Scarcely  was  this  service  completed,  when 
an  express  overtook  him,  on  his  way  to  Williamsburg, 
bringing  intelligence  that  the  Indians  had  broken  into  the 
back  settlements,  committed  ravages  and  murders,  and 
spread  terror  on  every  side.  He  hastened  back  to  head-  caiiedback 

by  an  c\- 

quarters,  called  in  the  recruits,  summoned  the  militia  to  press- 
assemble,  and  ordered  out  such  a  force  as  he  could  mus 
ter  to  repel  the  ruthless  invaders.  The  check  was  timely 
and  effectual,  but  not  such  as  to  quiet  the  fears  of  the 
inhabitants,  who  flocked  in  families  from  their  homes  ; 
and  so  great  was  the  panic,  that  many  of  them  continued 
their  flight  till  they  had  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge. 

On   this   occasion   the   patience   and    sensibility   of  the  Defect*  of 
commander,  as  well  as  his  discretion   and   address,    were  system. 
put  to  a  severe  trial.     On  one  hand,  he  witnessed   with 


70  LIFEOFWASHINGTON.  [^ 

CHAPTER  an  aching  heart  the  dangers,  wants,  and  distresses  of  the 
1V-  inhabitants ;  on  the  other,  he  experienced  all  the  evils  of 
1755.  insubordination  among  the  troops,  perverseness  in  the  mi 
litia,  inactivity  in  the  officers,  disregard  of  orders,  and 
reluctance  in  the  civil  authorities  to  render  a  proper  sup 
port.  And  what  added  to  his  mortification  was,  that  the 
laws  gave  him  no  power  to  correct  these  evils,  either  by 
enforcing  discipline,  or  compelling  the  indolent  and  re 
fractory  to  do  their  duty.  The  army  regulations  had  been 
reformed,  but  they  were  still  deficient  in  the  essential  ar 
ticles  for  preventing  desertions,  punishing  offences,  and  se 
curing  obedience.  The  militia  system  was  suited  only 
to  times  of  peace.  It  provided  for  calling  out  men  to  re 
pel  invasion  ;  but  the  powers  granted  for  effecting  it  were 
so  limited,  as  to  be  almost  inoperative. 

These  de-  These  defects,  and  their  fatal  consequences,  were  re- 
sentSedT0rthe  presented  in  strong  language  by  Colonel  Washington,  in 
his  official  communications  to  the  governor  and  to  the 
Speaker  of  the  Assembly.  All  ears  seemed  dull  to  his 
remonstrances  and  closed  to  his  counsels ;  such,  to  use 
his  own  words,  was  the  fear  of  displeasing  the  people, 
who  were  "  so  tenacious  of  their  liberty,  as  not  to  in 
vest  a  power  where  interest  and  policy  so  unanswerably 
demanded  it."  By  dint  of  perseverance,  however,  by  at 
tending  in  person  at  the  seat  of  government  and  convers 
ing  with  individual  members,  by  persuasion  and  argument, 
A  new  law  by  force  of  truth  and  reason,  he  at  last  prevailed.  A  bill 
?emedy?sa  was  carried  through  the  House,  in  which  were  included 
all  the  articles  required,  providing  for  the  punishment  of 
mutiny,  desertion,  and  disobedience,  for  holding  courts- 
martial,  and  for  maintaining  order  and  discipline.  This 
success  relieved  him  from  a  weight,  which  had  hung 
heavily  upon  his  thoughts.  It  was  also  a  gratifying  tes 
timony  of  the  respect  entertained  for  his  opinions  and 
judgment.  He  returned  to  his  station  with  a  renovated 
spirit.  It  was  too  late  in  the  season  to  meditate  a  cam 
paign,  or  offensive  operations.  To  fill  up  the  army,  re 
duce  it  to  method,  train  the  men,  strengthen  and  secure 


^Er.  23.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  71 

the   outposts,    construct   new   forts,    and   provide    supplies   CHAPTER 
for  the  winter,  were  the  objects  demanding  his  attention.        IV> 
These   tasks   were   executed    with    unremitted    assiduity.      1755. 
When   his   presence   could   be   dispensed    with    at    head 
quarters,  he  visited  the  places  of  rendezvous  and  the  prin 
cipal  posts,  exercising,  by  his  orders  and  personal  oversight, 
a  general  superintendence,  and  thus  promoting  unity,  sys 
tem,  and  efficiency  in  every  part. 

There  was  a  circumstance  at  this  time  connected  with  Difficulties 
his  command,    which   caused   discontent   both   to   himself  command  at 

Fort  Cum- 

and  to  his  officers.  At  Fort  Cumberland  was  a  Captain 
Dagworthy,  commissioned  by  Govemor*Sharpe,  who  had 
under  him  a  small  company  of  Maryland  troops.  This 
person  had  held  a  royal  commission  in  the  last  war,  upon 
which  he  now  plumed  himself,  refusing  obedience  to  any 
provincial  officer,  however  high  in  rank.  Hence,  when 
ever  Colonel  Washington  was  at  Fort  Cumberland,  the 
Maryland  captain  would  pay  no  regard  to  his  orders. 
The  example  was  mischievous,  and  kept  the  garrison  in 
perpetual  feuds  and  insubordination.  The  affair  was  laid 
in  due  form  before  Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  his  positive 
order  in  the  case  was  requested.  Not  caring  to  venture 
his  authority  in  deciding  a  doubtful  question,  the  gov 
ernor  refrained  from  interference,  but  at  the  same  time 
told  Colonel  Washington  that  the  pretensions  of  Dagwor 
thy  were  frivolous;  and  he  seemed  not  a  little  incensed, 
that  a  captain  with  thirty  men  should  presume  to  dispute 
the  rank  of  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia  forces, 
who  had  been  commissioned  under  his  own  hand.  In 
short,  he  intimated  to  Colonel  Washington,  that  Dagwor 
thy  might  be  arrested,  according  to  military  usage,  taking 
care,  nevertheless,  to  give  no  order  on  the  subject. 

This  vacillation  of  the  governor  only  increased  the  em 
barrassment.  In  the  first  place,  the  fort  was  in  Maryland, 
and  Dagworthy  acted  under  the  governor  of  that  colony, 
who  was  known  to  encourage  his  claim.  Again,  in  Gen 
eral  Braddock's  time,  Dagworthy,  on  the  ground  of  his 
old  commission,  had  been  put  above  provincial  officers  of 


72 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  23. 


CHAPTER 
IV. 

1755. 


Application 
to  General 
Shirley. 


Journey 
to  Boston. 


General 
Shirley 
grants  hia 
request. 


higher  rank.  With  these  precedents  before  him,  Colonel 
Washington  did  not  choose  to  hazard  an  arrest,  for  which 
he  might  himself  be  called  to  account.  He  was  prompt, 
however,  in  his  determination,  either  to  resign  his  com 
mission,  as  he  had  formerly  done  for  a  similar  reason,  or 
to  have  this  difficulty  removed. 

As  a  last  resort,  it  was  proposed  to  refer  the  matter  to 
General  Shirley,  now  the  commander-in-chief  of  his  Ma 
jesty's  armies  in  America ;  and  it  was  the  request  of 
the  officers,  that  the  petition  should  be  presented  by  Col 
onel  Washington  in  person.  The  proposal  was  approved 
by  the  governor,  who  consented  to  his  absence,  and  fur 
nished  him  with  letters  to  the  General  and  other  persons 
of  distinction. 

Despatching  orders  to  Colonel  Stephen,  who  was  left 
with  the  command  of  the  Virginia  troops,  he  made  no 
delay  in  preparing  for  his  departure.  He  commenced  his 
tour  on  the  4th  of  February,  1756.  General  Shirley  was 
at  Boston.  A  journey  of  five  hundred  miles  was  to  be 
performed  in  the  depth  of  winter.  Attended  by  his  aid- 
de-camp,  Captain  Mercer,  and  by  Captain  Stewart,  he 
travelled  the  whole  way  on  horseback,  pursuing  the  route 
through  Philadelphia,  New  York,  New  London,  and  Rhode 
Island.  He  stopped  several  days  in  the  principal  cities, 
where  his  character,  and  the  curiosity  to  see  a  person  so 
renowned  for  his  bravery  and  miraculous  escape  at  Brad- 
dock's  defeat,  procured  for  him  much  notice.  He  was 
politely  received  by  General  Shirley,  who  acceded  to  his 
petition  in  its  fullest  extent,  giving  a  pointed  order  in 
writing,  that  Dagworthy  should  be  subject  to  his  com 
mand.  The  journey  was  advantageous  in  other  respects. 
The  plan  of  operations  for  the  coming  campaign  was  ex 
plained  to  him  by  the  General ;  and  he  formed  acquaint 
ances  and  acquired  knowledge  eminently  useful  to  him 
at  a  future  day.  He  was  absent  from  Virginia  seven 
weeks. 

While  in  New  York,  he  was  lodged  and  kindly  enter 
tained  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Beverley  Robinson,  between 


^T.  24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  73 

whom  and  himself  an  intimacy  of  friendship  subsisted,  CHAPTER 
which  indeed  continued  without  change,  till  severed  by  lv> 
their  opposite  fortunes  twenty  years  afterwards  in  the  1756. 
revolution.  It  happened  that  Miss  Mary  Phillips,  a  sister  by 
of  Mrs.  Robinson,  ajid  a  young  lady  of  rare  accomplish- 
ments,  was  an  inmate  in  the  family.  The  charms  of 
this  lady  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the  heart  of  the 
Virginia  Colonel.  He  went  to  Boston,  returned,  and  was 
again  welcomed  to  the  hospitality  of  Mr.  Robinson.  He 
lingered  there,  till  duty  called  him  away ;  but  he  was 
careful  to  intrust  his  secret  to  a  confidential  friend,  whose 
letters  kept  him  informed  of  every  important  event.  In 
a  few  months  intelligence  came,  that  a  rival  was  in  the 
field,  and  that  the  consequences  could  not  be  answered 
for,  if  he  delayed  to  renew  his  visits  to  New  York. 
Whether  time,  the  bustle  of  a  camp,  or  the  scenes  of 
war,  had  moderated  his  admiration,  or  whether  he  de 
spaired  of  success,  is  not  known.  He  never  saw  the  lady 
again,  till  she  was  married  to  that  same  rival,  Captain 
Morris,  his  former  associate  in  arms,  and  one  of  Braddock's 
aids-de-camp. 

He  had  before  felt  the  influence  of  the  tender  passion. 
At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  was  smitten  by  the  graces 
of  a  fair  one,  whom  he  called  a  "  Lowland  beauty,"  and 
whose  praises  he  recorded  in  glowing  strains,  while  wan 
dering  with  his  surveyor's  compass  among  the  Allegany 
Mountains.  On  that  occasion  he  wrote  desponding  letters 
to  a  friend,  and  indited  plaintive  verses,  but  never  ven 
tured  to  reveal  his  emotions  to  the  lady,  who  was  un 
consciously  the  cause  of  his  pains. 

As  the  Assembly   was   to  convene    just   \t  the  time  of  Repairs  to 

,  .  ,  TTT.il-  Williams- 

his  return,  he  hastened  to  Williamsburg,  in  order   to  ma-  b^g  and 

matures  a 

ture  a  plan  for  employing  the  army   during   the   summer,  plan  for  the 
The  idea   of  offensive   operations   was   abandoned   at   the       April, 
outset.      Neither   artillery,    engineers,    nor    the   means   of 
transportation  necessary  for  such  an  object,    could  be  pro 
cured.     Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  aroused  at  last  from 
their   apathy,    had   appropriated   money   for   defence ;  but, 

10  H 


74  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

CHAPTER  not  inclined  to  unite  with  Virginia  or  each  other  in  any 
lv'  concerted  measures,  they  were  contented  to  expend  their 
1756.  substance  in  fortifying  their  own  borders.  If  a  more  lib 
eral  policy  had  predominated,  if  these  colonies  had  smoth 
ered  their  local  jealousies  and  looked  only  to  their  com 
mon  interests,  they  might  by  a  single  combined  effort 
have  driven  the  French  from  the  Ohio,  and  rested  in  quiet 
the  remainder  of  the  war.  There  being  no  hope  of  such 
a  result,  it  was  foreseen  by  the  Virginians,  that  the  most 
strenuous  exertions  would  be  requisite  to  defend  the  long 
line  of  their  frontiers  against  the  inroads  of  the  savages. 

Armyaug-         The  Assembly  readily  came  to   a   determination,  there- 

teemed. 

fore,  to  augment  the  army  to  fifteen  hundred  men.  A 
bill  was  enacted  for  drafting  militia  to  supply  the  defi 
ciency  of  recruits,  and  commissioners  were  appointed  to 
superintend  the  business,  of  whom  the  Speaker  was  chair 
man.  These  drafted  men  were  to  serve  till  December,  to 
be  incorporated  into  the  army,  and  subjected  to  the  mili 
tary  code.  By  an  express  clause  in  the  law,  they  could 
not  be  marched  out  of  the  province. 

Returns  Colonel    Washington    repaired    to    his    head-quarters    at 

quarters.  Winchester.  A  few  men  only  were  stationed  there,  the 
regiment  being  mostly  dispersed  at  different  posts  in  the 
interior,  so  situated  as  to  afford  the  best  protection  to  the 
inhabitants.  The  enemy  were  on  the  alert.  Scarcely  a 
day  passed  without  new  accounts  of  Indian  depredations 
and  massacres.  The  scouting  parties  and  even  the  forts 
were  attacked,  and  many  of  the  soldiers  and  some  of  the 
bravest  officers  killed.  So  bold  were  the  savages,  that 
they  committed  robberies  and  murders  within  twenty  miles 
of  Winchester,  and  serious  apprehensions  were  entertained 
for  the  safety  of  that  place.  The  feelings  of  the  com 
mander,  deeply  affected  by  the  scenes  he  witnessed,  and 
his  inability  to  extend  relief,  are  vividly  portrayed  in  a 
letter  to  the  governor. 

the^SLf  "  ^our  Honor  may  see,"  said  he,  "to  what  unhappy 
uedssdessofthe  stnuts  tne  distressed  inhabitants  and  myself  are  reduced. 
*  am  t0°  little  accluainted>  Sir>  with  pathetic  language  to 


JEr.  24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  75 

attempt  a  description  of  the  people's  distresses,  though  I  CHAPTER 
have  a  generous  soul,  sensible  of  wrongs,  and  swelling 
for  redress.  But  what  can  I  do  ?  I  see  their  situation,  1756. 
know  their  danger,  and  participate  their  sufferings,  with 
out  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them  further  relief, 
than  uncertain  promises.  In  short,  I  see  inevitable  de 
struction  in  so  clear  a  light,  that,  unless  vigorous  meas 
ures  are  taken  by  the  Assembly,  and  speedy  assistance 
sent  from  below,  the  poor  inhabitants,  that  are  now  in 
forts,  must  unavoidably  fall,  while  the  remainder  are  fly 
ing  before  the  barbarous  foe.  In  fine,  the  melancholy  sit 
uation  of  the  people,  the  little  prospect  of  assistance,  the 
gross  and  scandalous  abuse  cast  upon  the  officers  in  gen 
eral,  which  is  reflecting  upon  me  in  particular,  for  suffer 
ing  misconduct  of  such  extraordinary  kinds,  and  the  dis 
tant  prospect,  if  any,  of  gaining  honor  and  reputation  in 
the  service,  —  cause  me  to  lament  the  hour  that  gave 
me  a  commission,  and  would  induce  me,  at  any  other 
time  than  this  of  imminent  danger,  to  resign,  without  one 
hesitating  moment,  a  command  from  which  I  never  ex 
pect  to  reap  either  honor  or  benefit ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
have  almost  an  absolute  certainty  of  incurring  displeasure 
below,  while  the  murder  of  helpless  families  may  be  laid 
to  my  account  here  !  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  wo 
men,  and  moving  petitions  of  the  men,  melt  me  into  such 
deadly  sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my 
own  mind,  I  could  offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the 
butchering  enemy,  provided  that  would  contribute  to  the 
people's  ease." 

These  agonizing  sensations  were  heightened   by  a  cir-  False  ru- 
cumstance  here   alluded   to,  the  more   painful   because  he  parking" the 

army. 

conceived  it  to  be  the  offspring  of  injustice  and  ingrati 
tude,  and  a  reflection  upon  his  honor  and  fidelity  as  an 
officer.  Rumors  were  circulated  to  the  disparagement  of 
the  army,  charging  the  officers  with  gross  irregularities 
and  neglect  of  duty,  and  indirectly  throwing  the  blame 
upon  the  commander.  A  malicious  person  filled  a  gazette 
with  tales  of  this  sort,  which  seemed  for  the  moment  to 


76  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  24. 

CHAPTER   receive   public   countenance.      Conscious   of  having   acted 

IV'         with   the    utmost   vigilance,    knowing    the    falsehood    and 

1756.     wickedness  of  these  slanders,   and  indignant  at   so  base  a 

manoeuvre  to  stain  his  character,  it  was  his  first  impulse 

to   retire   from  a  station,  in  which   patriotism,  the  purest 

intentions,  hardships,    and   sacrifices,  were  rewarded   only 

with  calumny  and  reproach. 

Advice  of          This  intimation  was  viewed  by  his  friends  in  the  House 

his  friends  ..         .  . 

not  to  be       of  Burgesses  and  the  Council  with  much  concern,  as  their 

moved  by 

these  caium-  letters  testified.  Mingling  approbation  with  remonstrance, 
May.  and  praise  with  advice,  they  made  such  representations, 
as  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  disregard.  "  You  cannot 
but  know,"  said  Landon  Carter,  "  that  nothing  but  want 
of  power  in  your  country*  has  prevented  it  from  adding 
every  honor  and  reward,  that  perfect  merit  could  have 
entitled  itself  to.  How  are  we  grieved  to  hear  Colonel 
George  Washington  hinting  to  his  country,  that  he  is  wil 
ling  to  retire  !  Give  me  leave,  as  your  intimate  friend,  to 
persuade  you  to  forget,  that  any  thing  has  been  said  to 
your  dishonor ;  and  recollect,  that  it  could  not  have  come 
from  any  man  that  knew  you.  And,  as  it  may  have  been 
the  artifice  of  one  in  no  esteem  among  your  countrymen, 
to  raise  in  you  such  unjust  suspicions,  as  would  induce 
you  to  desert  the  cause,  that  his  own  preferment  might 
meet  with  no  obstacle,  I  am  confident  you  will  endeavor 
to  give  us  the  good  effects,  not  only  of  duty,  but  of  great 
cheerfulness  and  satisfaction,  in  such  a  service.  No,  Sir, 
rather  let  Braddock's  bed  be  your  aim,  than  any  thing 
that  might  discolor  those  laurels,  which  I  promise  myself 
are  kept  in  store  for  you."  Another  friend  wrote  ;  "  From 
my  constant  attendance  in  the  House,  I  can  with  great 
truth  say,  I  never  heard  your  conduct  questioned.  When 
ever  you  are  mentioned,  it  is  with  the  greatest  respect. 
Your  orders  and  instructions  appear  in  a  light  worthy  of 
the  most  experienced  officer.  I  can  assure  you,  that  a 

*  Meaning  by  country  the  popular  branch  of  the  legislature,  or  the 
people  of  Virginia  generally. 


^T.  24.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  77 

very  great  majority  of  the  House  prefer  you  to  any  other   CHAPTER 
person."  Iv- 

Colonel  Fairfax,  his  early  patron,  and  a  member  of  the  3756. 
governor's  Council,  wrote  in  terms  still  more  soothing. 
"  Your  endeavors  in  the  service  and  defence  of  your  coun 
try  must  redound  to  your  honor ;  therefore  do  not  let  any 
unavoidable  interruptions  sicken  your  mind  in  the  attempts 
you  may  pursue.  Your  good  health  and  fortune  are  the 
toast  of  every  table.  Among  the  Romans,  such  a  general 
acclamation  and  public  regard,  shown  to  any  of  their 
chieftains,  were  always  esteemed  a  high  honor,  and  grate 
fully  accepted."  The  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses 
expressed  similar  sentiments,  in  language  equally  flattering 
and  kind.  "  Our  hopes,  dear  George,  are  all  fixed  on  you 
for  bringing  our  affairs  to  a  happy  issue.  Consider  of  what 
fatal  consequences  to  your  country  your  resigning  the  com 
mand  at  this  time  may  be  ;  more  especially  as  there  is  no 
doubt  most  of  the  officers  would  follow  your  example.  I 
hope  you  will  allow  your  ruling  passion,  the  love  of  your 
country,  to  stifle  your  resentment,  at  least  till  the  arrival 
of  Lord  Loudoun,  or  the  meeting  of  the  Assembly,  when 
you  may  be  sure  of  having  justice  done.  Who  those  of 
your  pretended  friends  are,  who  give  credit  to  the  mali 
cious  reflections  in  that  scandalous  libel,  I  assure  you  I 
am  ignorant,  and  do  declare,  that  I  never  heard  any  man 
of  honor  or  reputation  speak  the  least  disrespectfully  of 
you,  or  censure  your  conduct,  and  there  is  no  well  wisher 
to  his  country,  that  would  not  be  greatly  concerned  to 
hear  of  your  resigning." 

The  same  solicitude  was  manifested  by  many  persons  The  plot 
in  different  parts  of  the  province.  A  voice  so  loud  and  so 
unanimous  he  could  not  refuse  to  obey.  By  degrees  the 
plot  was  unravelled.  The  governor,  being  a  Scotchman, 
was  surrounded  by  a  knot  of  his  Caledonian  friends,  who 
wished  to  profit  by  this  alliance,  and  obtain  for  them 
selves  a  larger  share  of  consideration,  than  they  could 
command  in  the  present  order  of  things.  The  discontent 
ed,  and  such  as  thought  their  merits  undervalued,  natu- 

H* 


78 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  24. 


A  defensive 
campaign. 


CHAPTER   rally   fell   into   this   faction.     To   create    dissatisfaction   in 
.  the  army,  and   cause  the  officers  to  resign   from   disgust, 

1756.  Would  not  only  distract  the  counsels  of  the  ruling  party, 
but  make  room  for  new  promotions.  Colonel  Innes,  the 
governor's  favorite,  would  ascend  to  the  chief  command, 
and  the  subordinate  places  would  be  reserved  for  his  ad 
herents.  Hence  false  rumors  were  set  afloat,  and  the  pen 
of  detraction  was  busy  to  disseminate  them.  The  artifice 
was  easily  seen  through,  and  its  aims  were  defeated,  by 
the  leaders  on  the  patriotic  side,  who  looked  to  Colonel 
Washington  as  a  pillar  of  support  to  their  cause. 

The  campaign,  being  a  defensive  one,  presented  no  op 
portunities  for  acquiring  glory  ;  but  the  demands  on  the 
resources  and  address  of  the  commander  were  not  the  less 
pressing.  The  scene  varied  little  from  that  of  the  pre 
ceding  year,  except  that  the  difficulties  were  more  nu 
merous  and  complicated.  There  were  the  same  unceasing 
incursions  of  the  savages,  but  more  sanguinary  and  terri 
fying,  the  same  tardiness  in  the  enlistments,  the  same 
troubles  with  the  militia,  the  same  neglect  in  supplying 
the  wants  of  the  army  ;  and  on  every  side  were  heard 
murmurs  of  discontent  from  the  soldiers,  and  cries  of  dis 
tress  from  the  inhabitants. 

And  what  increased  these  vexations  was,  that  the  gov 
ernor,  tenacious  of  his  authority,  intrusted  as  little  power 
as  possible  to  the  head  of  the  army.  Totally  unskilled 
in  military  affairs,  and  residing  two  hundred  miles  from 
the  scene  of  action,  he  yet  undertook  to  regulate  the  prin 
cipal  operations,  sending  expresses  back  and  forth,  and 
issuing  vague  and  contradictory  orders,  seldom  adapted  to 
circumstances,  frequently  impracticable.  This  absurd  in 
terference  was  borne  with  becoming  patience  and  forti 
tude  by  the  Commander-in-chief;  but  not  without  keen 
remonstrance  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  and  other 
friends,  against  being  made  responsible  for  military  events, 
while  the  power  to  control  them  was  withheld,  or  so 
heavily  clogged  as  to  paralyze  its  action.  The  patriotic 
party  in  the  legislature  sympathized  with  him,  and  would 


Governor's 
course  indis 
creet  and 
vexatious. 


JET.24.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  79 

gladly  have   procured  redress,  had  not   the  governor  pos-    CHAPTER 
sessed  prerogatives,  which  they  could  not  encroach  upon,        IV> 
and  which  he  seemed  ambitious  to  exercise;  the  more  so,     1756. 
perhaps,  as  the  leaders  of  the  majority,  learning  his  foible 
in  this  respect,  had  thwarted   many  of  his  schemes,    and 
especially  had  assumed  to  themselves  the  appropriation  of 
the  public  moneys,  which  by  ancient  usage  had  been  un 
der  the  direction  of  the  Governor  and  Council. 

The   summer   and   autumn    were   passed   in   skirmishes  Employ- 
with   the    Indians,    repairing   the   old   forts,    and   building  army, 
new  ones.     By  the  advice  of  Colonel  Washington  a  large 
fort   was   begun   at   Winchester,    as   a  depository   for   the 
military  stores,  and  a  rallying  point   for  the   settlers   and 
troops,  should  they  be  driven  from  the  frontiers.     It  was 
called  Fort  Loudoun,    in  honor  of  the   Earl  of  Loudoun,  Fort 
who  had  now  succeeded  General  Shirley  in  the  American 
command. 

Another   enterprise   of  greater   magnitude  was   likewise  ^Jjeof 
set  on  foot  by  order  of  the  Assembly :  which  was  a  line  b*rr/er  *? 

*  '  '  the  frontier. 

of  forts  extending  through  the  ranges  of  the  Allegany 
Mountains  from  the  Potomac  River  to  the  borders  of 
North  Carolina,  a  distance  of  more  than  three  hundred 
miles,  thus  forming  a  barrier  to  the  whole  frontier.  The 
scheme  was  not  liked  by  the  governor.  Colonel  Washing 
ton  disapproved  it.  He  objected,  that  the  forts  would  be 
too  far  asunder  .to  support  each  other,  that  the  Indians 
might  pass  -  between  them  unmolested,  that  they  would 
be  expensive,  and  cause  the  troops  to  be  so  much  dis 
persed  as  to  prevent  their  being  brought  together  on  an 
emergency,  thus  tempting  the  enemy  to  come  out  in  large 
parties  and  attack  the  weaker  points.  He  believed,  that 
three  or  four  strong  garrisons  would  constitute  a  better  de 
fence.  In  conformity  with  his  instructions,  however,  he 
drew  up  a  plan  embracing  a  chain  of  twenty-three  forts, 
and  fixing  their  several  positions.  He  sent  out  parties  to 
execute  the  works,  and  visited  them  himself  from  time 
to  time.  On  one  occasion  he  made  a  tour  throughout  the 
whole  line  to  the  southern  limits  of  Virginia,  exposed  to 


80  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  24. 

CHAP!  mi  imminent  danger  from  the  savages,  who  hovered  around 

IV>  the  small  forts,  and  lay  in  wait  to  intercept  and  murder 

1756.  oil  wno  came  in  their  way. 


be°rriaudum"  *n  the  m^st  °^  tnese  toils>  another  source  of  vexation 
occurred  in  the  affair  of  Fort  Cumberland.  As  this  was 
now  an  outpost  accessible  to  the  enemy,  easily  assailed 
from  the  hills  surrounding  it,  and  containing  a  large  quan 
tity  of  stores,  which  required  a  guard  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  who  might  suddenly  be  cut  off,  Colonel  Wash 
ington  advised  the  removal  of  the  stores  to  a  safer  posi 
tion.  The  post  was,  moreover,  in  Maryland,  and  ought 
to  be  supported,  if  kept  up  at  all,  at  the  expense  of  that 
colony.  For  some  reason  not  explained,  the  governor  had 
set  his  heart  on  retaining  Fort  Cumberland.  He  said  it 
was  a  King's  fort,  and  he  wrote  to  Lord  Loudoun  in  such 
terms,  as  to  draw  from  him,  not  only  a  peremptory  order 
to  keep  the  fort,  but  an  implied  censure  on  the  designs 
and  conduct  of  Colonel  Washington  in  regard  to  it.  So 
far  did  the  governor  suffer  his  warmth  and  obstinacy  to 
carry  him,  that  he  ordered  Fort  Cumberland  to  be  strength 
ened  by  calling  in  the  smaller  garrisons,  and  even  drawing 
away  the  troops  from  Winchester,  thus  deranging  the 
plan  of  operations,  which  the  Assembly  had  authorized, 
and  which  the  whole  army  had  been  employed  during  the 
season  to  effect. 

™uh1condtra-  ^  *s  no  wonder,  that  the  commander's  patience  and 
dictoryor-  equanimity  began  to  forsake  him.  In  a  letter  to  the 
Dec.  19.  Speaker,  he  said;  "  The  late  order  reverses,  confuses,  and 
incommodes  every  thing  ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  extraor 
dinary  expense  of  carriage,  disappointments;  losses,  and  al 
terations,  which  must  fall  heavy  on  the  country.  Whence 
it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly  ignorant  ;  but  my  strongest 
representations  of  matters  relative  to  the  peace  of  the  fron 
tiers  are  disregarded,  as  idle  and  frivolous  ;  my  proposi 
tions  and  measures,  as  partial  and  selfish  ;  and  all  my 
sincerest  endeavors  for  the  service  of  my  country  are  per 
verted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders  are  dark,  doubt 
ful,  and  uncertain  ;  to-day  approved,  to-morrow  condemned. 


^Ex.  24.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  81 

Left  to  act  and  proceed  at  hazard,  accountable  for  the  CHAPTER 
consequences,  and  blamed  without  the  benefit  of  defence,  IV> 
if  you  can  think  my  situation  capable  of  exciting  the  1756. 
smallest  degree  of  envy,  or  affording  the  least  satisfaction, 
the  truth  is  yet  hidden  from  you,  and  you  entertain  no 
tions  very  different  from  the  reality  of  the  case.  How 
ever,  I  am  determined  to  bear  up  under  all  these  embar 
rassments  some  time  longer,  in  hope  of  a  better  regulation 
on  the  arrival  of  Lord  Loudoun,  to  whom  I  look  for  the 
future  fate  of  Virginia."  The  Speaker  replied ;  "I  am 
truly  concerned  at  the  uneasiness  you  are  under  in  your 
present  situation,  and  the  more  so,  as  I  am  sensible  you 
have  too  much  reason  for  it.  The  present  unhappy  state 
of  our  country  must  fill  the  mind  of  every  well  wisher 
to  it  with  dismal  and  gloomy  apprehensions  ;  and  without 
some  speedy  alteration  in  our  counsels,  which  may  God 
send,  the  fate  of  it  must  soon  be  determined." 

The  year  was  now  drawing  to  a  close.     As  the  Earl  Eariof 

Loudoun. 

of  Loudoun  was  expected  soon  in  Virginia,  Colonel  Wash 
ington  resolved  to  await  his  arrival,  and  lay  before  him 
a  general  exposition  of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  if  possible 
to  have  the  Virginia  troops  put  upon  the  regular  establish 
ment  under  the  direction  of  his  Lordship,  as  the  only 
mode  by  which  the  command  of  them  could  be  useful 
to  his  country,  or  honorable  to  himself.  In  anticipation 
of  this  event  he  drew  up  an  able  and  luminous  state 
ment,  which  he  transmitted  to  Lord  Loudoun,  then  with 
the  armies  at  the  north. 

The  paper  begins  with  a  modest  apology   for  intruding  state  of 
-upon  his  Lordship's  notice,    which  is  followed   by  a  brief  before  the 
sketch  of  the  history  of  the  war  in  Virginia,    and  of  the 
part  acted  in  it  by  the    author.      With  the  discrimination 
of  an  acute  observer  and  an  experienced  officer,  he  traced 
a  narrative  of  events,    exposed    the    errors   that   had  been 
committed  and  their  consequences,  both  in  the  civil  and 
military  departments,  explained  their  causes,  and  suggested 
remedies  for  the  future.     The  communication  was  favor 
ably  received,  and  acknowledged  in  a  complimentary  reply. 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER 
IV. 

1757. 

Washington 
attends  a 
meeting  of 
governors 
and  officers 
at  Philadel 
phia. 

March. 


Recom 
mends  an 
expedition 
against  Fort 
Duquesne. 


Returns  to 
Winchester. 


Lord  Loudoun  did  not  execute  his  first  purpose  of  going 
to  Virginia,  but  summoned  a  meeting  of  several  governors 
and  principal  officers  at  Philadelphia,  to  consult  on  a  com 
prehensive  plan  for  the  next  campaign.  Colonel  Washing 
ton  attended  the  meeting,  where  he  met  with  a  flattering 
reception  from  the  Commander-in-chief,  who  solicited  and 
duly  valued  his  counsels.  The  result,  however,  was  only 
a  partial  fulfilment  of  his  hopes.  In  the  grand  scheme  of 
operations  it  was  decided,  that  the  main  efforts  should  be 
made  on  the  Lakes  and  Canada  borders,  where  the  ene 
my's  forces  were  embodied,  and  that  the  middle  and 
southern  colonies  should  continue  in  a  defensive  posture 
He  had  the  satisfaction  to  find,  nevertheless,  that  his  ad 
vice  was  followed  in  regard  to  local  arrangements.  The 
Virginia  troops  were  withdrawn  from  Fort  Cumberland, 
which  was  left  to  the  charge  of  Maryland.  Colonel  Stan- 
wix  was  stationed  in  the  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  with 
five  companies  from  the  Royal  American  Regiments ;  and, 
although  the  Virginia  commander  was  unsuccessful  in  his 
endeavors  to  be  placed  upon  the  British  establishment, 
yet,  in  conformity  with  his  wishes,  he  was  to  act  in 
concert  with  that  officer,  and  be  in  some  sort  under  his 
orders.  He  strenuously  recommended  an  expedition  against 
Fort  Duquesne,  believing  it  might  be  effected  with  a  cer 
tainty  of  success,  since  the  French  must  necessarily  leave 
that  garrison  in  a  weak  condition,  in  order  to  concentrate 
their  force  at  the  north  to  meet  the  formidable  prepara 
tions  making  against  them  in  that  quarter.  The  wisdom 
of  this  advice  was  afterwards  manifest  to  all ;  and,  had  it 
been  seasonably  heeded,  it  would  have  saved  the  expense^ 
of  another  campaign,  besides  preventing  the  ravages  and 
murders  committed  in  the  mean  time  on  the  border  set 
tlers.  In  these  views,  if  not  in  others,  he  had  the  hearty 
concurrence  of  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

From  the  conference  at  Philadelphia  he  returned  to  his 
usual  station  at  Winchester.  The  remainder  of  the  season 
was  passed  in  a  routine  of  duties  so  nearly  resembling 
those  of  the  two  preceding  years,  as  to  afford  little  nov- 


.  25.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


83 


1757. 


elty  or  interest  for  a  separate  recital.  Emboldened  by  CHAPTER 
successes,  the  Indians  continued  their  hostilities,  attacking 
the  outposts,  and  killing  the  defenceless  inhabitants.  In 
short,  the  service  had  nothing  in  it  to  reward  generous 
sacrifices,  or  gratify  a  noble  ambition.  As  a  school  of  ex 
perience  it  ultimately  proved  advantageous  to  him.  It 
was  his  good  fortune,  likewise,  to  gain  honor  and  reputa 
tion  even  in  so  barren  a  field,  by  retaining  the  confidence 
of  his  fellow  citizens,  and  fulfilling  the  expectations  of 
his  friends  in  the  legislature,  who  had  pressed  upon  him 
the  command,  and  urged  his  holding  it.  * 

*  During  the  summer  of  1757,  Colonel  Washington  was  in  some  sort 
under  the  command  of  Colonel  Stanwix,  but  to  what  extent  he  did  not 
know,  as  he  had  received  no  instructions  on  that  head,  and  the  Gov 
ernor  continued  to  issue  his  orders  as  formerly.  At  length  the  Governor 
wrote  as  follows ;  —  "  Colonel  Stanwix  being  appointed  Commander-in- 
chief  [of  the  middle  and  southern  provinces],  you  must  submit  to  his 
orders,  without  regard  to  any  you  may  receive  from  me ;  he,  being  near 
the  place,  can  direct  affairs  better  than  I  can."  This  was  peculiarly 
agreeable  to  the  Commander  of  the  Virginia  regiment;  for  Colonel  Stan 
wix  was  a  military  man,  and  a  gentleman  of  an  elevated  and  liberal  spirit. 
His  letters  bear  a  high  testimony  to  his  good  sense,  as  well  as  to  the 
delicacy  of  his  feelings,  the  amenity  of  his  temper,  and  the  generosity 
of  his  character. 

Notwithstanding  the  above  direction,  the  Governor  did  not  cease  to 
write,  give  commands,  require  returns,  and  utter  complaints  as  usual, 
thereby  increasing  the  endless  perplexities  and  bewildering  doubts,  with 
which  Colonel  Washington  was  harassed  in  all  his  plans  and  operations. 

He  had  requested  leave  of  absence  from  Governor  Dinwiddie  for  a 
few  days  to  attend  to  certain  private  affairs,  of  a  very  pressing  nature, 
at  Mount  Vernon.  He  afterwards  repeated  this  request,  and,  as  he 
seemed  to  be  under  two  commanders,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  con 
sult  them  both.  The  Governor  answered ;  —  "As  to  the  settlement  of 
your  brother's  estate,  your  absence  on  that  account  from  Fort  Loudoun 
must  be  suspended,  till  our  affairs  give  a  better  prospect."  Colonel 
Stanwix  replied  to  the  same  request ;  —  "  More  than  two  weeks  ago 
I  answered  your  letter,  in  which  you  mentioned  its  being  convenient 
to  your  private  affairs  to  attend  to  them  for  a  fortnight.  In  that  an 
swer  I  expressed  my  concern,  that  you  should  think  such  a  thing  ne 
cessary  to  mention  to  me,  as  I  am  sure  you  would  not  choose  to  be 
out  of  call,  should  the  service  require  your  immediate  attendance ;  and 
I  hope  you  will  always  take  that  liberty  upon  yourself,  which  I  hope 
you  will  now  do." 


84 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  25 


1757. 


non,  ill  of 
a  fever. 


But  the  fatigue  of  body  and  mind,  which  he  suffered 
from  the  severity  of  his  labors,  gradually  undermined  his 
strength,  and  his  physician  insisted  on  his  retiring  from 
the  army.  He  went  to  Mount  Vernon,  where  his  disease 
settled  into  a  fever,  and  reduced  him  so  low,  that  he  was 
confined  four  months,  till  the  1st  of  March,  1758,  before 
he  was  able  to  resume  his  command. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON 


85 


CHAPTER  V. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  sails  for  England.  —  An  Expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne  planned  by  the  British  Ministry,  to  be  under  the  Command  of 
General  Forbes.  —  The  Virginia  Army  augmented,  and  united  with  the 
Regular  Troops  in  this  Enterprise.  —  Colonel  Washington  marches  to  Fort 
Cumberland.  —  Acts  in  Concert  with  Colonel  Bouquet. — Joins  the  main 
Army  at  Raystown  under  General  Forbes.  —  Forms  a  Plan  of  March  suit 
ed  to  the  Mountains  and  Woods.  —  Commands  the  advanced  Division  of 
the  Army.  —  Capture  of  Fort  Duquesne.  —  He  returns  to  Virginia,  resigns 
his  Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life. 

GOVERNOR  DINWIDDIE  sailed  for  England  in  the  month 
of  January.  His  departure  was  not  regretted.  However 
amiable  in  his  social  relations,  however  zealous  in  the 
discharge  of  his  public  trusts,  he  failed  to  win  the  hearts, 
or  command  the  respect,  of  the  people.  Least  of  all  was 
he  qualified  to  transact  military  affairs.  His  whole  course 
of  conduct  was  marked  with  a  confusion,  uncertainty,  and 
waywardness,  which  caused  infinite  perplexity  to  the  com 
mander  of  the  Virginia  troops.  Every  one  regarded  the 
change  as  salutary  to  the  interests  of  the  colony.  His 
place  was  filled  for  a  short  time  by  John  Blair,  President 
of  the  Council,  till  the  arrival  of  Francis  Fauquier,  the 
next  governor.  The  Earl  of  Loudoun  had  been  commis 
sioned  as  successor  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  but  his  mili 
tary  occupations  at  the  north  prevented  his  entering  upon 
the  duties  of  the  office. 

A  brighter  prospect  now  opened  to  Colonel  Washing 
ton.  As  soon  as  his  health  was  restored,  he  went  back 
to  the  army ;  and  from  that  time  met  with  a  hearty  coop 
eration  in  all  his  measures.  He  was  happy  to  find,  also, 
that  his  early  and  constant  wishes  were  at  last  to  be 
realized  by  a  combined  expedition  to  the  Ohio.  New 
energy  had  been  recently  infused  in  the  British  councils 
by  the  accession  of  Mr.  Pitt  to  the  ministry.  That  states 
man,  always  guided  by  an  enlarged  policy,  always  friend- 


1758. 

Governor 
Dinwiddie 
sails  for 
England. 

January. 


Washing 
ton's  health 
is  restored, 
and  he 
returns  to 
the  army. 

April  1. 


86 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


|>ET.  26. 


1758. 


General 
Forbes  ap 
pointed  to 
command 
an  expedi 
tion  against 
Fort  Du- 
quesne. 


Preparations 
for  the  cam 
paign. 


ly  to  the  colonies,  and  understanding  their  condition  and 
importance  much  better  than  his  predecessors,  resolved  on 
a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  in  America.  One  of 
his  first  acts  was  a  plan  for  the  campaign  of  1758,  in 
which  offensive  operations  were  to  be  pursued  throughout 
the  frontiers.  General  Forbes  was  appointed  to  take  com 
mand  of  an  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  To  pre 
pare  the  way,  Mr.  Pitt,  knowing  the  temper  of  the  peo 
ple,  and  profiting  by  the  mistakes  heretofore  committed, 
wrote  a  circular  letter  to  the  colonies  most  nearly  con 
cerned,  and  requested  their  united  aid  on  such  terms,  as 
were  acceded  to  with  alacrity,  and  carried  into  effect  with 
promptitude  and  spirit.  He  proposed  that  all  the  colonial 
troops  should  be  supplied  with  arms,  ammunition,  tents, 
and  provisions,  at  the  King's  charge  ;  leaving  to  the  col 
onies  no  other  expense,  than  that  of  levying,  clothing, 
and  paying  the  men.  It  was  moreover  stipulated,  that 
the  provincial  officers,  when  joined  with  the  King's  troops, 
should  hold  rank  according  to  their  commissions.  Had 
this  wise  and  equitable  policy  been  put  in  practice  three 
years  before,  it  would  have  given  a  very  different  aspect 
to  the  war  in  America,  by  diminishing  the  heavy  bur 
dens  of  the  people,  promoting  harmony  and  good  feeling, 
producing  contentment  among  the  troops,  and  drawing 
out  the  resources  and  strength  of  the  country  in  a  more 
effectual  manner. 

The  Virginia  Assembly  met,  and  immediately  compli 
ed  with  the  requisitions  of  the  minister,  augmenting  their 
army  to  two  thousand  men,  offering  a  bounty  for  enlist 
ments,  and  placing  the  whole  under  the  general  direc 
tion  of  the  commander  of  his  Majesty's  forces,  for  the  ex 
press  purpose  of  marching  against  Fort  Duquesne.  They 
were  divided  into  two  regiments.  The  first  was  under 
Colonel  Washington,  who  was  likewise  commander-in-chief 
of  all  the  Virginia  troops  as  before.  At  the  head  of  the 
second  regiment  was  Colonel  Byrd.  As  General  Forbes 
was  detained  at  Philadelphia  several  weeks,  Colonel  Bou 
quet  was  stationed  in  the  central  parts  of  Pennsylvania 


.  26.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


87 


1758. 


with  the  advanced  division  of  regular  troops,  to  which  the  CHAPTER 
provincials  joined  themselves  as  fast  as  they  were  ready.  v* 
To  fix  on  a  uniform  plan  of  action,  and  make  the  neces- 
sary  arrangements,  Colonel  Washington  had  an  interview 
at  Conococheague  with  that  officer,  and  with  Sir  John  St. 
Clair,  quartermaster-general  of  the  combined  army.  He 
also  visited  Williamsburg,  to  advise  with  the  President 
and  Council  respecting  many  essential  points  ;  for  he  was 
not  only  obliged  to  perform  his  military  duties,  but  to 
suggest  to  the  civil  authorities  the  proper  modes  of  pro 
ceeding  in  relation  to  the  army,  and  press  upon  them  con 
tinually  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  the  fulfilment  of 
the  pledges  contained  in  the  recent  acts  of  the  Assembly. 
The  arrival  of  Governor  Fauquier  had  a  favorable  influ- 
ence  ;  as  he  warmly  espoused  the  interests  of  the  colony, 
and  showed  a  friendly  regard  for  the  commander  of  its 
troops,  as  well  as  a  just  deference  to  his  opinions. 

For  some  time  Colonel  Washington  was  actively  em 
ployed  at  Winchester,  in  collecting  and  training  the  newly 
enlisted  men,  calling  in  the  parties  from  the  small  forts 
and  supplying  their  places  with  drafted  militia,  engaging 
wagons  and  horses,  and  putting  all  things  in  readiness  to 
march.  There  was  much  delay,  and  the  soldiers  began 
to  be  disorderly  from  inaction,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
vicinity  to  murmur  at  the  pressure  laid  upon  them  for  pro 
visions  and  other  supplies.  A  party  of  Cherokee  Indians, 
who  had  been  tempted  to  join  the  expedition,  with  the 
prospect  of  rich  presents  from  the  King's  stores,  came  for 
ward  so  early,  that  they  grew  weary,  discontented,  and 
troublesome,  and  finally  most  of  them  went  off  in  a  fit  of 
ill  humor. 

It  was  a  day  of  joy  to  him,  therefore,  when  he  receiv-  orders 
ed  orders  to  march  the  Virginia  regiments  from  Winches-  mStoto 
ter  to    Fort   Cumberland.     This   was   eifected   by  detach-  toM. 
ments,  which   at   the  same   time  covered  the   convoys  of       July- 
wagons    and    packhorses.      The    whole    arrived    at    Fort 
Cumberland  early   in   July,   except   a   small  guard   left  at 
Fort  Loudoun  to  protect  and  prosecute  the  works  at  that 


88 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[-ffir.  26. 


CHAPTER 
V. 

1758. 


Clothes  his 
soldiers  in 
the  Indian 
dress. 

July  3. 


Disapproves 
the  plan  of 
Genera] 
Forbes  for 
constructing 
a  new  road 
over  the  Al- 
leganies. 


place.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Stephen  had  proceeded  by  an 
other  route  through  a  part  of  Pennsylvania,  with  six  com 
panies  of  the  first  regiment,  and  joined  Colonel  Bouquet  at 
Raystown,  thirty  miles  from  Fort  Cumberland,  and  the 
head-quarters  of  the  combined  army.  Both  regiments,  in 
cluding  officers  and  privates,  amounted  to  about  eighteen 
hundred  men.  The  illness  of  General  Forbes  detained 
him  long  on  the  way  from  Philadelphia.  During  this  time 
Colonel  Washington  continued  at  Fort  Cumberland,  and 
his  -troops  were  employed,  some  as  scouting  parties,  and 
others  in  opening  a  new  road  to  Raystown  and  repairing 
the  old  one  towards  the  Great  Meadows. 

He  resorted  to  an  expedient,  which  proved  highly  ben 
eficial  to  the  service.  "  My  men  are  bare  of  regimental 
clothing,"  said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Bouquet,  "  and  I 
have  no  prospect  of  a  supply.  So  far  from  regretting  this 
want  during  the  present  campaign,  if  I  were  left  to  pur 
sue  my  own  inclinations,  I  would  not  only  order  the  men 
to  adopt  the  Indian  dress,  but  cause  the  officers  to  do  it 
also,  and  be  the  first  to  set  the  example  myself.  Nothing 
but  the  uncertainty  of  obtaining  the  general  approbation 
causes  me  to  hesitate  a  moment  to  leave  my  regimentals 
at  this  place,  and  proceed  as  light  as  any  Indian  in  the 
woods.  It  is  an  unbecoming  dress,  I  own  ;  but  conven 
ience,  rather  than  show,  I  think  should  be  consulted." 
He  equipped  in  an  Indian  dress  two  companies,  which  had 
been  ordered  to  advance  to  the  main  body ;  and  it  was 
so  much  approved  by  Colonel  Bouquet,  that  he  encouraged 
the  army  to  adopt  it.  "  The  dress,"  he  replied,  "  takes 
very  well  here.  We  see  nothing  but  shirts  and  blankets. 
It  should  be  our  pattern  in  this  expedition."  Its  lightness 
and  convenience  were  suited  to  the  heat  of  summer,  and 
it  saved  expense  and  trouble. 

He  had  been  but  a  few  days  at  Fort  Cumberland,  when 
he  learned  with  great  surprise,  that  General  Forbes  was 
hesitating  as  to  the  route  he  should  pursue  in  crossing 
the  mountains  to  Fort  Duquesne.  The  road,  over  which 
General  Braddock  marched,  was  the  only  one  that  had 


JET.  26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  89 

been  cut  through  the  wilderness  for  the  passage  of  wag-  CHAPTER 
ons  and  artillery  ;  and,  as  its  construction  had  cost  im-  v 
mense  toil,  it  seemed  incredible  that  any  other  route  should  1758 
be  attempted,  or  even  thought  of,  so  late  in  the  season. 
His  sentiments  being  asked,  he  expressed  them  in  the 
most  unreserved  manner,  and  with  a  cogency  of  argument, 
that  could  have  been  set  aside  only  by  a  determination 
on  the  part  of  the  general,  arising  from  motives  foreign  to 
the  absolute  merits  of  the  case.  Colonel  Bouquet,  who 
participated  in  the  general's  views,  desired  a  consultation 
with  Washington  on  the  subject.  "  Nothing,"  said  he, 
"  can  exceed  your  generous  dispositions  for  the  service. 
I  see,  with  the  utmost  satisfaction,  that  you  are  above  the 
influences  of  prejudice,  and  ready  to  go  heartily  where 
reason  and  judgment  shall  direct.  I  wish  sincerely  that 
we  may  all  entertain  one  and  the  same  opinion  j  therefore 
I  desire  to  have  an  interview  with  you  at  the  houses  built 
half  way  between  our  camps."  This  proposal  was  acced 
ed  to,  and  the  matter  was  deliberately  discussed. 

It  was  represented  by  Colonel  Washington,  that  a  great  Arguments 
deal  of  pains  had  been  taken  formerly  by  the  Ohio  Com-  project  of  & 

new  road. 

pany,  with  the  aid  of  traders  and  Indians,  to  ascertain  the  August  t 
most  practicable  route  to  the  western  country  j  that  the 
one  from  Will's  Creek  was  selected  as  far  preferable  to 
any  other ;  that  a  road  had  accordingly  been  made,  over 
which  General  Braddock's  army  had  passed ;  and  that  this 
road  required  but  slight  repairs  to  put  it  in  good  condition. 
Even  if  another  route  could  be  found,  he  thought  the  ex 
periment  a  hazardous  one  at  so  advanced  a  stage  in  the 
season,  as  it  would  retard  the  operations,  and,  he  feared, 
inevitably  defeat  the  objects  of  the  campaign,  and  defer 
the  capture  of  Fort  Duquesne  to  another  year.  Such  a 
result  would  dishearten  the  colonies,  which  had  made  ex 
traordinary  efforts  to  raise  men  and  money  for  the  present 
enterprise,  with  the  full  expectation  of  its  success  ;  it  would 
moreover  embolden  the  southern  Indians,  already  disaffect 
ed,  who  would  seize  the  opportunity  to  commit  new  hos 
tilities,  thereby  distressing  the  inhabitants,  strengthening  the 
12  i* 


90 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEx.  26. 


CHAPTER 

V 

1758. 


Opposes  the 
scheme  of 
marching 
the  army 
in  two  divi 
sions. 


His  fears  for 
the  fate  of 
the  expedi- 


enemy,  and  adding  to  the  difficulty  of  a  future  conquest. 
But,  admitting  it  possible,  that  a  new  road  could  be  made 
from  Raystown  through  *  Pennsylvania,  yet  no  advantage 
could  be  derived  from  it,  that  did  not  actually  exist  in 
an  equal  or  greater  degree  in  Braddock's  Road.  Forage 
for  the  horses  was  abundant  in  the  meadows  bordering 
the  latter;  the  streams  were  fordable,  and  the  denies  easy 
to  be  passed. 

These  reasons,  so  obvious  and  forcible,  did  not  change 
the  purpose  of  the  General,  who,  it  was  believed,  had 
been  influenced  by  the  Pennsylvanians  to  construct  a  new 
road,  which  would  be  a  lasting  benefit  to  that  province, 
by  opening  a  more  direct  channel  of  intercourse  with  the 
West.  Colonel  Bouquet,  of  course,  adhered  to  the  views 
of  his  general. 

There  was  another  project,  which  Colonel  Washington 
disapproved,  and  which  his  advice  prevailed  to  counteract. 
The  General  proposed  to  march  the  army  in  two  divisions, 
one  by  Braddock's  Road,  the  other  directly  from  Rays- 
town,  making  the  road  as  it  advanced.  To  this  scheme 
he  strenuously  objected.  Dividing  the  army  would  weak 
en  it,  and  the  routes  were  so  far  apart,  without  any  means 
of  communication  between  the  two,  that  one  division 
could  not  succor  the  other  in  case  of  an  attack ;  and  it 
was  certain  the  enemy  would  take  advantage  of  such  an 
oversight.  Again,  if  the  division  marching  first  should 
escort  the  convoy  and  be  driven  back,  there  would  be  a 
perilous  risk  of  losing  the  stores  and  artillery,  and  of 
bringing  total  ruin  upon  the  expedition.  In  short,  every 
mischief,  that  could  befall  a  divided  army,  acting  against 
the  concentrated  force  of  an  enemy,  was  to  be  appre 
hended.  The  project  was  laid  aside. 

His  opinion  was  likewise  desired,  as  to  the  best  mode 
of  advancing  by  deposits.  He  made  an  estimate,  on  the 
supposition  of  marching  by  Braddock's  Road,  in  which  it 
was  shown,  that  the  whole  army  might  be  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne  in  thirty-four  days,  and  have  then  on  hand  a 
supply  of » provisions  for  eighty-seven  days.  Perceiving 


-Ex.  26.]  LIFEOFWASHINGTON.  91 

Colonel  Bouquet's  bias  in  favor  of  the  General's  ideas,  he    CHAPTER 
could   scarcely   hope   his  suggestions   would   be   received.         Vt 
So  strong  were  his  fears   for  the  fate  of  the  expedition,      1758. 
that  he  wrote  in  moving  terms  to  Major  Halket,  his  for 
mer  associate  in  Braddock's  army,  and  now  one  of  Gen 
eral  Forbes's  family. 

"I  am  just  returned,"  said  he,  "from  a  conference  with  Letter  to 
Colonel    Bouquet.      I  find  him  fixed,    I  think  I  may   say  ket. 
unalterably  fixed,    to    lead   you   a  new  way  to  the  Ohio,     Ausust2* 
through  a  road,  every  inch  of  which  is  to  be  cut  at  this 
advanced  season,  when  we  have  scarce  time  left  to  tread 
the  beaten  track,  universally  confessed  to  be  the  best  pas 
sage  through  the  mountains. 

"  If  Colonel  Bouquet  succeeds  in  this  point  with  the 
General,  all  is  lost,  —  all  is  lost  indeed,  —  our  enterprise 
will  be  ruined,  and  we  shall  be  stopped  at  the  Laurel  Hill 
this  winter;  but  not  to  gather  laurels,  except  of  the  kind 
that  covers  the  mountains.  The  southern  Indians  will 
turn  against  us,  and  these  colonies  will  be  desolated  by 
such  an  accession  to  the  enemy's  strength.  These  must 
be  the  consequences  of  a  miscarriage ;  and  a  miscarriage 
is  the  almost  necessary  consequence  of  an  attempt  to 
march  the  army  by  this  new  route.  I  have  given  my 
reasons  at  large  to  Colonel  Bouquet.  He  desired  that  I 
would  do  so,  that  he  might  forward  them  to  the  General. 
Should  this  happen,  you  will  be  able  to  judge  of  their 
weight. 

"I  am  uninfluenced  by  prejudice,  having  no  hopes  or 
fears  but  for  the  general  good.  Of  this  you  may  be  as 
sured,  and  that  my  sincere  sentiments  are  spoken  on  this 
occasion." 

These  representations  were  vain.  Colonel  Bouquet  was  Progress  of 
ordered  to  send  forward  parties  to  work  upon  the  new 
road.  Six  weeks  had  been  expended  in  this  arduous  la 
bor,  when  General  Forbes  reached  the  camp  at  Raystown, 
about  the  middle  of  September.  Forty-five  miles  only 
had  been  gained  by  the  advanced  party,  then  constructing 
a  fort  at  Loyal  Hanna,  the  main  army  still  being  at  Rays- 


92 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.26. 


CHAPTER 
V. 

1758. 


Sept.  1. 


Major 
Grant's  un 
fortunate 
enterprise. 


Proceedings 
of  the  Vir 
ginia  Assein- 
bly. 


town,  and  the  larger  part  of  the  Virginia  troops  at  Fort 
Cumberland.  At  that  moment  the  whole  army  might  have 
been  before  the  walls  of  Fort  Duquesne,  if  they  had 
marched  as  advised  by  Washington.  An  easy  victory 
would  have  ensued  j  for  it  was  ascertained,  that  the  French 
at  that  time,  including  Indians,  numbered  not  more  than 
eight  hundred  men.  Under  General  Forbes  six  thousand 
were  in  the  field. 

In  reporting  these  facts  to  the  Speaker  of  the  Virginia 
Assembly,  Colonel  Washington  said ;  "  See,  therefore,  how 
our  time  has  been  misspent.*  Behold  how  the  golden  op 
portunity  has  been  lost,  perhaps  never  more  to  be  regained ! 
How  is  it  to  be  accounted  for  ?  Can  General  Forbes  have 
orders  for  this?  Impossible.  Will,  then,  our  injured  coun 
try  pass  by  such  abuses?  I  hope  not.  Rather  let  a  full 
representation  of  the  matter  go  to  his  Majesty.  Let  him 
know  how  grossly  his  glory  and  interest,  and  the  public 
money,  are  prostituted."  About  this  time  occurred  the 
ill  concerted  and  unfortunate  adventure  under  Major  Grant, 
who  was  suffered  to  push  forward  to  the  very  doors  of 
the  enemy  a  light  detachment,  which  was  attacked,  cut 
up,  and  routed,  and  he  and  his  principal  officers  were 
taken  prisoners. 

These  proceedings,  and  the  counsels  by  which  General 
Forbes  seemed  to  be  guided,  were  so  unsatisfactory  to  the 
Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  and  gave  so  discouraging  a 
presage  of  the  future,  that  they  resolved  to  recall  their 
troops,  and  place  them  on  their  own  frontier.  But,  when 
it  was  known,  from  subsequent  intelligence,  that  the  ex 
pedition  was  in  progress,  and  foreseen  that  its  failure  might 
be  ascribed  to  the  withdrawing  of  the  Virginia  regiments, 
and  perhaps  be  actually  caused  by  such  a  measure,  they 
revoked  their  resolves,  and  extended  the  term  of  service 
to  the  end  of  the  year. 

General  •  Forbes  had  no  sooner  taken  the  command  in 
person  at  Raystown,  than  he  called  to  head-quarters  Col 
onel  Washington,  who  was  followed  by  those  companies 
of  his  regiments,  which  had  been  posted  at  Fort  Cumber- 


«T.  26.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  93 

land.     Notwithstanding    the    strenuous  opposition   he   had    CHAPTER 
manifested  to  the  plans  of  operation,  as  an  act  of  duty,         v> 
while  they  were  in  suspense,   he    suppressed  his  feelings     1758. 
and    subdued   his   reluctance,   from   the  same  motive,  the 
moment  they  were  decided  upon,    and  he  then  engaged 
heartily  in  promoting  their  execution.     If  he  was  mortified 
at  the  little  attention  hitherto  paid  to  his  advice,  he  was 
compensated  by  the  deference  now  shown  to  his  opinions 
and  judgment.      He   attended   the   councils   of  war,   and  Washington 

attends  a 

was  consulted  upon  every  important  measure  by  the  gen- 
eral,  at  whose  request  he  drew  up  a  line  of  march  and 
order  of  battle,  by  which  tfye  army  could  advance  with  march- 
facility  and  safety  through  the  woods.  The  fate  of  Brad- 
dock,  and  its  causes,  were  too  deeply  impressed  on  Gen 
eral  Forbes's  mind  to  be  forgotten  or  disregarded.  Unac 
customed  to  this  mode  of  warfare,  more  wise  and  less 
confident  than  his  predecessor,  he  was  glad  to  seek  the 
aid  of  one,  whose  knowledge  and  experience  would  be 
available,  where  valor  might  waste  its  efforts  in  vain, 
and  discipline  and  strength  be  ensnared  by  the  artifices  of 
a  crafty  foe. 

Several  weeks  previously,  when  the  first  detachments  Requests  to 
began  to  march,  Colonel  Washington  requested  to  be  put  advance. 
in  the  advance.  Alluding  to  the  troops,  which  were  to 
compose  the  first  party,  he  wrote  to  Colonel  Bouquet ; 
"I  pray  your  interest,  most  sincerely,  with  the  General, 
to  get  myself  and  my  regiment  included  in  the  number. 
If  any  argument  is  needed  to  obtain  this  favor,  I  hope 
without  vanity  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that,  from  long 
intimacy  with  these  woods,  and  frequent  scouting  in  them, 
my  men  are  at  least  as  well  acquainted  with  all  the  passes 
and  difficulties  as  any  troops  that  will  be  employed." 
The  request  was  now  complied  with.  He  received  Gen 
eral  Forbes's  orders  to  march  with  his  regiment ;  and  at 
Loyal  Hanna  he  was  placed  at  the  head  of  a  division,  or 
brigade,  amounting  to  one  thousand  men,  who  were  to 
move  in  front  of  the  main  army,  and  to  act  as  pioneers 
in  clearing  the  road,  keeping  out  scouts  and  patrolling 


94 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  26 


CHAPTER 
V. 

1758. 


Army  ar 
rives  at  Loy 
al  Hanna. 


An  accident 
hastens  the 
march. 


guards  to  prevent  a  surprise,  and  throwing  up  intrench- 
ments  at  proper  stations  as  a  security  to  the  deposits  of 
provisions.  While  in  this  command,  he  had  the  temporary 
rank  of  brigadier. 

The  month  of  November  had  set  in,  before  General 
Forbes,  with  the  artillery  and  main  body  of  the  army,  ar 
rived  at  Loyal  Hanna.  The  road  was  extremely  bad,  and 
difficulties  without  number  interposed  at  every  step  to 
cause  delays,  discouragement,  and  suffering.  The  season 
of  frost  had  come,  and  the  summits  of  the  hills  were 
whitened  with  snow.  It  was  no  wonder  that  the  spirits 
of  the  soldiers  should  flag,  m  scantily  clothed  and  fed,  as 
they  were,  and  encountering  hardships  from  want,  expo 
sure,  and  incessant  labor.  More  than  fifty  miles,  through 
pathless  and  rugged  wilds,  still  intervened  between  the 
army  and  Fort  Duquesne.  A  council  of  war  was  held, 
and  it  was  decided  to  be  unadvisable,  if  not  impracticable, 
to  prosecute  the  campaign  any  further  till  the  next  sea 
son,  and  that  a  winter  encampment  among  the  mountains, 
or  a  retreat  to  the  frontier  settlements,  was  the  only  alter 
native  that  remained.  Thus  far  all  the  anticipations  of 
Washington  had  been  realized. 

A  mere  accident,  however,  which  happened  just  at  this 
crisis,  turned  the  scale  of  fortune,  and  brought  hope  out 
of  despair.  Three  prisoners  were  taken,  who  gave  such 
a  report  of  the  weak  state  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  that  the  council  reversed  their  decision,  and  re 
solved  to  hazard  an  effort,  which  held  out  a  possibility  of 
success,  and  in  any  event  could  be  scarcely  more  ruinous 
than  the  alternative  first  proposed.  Henceforward  the 
march  was  pursued  without  tents  or  heavy  baggage,  and 
with  only  a  light  train  of  artillery.  The  troops,  animated 
by  the  example  of  the  officers,  performed  their  tasks  with 
renovated  ardor  and  alacrity.  Washington  resumed  his 
command  in  front,  attending  personally  to  the  cutting  of 
the  road,  establishing  deposits  of  provisions,  and  preparing 
the  way  for  the  main  army. 


JET.  26.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  95 

No  material  event  occurred  till  the  25th  of  November,    CHAPTER 
when  General  Forbes  took  possession  of  Fort  Duquesne,         v> 
or  rather  the  place  where  it  had  stood.     The  enemy,  re-     1758. 
duced  in  number  to  about  five  hundred  men,  and  deserted  General 

Forbes  takes 

by  the  Indians,  had  abandoned  the  fort  the  day  before,  ^on  DU- 
set  fire  to  it,  and  gone  down  the  Ohio  in  boats.  Thus  Nov<  25> 
ended  an  expedition,  in  which  more  than  six  thousand 
men  had  been  employed  for  five  months.  Rejoiced  that 
their  toils  were  over,  the  troops  forgot  their  sufferings ; 
and  the  people  of  the  middle  provinces,  who  had  murmur 
ed  loudly  at  the  dilatory  manner  in  which  the  campaign 
had  been  carried  on,  were  contented  with  the  issue  in 
this  consummation  of  their  wishes.  The  continued  illness 
of  General  Forbes  had  perhaps  operated  unfavorably.  He 
was  esteemed  a  worthy  and  brave  man,  possessing  emi 
nent  military  talents.  Worn  down  with  infirmities,  which 
had  been  increased  by  the  fatigues  of  the  campaign,  he 
died  a  few  weeks  afterwards  at  Philadelphia. 

The  lateness  of  the  season  rendered  it  impossible,  that  smaiigam- 
the  French  should  attempt  to  recover  the  ground  they  FortDu- 
had  lost  before  the  next  year.  It  was  necessary,  however, 
that  a  small  garrison  should  be  left  there,  as  well  to  re 
tain  possession  of  the  post,  as  to  keep  the  Indians  in  check 
and  win  their  alliance.  Two  hundred  of  the  Virginia 
troops  were  detached  for  this  service,  by  the  express  or 
der  of  the  general,  but  against  the  remonstrances  of  their 
commander,  who  thought  they  had  performed  their  full 
share  of  duty..  General  Forbes  said  he  had  no  authority 
to  leave  any  of  the  King's  forces  for  that  purpose,  and 
the  place  was  then  understood  to  be  within  the  jurisdic 
tion  of  Virginia.  This  latter  circumstance  was  probably 
the  reason,  why  the  task  of  defence  was  not  assigned  to 
the  Pennsylvanians.  The  French  name  of  the  fort  was 
changed  to  Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  minister  by  whose 
counsels  the  expedition  for  capturing  it  had  been  under 
taken. 

On  his  return,  Colonel  Washington  stopped  a  short  time  Washington 
at  Loyal  Hanna,  where  he  wrote  a  circular  letter  to  the  wulSmi 

*  burg. 


96 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  26 


1758. 


Resigns  his 
commission, 
and  retires 
from  the 
army. 


Address  to 
him  by  the 
officers. 


ft  is  military 
services  and 
character. 


frontier  inhabitants,  requesting  them  to  take  out  provis 
ions  to  the  men  at  the  fort,  who  would  be  in  great  dis 
tress  if  not  immediately  supplied,  and  promising  a  liberal 
compensation  for  every  thing  that  should  thus  be  furnish 
ed.  He  then  proceeded  by  way  of  Mount  Vernon  to 
Williamsburg.  The  remainder  of  his  troops  marched  to 
Winchester,  where  they  went  into  winter  quarters. 

For  some  months  it  had  been  his  determination,  if  this 
campaign  should  prove  successful,  to  retire  from  his  com 
mand  at  its  close.  By  gaining  possession  of  the  Ohio,  the 
great  object  of  the  war  in  the  middle  colonies  was  ac 
complished  ;  and,  as  he  had  abandoned  the  idea  of  mak 
ing  any  further  attempts  to  be  united  to  the  British  estab 
lishment,  there  was  no  prospect  of  rising  higher  in  the 
military  line ;  so  that  neither  his  duty  as  a  citizen,  nor  his 
ambition  as  a  soldier,  operated  any  longer  to  retain  him 
in  the  service.  The  one  had  been  faithfully  discharged  ; 
the  other  had  yielded  to  the  force  of  circumstances,  and 
to  the  visions  of  the  tranquil  enjoyments  of  private  life, 
which  now  opened  upon  his  mind.  After  settling  all  his 
public  accounts,  therefore,  he  resigned  his  commission  the 
last  week  in  December,  having  been  actively  and  almost 
uninterruptedly  engaged  in  the  service  of  his  country 
more  than  five  years. 

On  this  occasion  he  received  from  the  officers,  who  had 
served  under  him,  a  testimony  of  their  attachment,  which 
must  have  been  as  grateful  to  his  feelings,  as  it  was  hon 
orable  to  his  character.  They  sent  him  an  address,  writ 
ten  in  camp,  expressive  of  the  satisfaction  they  had  deriv 
ed  from  his  conduct  as  commander,  the  sincerity  of  his 
friendship,  and  his  affable  demeanor ;  and  of  the  high 
opinion  they  entertained  of  his  military  talents,  patriotism, 
and  private  virtues. 

"  Nor  was  this  opinion  confined  to  the  officers  of  his 
regiment.  It  was  common  in  Virginia ;  and  had  been 
adopted  by  the  British  officers  with  whom  he  served. 
The  duties  he  performed,  though  not  splendid,  were  ar 
duous ;  and. were  executed  with  zeal  and  with  judgment. 


JET.  26.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


The  exact  discipline  he  established  in  his  regiment,  when  CHAPTER 
the  temper  of  Virginia  was  extremely  hostile  to  discipline, 
does  credit  to  his  military  character:  and  the  gallantry  1758. 
the  troops  displayed,  whenever  called  into  action,  mani 
fests  the  spirit  infused  into  them  by  their  commander. 
The  difficulties  of  his  situation,  while  unable  to  cover  the 
frontier  from  the  French  and  Indians,  who  were  spreading 
death  and  desolation  in  every  quarter,  were  incalculably 
great ;  and  no  better  evidence  of  his  exertions,  under  these 
distressing  circumstances,  can  be  given,  than  the  undimin- 
ished  confidence  still  placed  in  him  by  those,  whom  he 
was  unable  to  protect.  The  efforts  to  which  he  inces 
santly  stimulated  his  country  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
possession  of  the  Ohio ;  the  system  for  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  which  he  continually  recommended  ;  the  vigorous 
and  active  measures  always  urged  upon  those  by  whom 
he  was  commanded  ;  manifest  an  ardent  and  enterprising 
mind,  tempered  by  judgment,  and  quickly  improved  by 
experience."  * 

The  events   of  this   war   had   a   more   important  influ-  influence  of 
ence  on  the  life  and  character  of  Washington,  than  might  pricing1 

~  .          _,.  ,  .  him  for  fu- 

at  first  be  supposed.  They  proved  to  him  and  to  the  tore  events, 
world  his  mental  resources,  courage,  fortitude,  and  power 
over  the  will  and  actions  of  others.  They  were  in  fact  a 
school  of  practical  knowledge  and  discipline,  qualifying 
him  for  the  great  work  in  which  he  was  to  be  engaged 
at  a  future  day.  The  duties  of  his  station  at  the  head 
of  the  Virginia  troops,  and  the  difficulties  he  had  to  con 
tend  with  during  an  active  warfare  of  five  years,  bore  a 
strong  resemblance  to  those,  that  devolved  on  him  as 
Commander-in-chief  of  the  American  armies  in  the  Revo 
lution.  They  differed  in  magnitude,  and  in  the  ends  to 
be  attained ;  but  it  will  be  seen,  as  we  proceed,  that  they 
were  analogous  in  many  striking  particulars,  and  that  the 
former  were  an  essential  preparation  for  the  latter. 

*  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  I.  p.  27 
13  K 


98 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  26. 


CHAPTER   VI. 


CHAPTER 
VI. 

1759. 


Accession  to 
bis  fortune. 


Washington's  Marriage.  —  For  many  Years  a  Member  of  the  Virginia  House 
of  Burgesses.  —  His  Pursuits  and  Habits  as  a  Planter.  —  A  Vestryman  in 
the  Church,  and  active  in  Parish  Affairs.  —  His  Opinion  of  the  Stamp  Act. 

—  Takes  an   early  and  decided  Stand  against  the  Course    pursued  by  the 
British  Government  towards  the  Colonies.  —  Joins  heartily  in  all  the  Meas 
ures  of  Opposition.  —  His  Services  in  procuring  the  Lands  promised  to  the 
Officers  and  Soldiers  in  the  French  War.  —  Performs  a  Tour  to  the  Ohio 
and  Kenhawa  Rivers  for  the  purpose   of  selecting  those  Lands.  —  Takes 
an  active  Part  at  different  Times  in  the   Proceedings  of  the  Virginia   Le 
gislature  in  defending  the  Rights  of  the  Colonies.  —  His  Opinions  on  this 
Subject.  —  Chosen  to  command  several  Independent  Companies  of  Militia. 

—  A  Delegate  to  the  first  and  second  Virginia  Conventions.  —  A  Member 
of  the  Continental  Congress. 

IN  the  course  of  the  preceding  year,  Colonel  Washing 
ton  had  paid  his  addresses  successfully  to  Mrs.  Martha 
Custis,  to  whom  he  was  married  on  the  6th  of  January, 
This  lady  was  three  months  younger  than  him- 

f,  widow  of  John  Parke  Custis,  and  distinguished  alike 
for  her  beauty,  accomplishments,  and  wealth.  She  was 
the  daughter  of  John  Dandridge.  At  the  time  of  her 
second  marriage  she  had  two  children,  a  son  and  daugh 
ter,  the  former  six  years  old,  the  latter  four.  Mr.  Custis 
had  left  large  landed  estates  in  New  Kent  County,  and 
forty-five  thousand  pounds  sterling  in  money.  One  third 
part  of  this  property  she  held  in  her  own  right,  the  other 
two  thirds  being  equally  divided  between  her  children. 

By  this  marriage  an  accession  of  more  than  one  hun 
dred  thousand  dollars  was  made  to  Colonel  Washington's 
fortune,  which  was  already  considerable  in  the  estate  at 
Mount  Vernon,  and  other  lands  which  he  had  selected 
during  his  surveying  expeditions  and  obtained  at  different 
times.  To  the  management  of  his  extensive  private  af 
fairs  his  thoughts  were  now  turned.  He  also  took  upon 
himself  the  guardianship  of  Mrs.  Washington's  two  chil 
dren,  and  the  care  of  their  property,  which  trust  he  dis- 


FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  PICTURE  BY  WDOLASTON  IN  THE 
.POSSESSION  OF  G.W.P.  CUSTB.ESQ?  ARLINGTON  HOUSE. 


JET.  26.]  L  I F  E    O  F    W  A  S  H  I  N  G  T  O  N.  99 

charged  with  all  the  faithfulness  and  assiduity  of  a  father,    CHAPTER 
till  the  son  became  of  age,  and  till  the  daughter  died  in        VL 
her  nineteenth  year.      This   union   was   in   every   respect     1759. 
felicitous.     It  continued  forty  years.     To  her  intimate  ac-  character  of 
quaintances  arid  to  the  nation,  the  character  of  Mrs.  Wash-  ington. as 
ington  was  ever  a  theme  of  praise.     Affable  and  courteous, 
exemplary    in    her   deportment,    remarkable    for    her  deeds 
of  charity   and  piety,   unostentatious   and  without    vanity, 
she  adorned  by  her  domestic  virtues  the  sphere  of  private 
life,  and   filled  with  dignity  every   station   in   which   she 
was  placed.* 

While  engaged  in  the  last  campaign,  Colonel  Washing-  Elected  a 
ton  had  been  elected  a  representative  to  the  House  of 
Burgesses,  in  Virginia,  from  Frederic  County.  Having  de 
termined  to  quit  the  military  line,  and  being  yet  inclined 
to  serve  his  country  in  a  civil  capacity,  this  choice  of  the 
people  was  peculiarly  gratifying  to  him.  As  this  was  the 
first  time  he  had  been  proposed  for  the  popular  suffrages, 
his  friends  urged  him  to  leave  the  army  for  a  few  days, 
and  repair  to  Winchester,  where  the  election  was  to  be 
held.  But,  regarding  his  duties  in  the  field  as  outweigh 
ing  every  other  consideration,  he  remained  at  his  post,  and 
the  election  was  carried  without  his  personal  solicitation 
or  influence.  There  were  four  candidates,  and  he  was 
chosen  by  a  large  majority  over  all  his  competitors.  The 
success  was  beyond  his  most  sanguine  anticipations. 

One  of  his  friends  wrote  to  him  immediately  after  the 
polls  were  closed  :  "  The  punctual  discharge  of  every  trust, 
your  humane  and  equitable  treatment  of  each  individual, 
and  your  ardent  zeal  for  the  common  cause,  have  gained 
your  point  with  credit ;  as  your  friends  could,  with  the 
greatest  warmth  and  truth,  urge  the  worth  of  those  noble 
endowments  and  principles,  as  well  as  your  superior  inter 
est  both  here  and  in  the  House."  Considering  the  com 
mand,  which  he  had  been  obliged  to  exercise  in  Frederic 
County  for  near  five  years,  and  the  restraints  which  the 

*  A  Memoir  of  this  lady,  written  by  her  grandson,  G.  W.  P.  Custis, 
is  contained  in  the  first  volume  of  the  .American  Portrait   Gallery. 


100  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [.Ex.  27. 

CHAPTER    exigency  of  circumstances  required  him  occasionally  to  put 
upon  the  inhabitants,  this  result  was  deemed  a  triumphant 
1759.      proof  of  his  abilities,  address,  and  power  to  win  the  affec 
tions  and  confidence  of  the  people. 

compliment       He    did    not    establish    himself   at    Mount  Vernon,   till 
upon  him  by  three   months   after   his   marriage,    but   continued   at  Wil- 

the  House  of  .  ... 

Burgesses,  liamsburg,  or  in  the  vicinity  of  that  place,  probably  ar 
ranging  the  affairs  of  Mrs.  Washington's  estate.  At  the 
same  time  there  was  a  session  of  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
which  he  attended.  It  was  during  this  session,  that  an 
incident  occurred,  which  has  been  graphically  described 
by  Mr.  Wirt.  "By  a  vote  of  the  House,  the  Speaker, 
Mr.  Robinson,  was  directed  to  return  their  thanks  to  Col 
onel  Washington,  on  behalf  of  the  colony,  for  the  distin 
guished  military  services  which  he  had  rendered  to  his 
country.  As  soon  as  Colonel  Washington  took  his  seat, 
Mr.  Robinson,  in  obedience  to  this  order,  and  following 
the  impulse  of  his  own  generous  and  grateful  heart,  dis 
charged  the  duty  with  great  dignity,  but  with  such  warmth 
of  coloring  and  strength  of  expression,  as  entirely  con 
founded  the  young  hero.  He  rose  to  express  his  acknowl 
edgments  for  the  honor;  but  such  was  his  trepidation 
and  confusion,  that  he  could  not  give  distinct  utterance  to 
a  single  syllable.  He  blushed,  stammered,  and  trembled 
for  a  second ;  when  the  Speaker  relieved  him  by  a  stroke 
of  address,  that  would  have  done  honor  to  Louis  the 
Fourteenth  in  his  proudest  and  happiest  moment.  '  Sit 
down,  Mr.  Washington,'  said  he  with  a  conciliating  smile  ; 
'  your  modesty  equals  your  valor ;  and  that  surpasses  the 
power  of  any  language  that  I  possess.'  "  * 

A  member  of       From  this  time  till  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,    a 

the  House  of 

Burgesses  fit-  period  of  fifteen  years,  Washington  was  constantly  a  mem- 
teen  years.  . 

ber  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  being  returned  by  a  large 
majority  of  votes  at  every  election.  For  seven  years  he 
represented,  jointly  with  another  delegate,  the  County  of 
Frederic,  and  afterwards  the  County  of  Fairfax,  in  which 

*  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3d  edition,  p.  45. 


&T.  27-32.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  101 

he   resided.      There    were    commonly    two    sessions   in   a  CHAPTER 

year,  and  sometimes  three.     It  appears,  from  a  record  left  

in  his  handwriting,    that  he  gave  his  attendance  punctu-      1759 
ally,  and  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  almost  every 
session.     It  was  a  maxim  with  him  through  life,  to  ex 
ecute  punctually  and  thoroughly  every  charge  which  he 
undertook. 

His  influence  in  public  bodies    was   produced  more   by  His  influence 

.  .in  public 

the  soundness  of  his  judgment,  his  quick  perceptions,  and  todies, 
his  directness  and  undeviating  sincerity,  than  by  eloquence 
or  art  in  recommending  his  opinions.  He  seldom  spoke, 
never  harangued,  and  it  is  not  known  that  he  ever  made 
a  set  speech,  or  entered  into  a  stormy  debate.  But  his 
attention  was  at  all  times  awake.  He  studied  profoundly 
the  prominent  topics  of  discussion,  and,  whenever  occasion 
required,  was  prepared  to  deliver  his  sentiments  clearly, 
and  to  act  with  decision  and  firmness.  His  practice  may 
be  inferred  from  the  counsel  he  gave  to  a  nephew,  who 
had  just  taken  his  seat  for  the  first  time  in  the  As 
sembly. 

"  The  only  advice  I  will  offer,"  said  he,  "  if  you  have 
a  mind  to  command  the  attention  of  the  House,  is  to 
speak  seldom  but  on  important  subjects,  except  such  as 
particularly  relate  to  your  constituents ;  and,  in  the  for 
mer  case,  make  yourself  perfectly  master  of  the  subject. 
Never  exceed  a  decent  warmth,  and  submit  your  senti 
ments  with  diffidence.  A  dictatorial  style,  though  it  may 
carry  conviction,  is  always  accompanied  with  disgust." 

After   suitable   preparations   had   been  made,    he  retired  Retires  to 
with  Mrs.  Washington  to  the  charming  retreat  at  Mount  vemon. 
Vernon,  resolved  to  devote  his  remaining  years  to  the  pur-     Apnl* 
suit  of  agriculture,  with  no  higher  aims  than  to  increase 
his  fortune,    cultivate   the  social   virtues,    fulfil  his  duties 
as  a  citizen,  and  sustain  in  its  elevated  dignity  and  worth 
the  character   of  a  country   gentleman.     For   this   sphere 
he  was  extremely  well  fitted,  both  by  his  tastes  and  his 
habits  of  business.     In  all  the  scenes  of  his  public  career, 
even  when  his  renown  was  the  highest,   and  he  was  the 


102 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  27-32. 


Occupied  as 
a  planter. 


CHAPTER   most  actively  engaged  in  great  affairs,   there  was  no  sub- 

VI>        ject  upon  which  his  mind  dwelt  with  so  lively  an  inter- 

1759      est  and  pleasure  as  on  that  of  agriculture.     Nor   was   there 

1764      ever  a  momentj    when   his  thoughts   would  not  recur   to 

his  tranquil   home   at   Mount  Vernon,    as   the  seat  of  his 

purest   happiness,    or  when   he  would  not   have   returned 

to  it  with  unfeigned  delight. 

The  occupation  of  a  Virginia  planter  before  the  Rev 
olution  afforded  little  variety  of  incidents.  Few  modes 
of  existence  could  be  more  monotonous.  The  staple  pro 
duct,  particularly  in  the  lower  counties,  was  tobacco,  to 
the  culture  of  which  Washington  chiefly  directed  his 
care.  This  he  exported  to  London  for  a  market,  making 
the  shipments  in  his  own  name,  and  putting  the  tobacco 
on  board  vessels,  which  came  up  the  Potomac  River  to 
his  mansion  at  Mount  Vernon,  or  to  such  other  points 
as  were  most  convenient.  He  had  also  correspondents 
in  Bristol  and  Liverpool,  to  whom  he  sometimes  consigned 
tobacco. 

Articles  of         In  those  days,  it  was  the  practice  of  the  Virginia  plan- 
common  use 

imported       ters   to   import   directly   from   London   all   the   articles   of 
from  Lou- 
do11-  common  use.     Twice  a  year  Washington  forwarded  lists  of 

such  articles  to  his  agent,  comprising  not  only  the  necessa 
ries  and  conveniences  for  household  purposes,  ploughs, 
hoes,  spades,  scythes,  and  other  implements  of  agriculture, 
saddles,  bridles,  and  harness  for  his  horses,  but  likewise 
every  article  of  wearing  apparel  for  himself  and  the  dif 
ferent  members  of  his  family,  specifying  the  names  of 
each,  and  the  ages  of  Mrs.  Washington's  two  children,  as 
well  as  the  size,  description,  and  quality  of  the  several 
articles.  *  He  required  his  agent  to  send  him,  in  addition 
to  a  general  bill  of  the  whole,  the  original  vouchers  of 


*  From  an  order,  which  he  sent  to  a  tailor  in  London,  we  learn 
the  size  of  his  person.  He  describes  himself  as  "  six  feet  high  and 
proportionably  made ;  if  any  thing  rather  slender  for  a  person  of  that 
height;"  and  adds  that  his  limbs  were  long.  At  this  time  he  was 
thirty-one  years  old.  In  exact  measure,  his  height  was  six  feet  and 
three  inches. 


&r.  27-32.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  103 

the   shopkeepers    and    mechanics,   from   whom    purchases   CHAPTER 
had  been  made.     So  particular  was  he  in  these  concerns,        VL 
that  for  many  years  he  recorded  with  his  own  hand,  in     1759 
books  prepared  for  the  purpose,  all  the  long  lists  of  orders, 
and  copies  of  the  multifarious  receipts  from  the  different 
merchants   and  tradesmen,  who    had    supplied    the    goods. 
In  this  way  he  kept  a  perfect  oversight  of  the  business, 
ascertained  the  prices,    could  detect   any   imposition,    mis 
management,  or  carelessness,  and   tell   when   any   advan 
tage   was   taken   of  him   even   in  the  smallest  matter,  of 
which,   when   discovered,    he   did  not  fail  to  remind   his 
correspondents  the  next  time  he  wrote. 

During  the  whole  of  this  period,  in  short,  his  industry  Habits  of 
was  equal  to  his  enterprise  in  business.  His  daybooks, 
legers,  and  letter  books  were  all  kept  by  himself;  nor 
does  it  appear,  that  he  was  in  the  habit,  on  any  occasion, 
of  resorting  to  the  aid  of  a  clerk  or  secretary.  He  usually 
drew  up  his  contracts,  deeds,  and  other  papers,  requiring 
legal  knowledge  and  accuracy.  It  was  a  rule  with  him, 
in  private  as  well  as  public  transactions,  not  to  rely  on 
others  for  what  he  could  do  himself. 

Although  his  pursuits  were  those  of  a  retired  farmer,  Hospitality 
yet  he  was  by  no  means  secluded  from  social  intercourse  intercourse, 
with  persons  of  intelligence  and  refinement.  During  the 
periods  of  his  attending  the  House  of  Burgesses  at  Wil- 
liamsburg,  he  met  on  terms  of  intimacy  the  eminent  men 
of  Virginia,  who,  in  imitation  of  the  governors  (some 
times  noblemen,  and  always  from  the  higher  ranks  of 
English  society),  lived  in  a  style  of  magnificence,  which 
has  long  since  passed  away,  and  given  place  to  the  re 
publican  simplicity  of  modern  times.  He  was  a  frequent 
visiter  at  Annapolis,  the  seat  of  government  in  Maryland, 
renowned  as  the  resort  of  the  polite,  wealthy,  and  fash 
ionable.  At  Mount  Vernon  he  returned  the  civilities  he 
had  received,  and  practised,  on  a  large  and  generous  scale, 
the  hospitality  for  which  the  southern  planters  have  ever 
been  distinguished.  When  he  was  at  home,  a  day  sel 
dom  passed  without  the  company  of  friends  or  strangers 


104 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


2T.  27-32. 


George 
Mason. 


Lord 
Fairfax. 


Washing 
ton's  relish 
for  amuse 
ments. 


His  favorite 
exercise. 


at  his  house.  In  his  diaries  the  names  of  these  visiters 
are  often  mentioned,  and  we  find  among  them  the  gov 
ernors  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and  nearly  all  the  cele 
brated  men  of  the  southern  and  middle  colonies,  who 
were  at  that  time  and  afterwards  conspicuous  in  the  his 
tory  of  the  country. 

One  of  his  nearest  neighbors  was  George  Mason,  of 
Gunston  Hall,  a  man  possessing  remarkable  intellectual 
powers,  deeply  conversant  with  political  science,  and  thor 
oughly  versed  in  the  topics  of  dispute  then  existing  be 
tween  England  and  America.  Lord  Fairfax  was  also  a 
constant  guest  at  Mount  Vernon,  who,  although  eccentric 
in  his  habits,  possessed  a  cultivated  mind,  social  qualities, 
and  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  world.  To  these  may 
be  added  a  large  circle  of  relatives  and  acquaintances, 
who  sought  his  society,  and  to  whom  his  house  was 
always  open. 

Washington  had  a  relish  for  amusements.  In  his  earlier 
years,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  fond  of  athletic  sports, 
and  the  feats  of  agility  and  strength.  When  he  was  at 
Williamsburg  or  Annapolis,  he  commonly  attended  the 
theatrical  exhibitions,  such  as  were  presented  on  the 
American  boards  at  that  day.  But  his  chief  diversion  was 
the  chase.  At  the  proper  season,  it  was  not  unusual  for 
him  to  go  out  two  or  three  times  in  a  week  with  horses, 
dogs,  and  horns,  in  pursuit  of  foxes,  accompanied  by  a 
small  party  of  gentlemen,  either  his  neighbors,  or  such 
visiters  as  happened  to  be  at  Mount  Vernon.  If  we  may 
judge  by  his  own  account,  however,  he  could  seldom 
boast  of  brilliant  success  in  these  excursions.  He  was 
not  disheartened  by  disappointment;  and  when  the  foxes 
eluded  his  pursuit,  he  consoled  himself  with  the  reflection, 
that  the  main  end  in  view,  excitement  and  recreation, 
had  been  gained. 

Another  favorite  exercise  was  fowling.  His  youthful 
rambles  in  the  woods,  on  his  surveying  expeditions,  had 
made  him  familiar  with  the  use  of  his  gun.  Game  of 
various  kinds  abounded  on  his  plantations,  particularly  the 


JET.  27 -32.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


105 


species  of  wild  duck,  which  at  certain  seasons  resorts  in 
great  numbers  to  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  is  so 
much  esteemed  for  its  superior  quality.  He  was  expert 
in  the  art  of  duck-shooting,  and  often  practised  it. 

Connected  with  this  subject,  an  anecdote  is  related  of 
him,  illustrative  of  his  resolution  and  courage.  A  person 
of  lawless  habits  and  reckless  character  had  frequently 
entered  upon  the  grounds  near  Mount  Vernon,  and  shot 
ducks  and  other  game.  More  than  once  he  had  been 
warned  to  desist,  and  not  to  return.  It  was  his  custom 
to  cross  the  Potomac  in  a  canoe,  and  ascend  the  creeks 
to  some  obscure  place,  where  he  could  be  concealed  from 
observation.  One  day,  hearing  the  discharge  of  a  musket, 
Washington  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  in  the  direction 
of  the  sound.  The  intruder  discovered  his  approach,  and 
had  just  time  to  gain  the  canoe  and  push  it  from  the 
shore,  when  Washington  emerged  from  the  bushes  at  the 
distance  of  a  few  yards.  The  man  raised  his  gun,  cocked 
it,  pointed  it  at  him,  and  took  deliberate  aim;  but,  with 
out  a  moment's  hesitation,  he  rode  into  the  water,  seized 
the  prow  of  the  canoe,  drew  it  to  land,  disarmed  his  an 
tagonist,  and  inflicted  on  him  a  chastisement,  which  he 
never  again  chose  to  run  the  hazard  of  encountering. 

But  neither  his  private  occupations,  nor  his  important 
duties  as  one  of  the  legislators  of  the  province,  prevented 
Washington  from  taking  an  active  part  in  many  concerns 
of  less  moment,  wherein  he  could  be  useful  to  his  friends 
or  the  community.  He  assumed  trusts  at  the  solicitation 
of  others,  which  sometimes  involved  much  labor  and  re 
sponsibility,  and  in  which  he  had  no  personal  interest  ; 
and  cheerfully  rendered  his  services  as  an  arbitrator  in 
settling  disputes.  Such  was  the  confidence  in  his  candor 
and  judgment,  and  such  his  known  desire  to  promote 
peace  and  concord,  that  he  was  often  called  upon  to  per 
form  offices  of  this  kind ;  and  it  was  rare  that  his  decision 
was  unsatisfactory  ;  for,  however  the  parties  might  differ  in 
opinion,  they  were  persuaded  that  their  cause  could  not 
be  submitted  to  a  more  impartial  or  competent  judge. 
14 


Anecdote. 


Acts  of  use 
fulness  to  his 
neighbors 
and  friends. 


106 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  33. 


1765. 

Active  in 
the  affairs  of 
his  parish. 


Commis 
sioner  for 
settling  mil 
itary  ac 
counts. 


His  usefulness  extended  to  every  object  within  the  sphere 
of  his  influence.  In  the  affairs  of  Truro  Parish,  to  which 
Mount  Vernon  belonged,  he  took  a  lively  concern  and  ex 
ercised  a  salutary  control.  He  was  a  vestryman  of  that 
parish.  On  one  occasion  he  gained  a  triumph  of  some 
moment,  which  Mr.  Massey,  the  clergyman,  who  lived  to 
an  advanced  age,  used  to  mention  as  an  instance  of  his 
address.  The  old  church  was  falling  to  ruin,  and  it  was 
resolved  that  another  should  be  built.  Several  meetings 
were  held,  and  a  warm  dispute  arose  respecting  its  loca 
tion,  the  old  one  being  remote  from  the  centre,  and  in 
conveniently  situated  for  many  of  the  parishioners.  A 
meeting  for  settling  the  question  was  finally  held.  George 
Mason,  who  led  the  party  that  adhered  to  the  ancient 
site,  made  an  eloquent  harangue,  in  which  he  appealed 
with  great  effect  to  the  sensibilities  of  the  people,  conjur 
ing  them  not  to  desert  the  spot  consecrated  by  the  bones 
of  their  ancestors  and  the  most  hallowed  associations.  Mr. 
Massey  said  every  one  present  seemed  moved  by  this  dis 
course,  and,  for  the  moment,  he  thought  there  would  not 
be  a  dissenting  voice.  Washington  then  rose  and  drew 
from  his  pocket  a  roll  of  paper,  containing  an  exact  survey 
of  Truro  Parish,  on  which  was  marked  the  site  of  the  old 
church,  the  proposed  site  of  the  new  one,  and  the  place 
where  each  parishioner  resided.  He  spread  this  map  be 
fore  the  audience,  explained  it  in  a  few  words,  and  then 
added,  that  it  was  for  them  to  determine,  whether  they 
would  be  carried  away  by  an  impulse  of  feeling,  or  act 
upon  the  obvious  principles  of  reason  and  justice.  The 
argument,  thus  confirmed  by  ocular  demonstration,  was 
conclusive,  and  the  church  was  erected  on  the  new  site. 

At  the  close  of  the  French  war,  he  had  an  arduous 
service  to  perform,  as  one  of  the  commissioners  for  settling 
the  military  accounts  of  the  colony,  which  were  compli 
cated  and  of  large  extent.  His  intimate  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  and  the  sympathy  he  felt  for  his  companions 
in  arms,  and  all  who  had  aided  the  cause  of  their  coun 
try,  were  motives  for  throwing  this  task  chiefly  upon  him, 
and  he  executed  it  faithfully. 


£T.  35.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  107 

British  writers  have  asserted,  and  perhaps  believed,  that  CHAPTER 

Washington's  sentiments  did  not  harmonize  with  those  of        vl* 

the  leaders,    who   resisted  the   aggressions   of   the   mother     1707- 

country   at  the   beginning  of  the  great  struggle  for  inde-  J^JJJ 

pendence.  and  that  he  was  brought  tardily  into  the  meas-  decisive  part 

•*•  against  Brit 

ures  of  opposition.  This  opinion  probably  arose  from  the 
circumstance  of  his  name  not  being  mentioned  among  the 
conspicuous  actors,  and  was  strengthened  by  the  spurious 
letters  ascribed  to  him  in  the  first  part  of  the  war,  of 
which  more  *will  be  said  hereafter.  These  letters  were 
first  published  in  England,  and  so  artfully  written,  that 
they  might  easily  mislead  those,  who  were  willing  to  be 
deceived  on  the  side  of  their  prejudices  and  wishes.  It 
is  nevertheless  true,  that  no  man  in  America  took  a  more 
early,  open,  and v  decided  part  in  asserting  and  defending 
the  rights  of  the  colonies,  and  opposing  the  pretensions 
set  up  by  the  British  government.  In  the  Virginia  legis 
lature  he  went  heart  and  hand  with  Henry,  Randolph, 
Lee,  Wythe,  and  the  other  prominent  leaders  of  the  time. 
His  opinions  and  his  principles  were  consistent  through 
out.  That  he  looked  for  a  conciliation,  till  the  conven 
ing  of  the  first  Congress,  and  perhaps  till  the  petition  of 
that  Congress  had'  been  rejected  by  the  King,  there  is  no 
doubt ;  and  so  did  Franklin,  Jay,  Jefferson,  John  Adams, 
and  probably  all  the  other  master  spirits,  who  gave  the 
tone  to  public  sentiment  and  action. 

His  disapprobation  of  the   Stamp  Act  was  expressed  in  Disapproves 

.. «  i    •  n  the  Stamp 

unqualified  terms.  He  spoke  of  it,  in  a  letter  written  at  Act. 
the  time,  as  an  "  unconstitutional  method  of  taxation,"  and 
"  a  direful  attack  on  the  liberties  of  the  colonists."  And 
subsequently  he  said,  "  The  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act,  to 
whatever  cause  owing,  ought  much  to  be  rejoiced  at ;  for, 
had  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  resolved  upon  en 
forcing  it,  the  consequences,  I  conceive,  would  have  been 
more  direful  than  is  generally  apprehended,  both  to  the 
mother  country  and  her  colonies.  All,  therefore,  who  were 
instrumental  in  procuring  the  repeal,  are  entitled  to  the 
thanks  of  every  British  subject,  and  have  mine  cordially." 


108 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[Mr.  37 


1769. 


Stamp  Act 
followed  by 
others 
equally  ob 
jectionable. 


Agreements 
not  to  im 
port  British 
goods. 


He  was  present  in  the  Virginia  legislature,  when  Patrick 
Henry  offered  his  celebrated  resolutions  on  this  subject. 
I  have  found  no  record  of  his  vote  ;  but  it  may  be  pre 
sumed,  from  his  well  known  sentiments,  and  from  his 
frankness  in  avowing  them,  that  he  stood  in  the  ranks  of 
the  patriotic  party,  to  which  he  ever  afterwards  rendered 
his  most  zealous  support. 

Although  the  Stamp  Act  was  repealed,  yet  the  abettors 
of  that  act,  so  odious  to  the  colonies,  were  not  influenced 
in  yielding  the  point  by  any  regard  to  the  Absolute  mer 
its  of  the  question,  but  by  motives  of  expediency  for  the 
moment,  being  resolved  to  seize  the  first  opportunity  to 
renew  the  measure,  and  prosecute  their  scheme  for  rais 
ing  a  revenue  in  America  by  taxing  the  people  without 
their  consent.  They  asserted  the  unlimited  control  of 
Parliament  over  every  paft  of  the  British  dominions  ;  and 
the  doctrine,  hitherto  considered  as  one  of  the  vital  ele 
ments  of  the  British  constitution,  and  the  main  pillar  of 
British  freedom,  that  no  subject  of  the  realm  could  be 
taxed  except  by  himself  or  his  representatives,  was  vir 
tually  declared  inapplicable  to  the  colonies.  It  was  no 
wonder  that  a  people,  habituated  to  self-government  and 
nurtured  in  the  atmosphere  of  liberty  from  the  very  origin 
of  their  political  existence,  should  revolt  at  such  an  as 
sumption,  and  be  roused  to  a  defence  of  their  rights. 

The  act  of  Parliament  imposing  duties  on  tea,  paper, 
glass,  and  painters'  colors,  imported  into  the  colonies,  was 
in  reality  a  repetition  of  the  Stamp  Act  in  another  form. 
It  was  thus  understood  by  the  people,  and  produced  uni 
versal  indignation  and  alarm.  Spirited  resolves  were  im 
mediately  adopted  in  Massachusetts  and  other  colonies,  ex 
pressing  a  determination  not  to  submit  to  this  act.  Arti 
cles  of  agreement  were  at  the  same  time  entered  into, 
called  Associations,  by  which  those  who  subscribed  them 
were  bound  not  to  purchase  or  use  the  manufactures  of 
England,  and  other  goods  imported  from  that  country,  ex 
cept  in  cases  of  the  most  urgent  necessity.  It  was  thought 
this  measure,  if  effectually  pursued,  would  cramp  the 


Mr.  37.]                   LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  109 

British  commerce,  and  distress  the  manufacturers  and  mer-  CHAPTER 

chants  to  such  an  extent,  as  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  gov-  VL 

ernment  to   the  impolicy,   if  not  to   the   iniquity,    of  the  1769. 
course  they  had  begun. 

The  spirit   of  discontent  and   opposition   diffused  itself  Approves 
rapidly  in  all  the  provinces.     In  the  month  of  April,  1769, 


just  before  the  assembling  of  the  Virginia  legislature,  Col-  g°°ds- 
onel  Washington  received  sundry  papers,  containing  the 
resolves  and  proceedings  of  the  merchants  of  Philadelphia. 
These  papers  he  communicated  to  his  neighbor  and  friend, 
George  Mason,  accompanied  by  a  letter,  in  which  he  de 
clared  his  own  opinions  in  a  tone  of  energy  and  decision, 
that  could  leave  no  room  to  doubt,  as  tp  his  sense  of  the 
matter,  and  the  ground  he  was  prepared  to  take. 

"  At  a  time,"  said  he,  "  when  our  lordly  masters  in  April  $. 
Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing  less  than  the 
deprivation  of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly  neces 
sary  that  something  should  be  done  to  avert  the  stroke, 
and  maintain  the  liberty  which  we  have  derived  from 
our  ancestors.  But  the  manner  of  doing  it,  to  answer  the 
purpose  effectually,  is  the  point  in  question. 

"  That  no  man  should  scruple,  or  hesitate  a  moment, 
to  use  arms  in  defence  of  so  valuable  a  blessing,  is  clearly 
my  opinion.  Yet  arms,  I  would  beg  leave  to  add,  should 
be  the  last  resource,  the  dernier  resort.  We  have  already, 
it  is  said,  proved  the  inefficacy  of  addresses  to  the  throne, 
and  remonstrances  to  Parliament.  How  far,  then,  their  at 
tention  to  our  rights  and  privileges  is  to  be  awakened  or 
alarmed,  by  starving  their  trade  and  manufactures,  remains 
to  be  tried. 

"  The  northern  colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavoring  to 
adopt  this  scheme.  In  my  opinion  it  is  a  good  one,  and 
must  be  attended  with  salutary  effects,  provided  it  can  be 
carried  pretty  generally  into  execution." 

These  sentiments  were  cordially  reciprocated  by  Mr.  Ma-  Presents  ar- 

,      ,  ,        .  ,.  tides  of  As- 

son,  who  agreed  that  steps  ought  immediately  to  be  taken  sociationto 

0  *  the  House  of 

to  bring  about  a  concert  of  action  between    Virginia  and  Burgesses. 
the  northern   colonies.      This  gentleman,    who   afterwards 


110 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  37. 


1769. 


Assembly 
dissolved. 


Non-im 
portation 
agreement 
adopted. 

May  18. 


Scrupulous 
ly  observes 
the  agree 
ment. 


Secures  the 
claims  of  the 
soldiers  to 
public  lands. 


drafted  the  first  constitution  of  Virginia,  and  was  a  skilful 
writer,  drew  up  a  series  of  articles  in  the  form  of  an  As 
sociation.  The  Burgesses  met  in  May,  and,  as  Mr.  Mason 
was  not  then  one  of  their  number,  Washington  took 
charge  of  the  paper,  with  the  view  of  laying  it  before 
the  Assembly.  As  soon  as  the  Burgesses  had  come  to 
gether,  and  gone  through  with  the  forms  of  opening  the 
session,  they  proceeded  to  consider  the  late  doings  of 
Parliament,  and  passed  several  bold  and  pointed  resolves, 
denying  the  authority  of  Parliament  to  impose  taxes  and 
enact  laws  hostile  to  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  colonists. 
The  governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  deservedly  popular  for  his 
amiable  manners  and  the  real  interest  he  felt  in  the  wel 
fare  of  the  people,  and  at  heart  opposed  to  the  ministerial 
pretensions,  could  not,  in  justice  to  his  sovereign  and  the 
trust  reposed  in  him,  silently  witness  these  symptoms  of 
disaffection  and  disobedience.  He  went  the  next  day  to 
the  Capitol,  summoned  the  Burgesses  to  meet  him  in  the 
council  chamber,  and  there  dissolved  the  Assembly.  Not 
intimidated  by  this  exercise  of  the  prerogative,  although 
a  virtual  reprimand,  they  forthwith  repaired  in  a  body  to 
a  private  house,  and  unanimously  adopted  the  non-impor 
tation  agreement,  which  had  been  prepared  by  George 
Mason,  and  presented  by  Washington.  Every  member 
subscribed  his  name  to  it,  and  it  was  then  printed  and 
dispersed  in  the  country  for  the  signatures  of  the  people. 

Washington  was  scrupulous  in  observing  this  agreement; 
and,  when  he  sent  his  customary  annual  orders  to  London 
for  goods  to  be  used  in  his  family,  he  strictly  enjoined 
his  correspondents  to  forward  none  of  the  enumerated  ar 
ticles,  unless  the  offensive  acts  of  Parliament  should  in 
the  mean  time  be  repealed. 

In  the  midst  of  his  public  engagements,  another  affair, 
extremely  vexatious  in  its  details,  employed  much  of  his 
attention.  The  claims  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  lands, 
granted  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  as  a  reward  for  their  ser 
vices  at  the  beginning  of  the  French  war,  met  with  innu 
merable  obstacles  for  a  long  time,  first  from  the  ministry 


^T.  38.]  LIFEOFWASHINGTON.  HI 

in  England,  and  next  from  the  authorities  in  Virginia.  By  CHAPTER 
his  unwearied  exertions,  however,  and  by  these  alone, 
and  mostly  at  his  own  expense,  the  matter  was  at  last  1770. 
adjusted.  Nor  did  he  remit  his  efforts,  till  every  officer 
and  private  soldier  had  received  his  due  proportion.  Where 
deaths  had  occurred,  the  heirs  were  sought  out,  and  their 
claims  verified  and  allowed.  Even  Vanbraam,  who  was 
believed  to  have  deceived  him  at  the  capitulation  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  who  went  as  a  hostage  to  Canada, 
thence  to  England,  and  never  returned  to  America,  was 
not  forgotten  in  the  distribution.  His  share  was  reserved, 
and  he  was  informed  that  it  was  at  his  disposal. 

While    this   business   was   in   progress,    Washington   re-  Resolves  to 
solved  to  visit  the  western  lands  in  person,  and  select  for  western 
the  surveys  such  tracts  as  would  have  an  intrinsic  value, 
both  in  regard   to  their  location   and    quality.     This   was 
the    more    important,   as    it    was   necessary   to   take   the 
land  in  large  tracts,  and  then  divide  it  according  to  a  pre 
scribed  ratio. 

In   the   autumn   of    1770,   accompanied   by   his   friend,  Tour  to  the 
Dr.  Craik,  who  had  been  his  companion    in   arms   at  the     ^  5 
battles  of  the  Great  ^Meadows  and  of  the  Monongahela,  he 
performed  a  tour  of  nine  weeks  for  this  purpose.     Proceed 
ing  to  Pittsburg  on  horseback,   he   there  embarked   in   a 
canoe,  and  descended  the  Ohio  River  to  the   Great  Ken- 
hawa,  a  distance  of  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  miles. 

At  that  time  there   were   no   inhabitants   on   the    Ohio  Proceeds 
below  Pittsburg,  except  the  natives  of  the  forest.     A  few 


traders  had  wandered  into  those  regions,  and  land  specu 
lators  had  sent  out  emissaries  to  explore  the  country,  but 
no  permanent  settlements  had  been  formed.  He  was  at 
tended  down  the  river  by  William  Crawford,  a  person  ac 
customed  to  the  woods,  and  a  part  of  the  way  by  Colonel 
Croghan,  distinguished  for  his  knowledge  of  Indian  affairs. 
The  voyage  was  fatiguing  and  somewhat  hazardous,  as 
they  were  exposed  without  shelter  to  the  inclemencies  of 
the  weather,  and  no  one  of  the  party  was  experienced  in 
the  navigation  of  the  stream.  At  night  they  landed  and 


112 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEx.  38 


1770. 


Arrives  at 
the  Great 
Kenhawa. 

Oct.  31. 


Dec.  1. 


Washington 
well  pre 
pared  for  the 
approaching 
crisis. 


encamped.  Occasionally  they  walked  through  the  woods, 
leaving  the  canoe  in  charge  "of  the  oarsmen.  They  were 
thus  enabled  to  inspect  the  lands,  and  form  a  judgment 
of  the  soil.  Washington  was  also  gratified  to  meet  sev 
eral  of  his  former  Indian  friends,  who,  hearing  of  his 
journey,  came  to  see  him  at  different  places.  Among 
others,  he  recognised  a  chief,  who  had  gone  with  him  to 
the  fort  on  French  Creek,  sixteen  years  before.  They 
all  greeted  him  with  much  ceremonious  respect,  making 
speeches  according  to  their  manner,  welcoming  him  to 
their  country,  exhibiting  their  usual  tokens  of  friendship 
and  hospitality,  and  expressing  a  desire  to  maintain  a  pa 
cific  intercourse  with  their  white  neighbors  of  Virginia. 

After  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kenhawa,  he 
ascended  that  river  about  fourteen  miles,  and  examined 
the  lands  in  the  vicinity.  He  had  an  opportunity,  like 
wise,  to  practise  his  favorite  amusement  of  hunting.  Buf 
faloes,  deer,  turkeys,  ducks,  and  other  wild  game,  were 
found  in  great  abundance.  Pleased  with  the  situation,  as 
pect,  and  resources  of  the  country,  he  selected  various 
tracts  of  land,  which  were  ultimately  surveyed  and  ap 
propriated  to  fulfil  the  pledges  to  the  army.  Having 
accomplished  his  object,  he  returned  up  the  Ohio,  and 
thence  to  Mount  Vernon. 

Some  months  afterwards  he  assented  to  a  proposal  from 
Lord  Dunmore,  governor  of  Virginia,  to  join  him  in  an 
excursion  to  the  western  country,  and  the  preparations 
were  partly  made ;  but  family  afflictions  occurring  at  the 
time,  in  the  death  of  Mrs.  Washington's  only  daughter, 
prevented  him  from  executing  the  design. 

The  crisis  was  now  approaching,  which  was  to  call 
Washington  from  his  retreat,  and  to  engage  him  in  the 
widest  sphere  of  public  action.  The  complaints,  remon 
strances,  and  lofty  spirit  of  the  colonists  had  wrought  no 
other  impression  on  the  British  ministry,  than  to  confirm 
them  in  their  delusions,  and  stimulate  them  to  new  acts 
of  encroachment  and  severity,  mistaking  the  calls  of  jus 
tice  for  the  clamor  of  factious  discontent,  and  eager  to 


fir.  41.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  113 

complete  by  the  arm  of  power  the  work,  which  they  had    CHAPTER 
begun   with   rashness   and   pursued    with    obstinacy.     Al-        VL 
though  apparently  shrouded  in  the  shades  of  Mount  Vernon,     1773. 
Washington   was   a  close   observer    of    every    movement, 
and   perfectly   master  of  the  history  and  principles  of  the 
controversy.      Associating,    as   he   did,    with   the   eminent 
men  of  his  day,  and  exercising  without  intermission  the 
civil  functions  of  a  legislator,  every  topic  had  been  brought 
under  his  notice  and  minutely  examined.     We  have  seen 
the  part  he  had  already  acted  ;  and,  such  were  his  cau 
tion,  the  rectitude  of  his  motives,  his  power  of  discrimi 
nation,    and    his    unerring  judgment,  that   he   was   never 
known  to  desert  a  cause  he  had  once  embraced,  or  change 
an   opinion,    which,    from  a  full   knowledge   of  facts,    he 
had  deliberately  formed. 

The  dissolution  of  the  Assembly  by  Lord  Botetourt  had 
no  other  effect  than  to  elicit  a  signal  proof  of  the  sen 
timents  of  the  people,  and  their  acquiescence  in  the  acts 
of  their  representatives.  At  the  new  election  every  mem 
ber  was  returned,  who  had  sat  in  the  former  Assembly. 
In  the  mean  time  Lord  Botetourt  died,  and  the  Earl  of  Eari  of 
Dunmore  succeeded  him  as  governor  of  Yirginia.  The 
temper  shown  by  the  Burgesses,  at  their  first  meeting 
after  he  took  possession  of  the  government,  was  not  such 
as  to  make  him  desirous  of  their  aid,  so  long  as  he  could 
dispense  with  it,  and  he  prorogued  them  by  proclamations 
from  time  to  time  till  the  4th  of  March,  1773.  This  committees 
Assembly  is  memorable  for  having  brought  forward  the 


resolves,  instituting  a  committee  of  correspondence,  and 
recommending  the  same  to  the  legislatures  of  the  other 
colonies,  thereby  establishing  channels  of  intelligence  and 
a  bond  of  union,  which  proved  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  the  general  cause.  Washington  was  present,  and  gave 
his  hearty  support  to  these  resolves. 

The  next  session,  which  took  place  in  May,  1774,  was  News  of  the 
productive  of  still  more  decisive  measures.     Soon  after  the  Biu°n 
members  had  come  together,  news   reached   Williamsburg 
of  the  act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  port  of  Bos- 
15  L* 


114 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  42. 


CHAPTER 
VI. 

1774. 


Day  of 

fasting  ap 
pointed. 

May  24. 


A  general 
congress 
proposed. 

May  25. 


ton,  and  inflicting  other  disabilities  on  the  inhabitants  of 
that  town,  which  was  to  take  effect  on  the  1st  of  June. 
The  sympathy  and  patriotic  feelings  of  the  Burgesses 
were  strongly  excited  ;  and  they  forthwith  passed  an  order, 
deprecating  this  ministerial  procedure,  as  a  hostile  invasion, 
and  setting  apart  the  1st  of  June  to  be  observed  "  as  a 
day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and  prayer,  to  implore  the 
Divine  interposition  for  averting  the  heavy  calamity,  which 
threatened  destruction  to  their  civil  rights  and  the  evils 
of  civil  war,  and  to  give  them  one  heart  and  one  mind 
firmly  to  oppose,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  every 
injury  to  American  rights."  The  governor  was  alarmed 
at  these  symptoms,  and  dissolved  the  House  the  next 
morning. 

Not  to  be  diverted  from  their  purpose,  however,  the 
delegates  repaired  immediately  to  the  Raleigh  Tavern, 
eighty-nine  in  number,  organized  themselves  into  a  com 
mittee,  and  drew  up  and  signed  an  Association,  in  which, 
after  expressing  in  strong  language  their  dissatisfaction 
with  the  late  doings  of  the  British  Parliament,  and  their 
opinion  that  the  vital  interests  of  all  the  colonies  were 
equally  concerned,  they  advised  the  Committee  of  Corre 
spondence  to  communicate  with  the  Committees  of  the 
other  colonies,  on  the  expediency  of  appointing  deputies 
to  meet  in  a  general  congress.  Although  the  idea  of  a 
congress  was  in  the  minds  of  many  persons  throughout 
the  continent,  had  been  suggested  by  Franklin  the  year 
before,  and  proposed  in  town  meetings  at  Boston  and  New 
York,  yet  this  was  the  first  public  assembly  by  which  it 
was  formally  recommended.  As  the  governor  had  dissolved 
the  legislature,  and  no  other  business  ^seemed  necessary 
to  be  done,  many  of  the  delegates  returned  to  their 
homes.  Such  as  stayed  behind,  attended  the  religious 
services  on  the  day  appointed  for  the  fast.  Washington 
writes  in  his  Diary,  that  he  "  went  to  church,  and  fasted 
all  day." 

While  they  were  waiting  to  perform  this  duty,  letters 
were  received  from  Boston,  giving  an  account  of  a  town 


JET.42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  115 

meeting  in  that  place,  and  a  resolution  to  call  on  the  in-  CHAPTER 
habitants  of  the  colonies  generally  to  enter  into  an  agree-       VL 
inent,  that  they  would  hold  no  further  commercial   inter-     1774. 

course  with  Great  Britain,    either  by  imports   or   exports.  Delegate* 


Twenty-five  of  the  late  delegates  were  still  in  Williams- 
burg,  among  whom  was  Washington  ;  and,  on  the  29th  uents- 
of  May,  they  met  to  consider  the  subject.  On  one  essen 
tial  point  they  differed  in  opinion  ;  and,  as  their  number 
was  small,  they  thought  it  not  proper  to  determine  upon 
any  public  act,  which  should  go  abroad  as  the  presumed 
sense  of  the  colony.  They  did  no  more,  therefore,  than 
state  the  matter  clearly  in  a  circular  letter,  and  recom 
mend  a  meeting  of  deputies  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st 
of  August,  for  the  purpose  of  a  more  full  and  deliberate 
discussion.  The  circular  was  printed,  and  distributed  in 
the  several  counties. 

The  members,  who  dissented  from  the  proposition  in  concerning 
its  comprehensive  form,  were  not  satisfied  as  to  the  pro-  tion  of  ex 
hibition  of  exports.  All  agreed,  that  the  non-importation 
compact  should  be  strictly  adhered  to,  and  even  enlarged, 
so  as  to  include  every  article  except  such  as  were  indis 
pensable  for  common  use,  and  could  be  obtained  only  from 
Great  Britain.  Exports  stood  on  a  different  footing.  Large 
debts  were  due  to  merchants  in  England,  which  could 
be  paid  in  no  other  way  than  by  exporting  produce  from 
the  colonies.  To  withhold  this  produce  was  in  effect  a 
refusal  to  pay  a  just  debt.  Washington  was  strenuous  on 
this  head,  and  insisted,  that,  whatever  might  be  done 
prospectively,  honor  and  justice  required  a  faithful  dis 
charge  of  all  obligations  previously  contracted.  The  reply 
was,  that  the  colonists,  after  all,  were  the  greatest  suffer 
ers,  that  the  English  merchants  could  not  expect  an  ex 
emption  from  the  calamities  brought  upon  the  nation  by 
the  weakness  or  wickedness  of  their  rulers,  and  that  the 
debts  would  in  the  end  be  paid.  He  was  not  convinced 
by  this  reasoning.  At  any  rate,  he  was  not  willing  to 
make  it  the  basis  of  action,  till  other  less  objectionable 
methods  should  be  found  unavailing. 


116 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  42. 


1774. 

Fairfax 
County  Re 
solves. 


July. 


Bryan  Fair 
fax. 


Washing- 
on's  senti 
ments  as  to 
the  colonial 
v   grievances. 

July  20. 


In  conformity  to  the  advice  of  the  circular  letter,  meet 
ings  were  held  in  the  several  counties,  resolutions  were 
adopted,  and  delegates  appointed  to  meet  in  convention  at 
Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  August.  In  Fairfax  County, 
Washington  presided  as  chairman  of  the  meetings,  and 
was  one  of  a  committee  to  prepare  a  series  of  resolves 
expressive  of  the  sense  of  the  people.  The  resolves  them 
selves,  twenty-four  in  all,  were  drafted  by  George  Ma 
son  ;  and  they  constitute  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  lumi 
nous  expositions  of  the  points  at  issue  between  Great  Brit 
ain  and  the  colonies,  which  are  to  be  found  among  the 
public  documents  of  that  period.  Embracing  the  great 
principles  and  facts,  clothed  in  a  nervous  and  appropriate 
style,  they  are  equally  marked  with  dignity,  firmness,  in 
telligence,  and  wisdom.  They  are  moreover  of  special 
interest  as  containing  the  opinions  of  Washington  at  a 
critical  time,  when  he  was  soon  to  be  raised  by  his  coun 
trymen  to  a  station  of  the  highest  trust  and  responsibility.* 

One  of  his  friends,  Mr.  Bryan  Fairfax,  who  attended 
the  first  meeting,  but  who  could  not  accede  to  all  the 
resolves,  explained  his  objections  and  difficulties  in  writ 
ing.  The  following  extracts  from  Washington's  letters,  in 
reply,  exhibit  his  views,  and  the  spirit  by  which  he  was 
animated. 

"  That  I  differ  very  widely  from  you,"  said  he,  "  in  re 
spect  to  the  mode  of  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  acts  so 
much  and  so  justly  complained  of,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
acknowledge  ;  and  that  this  difference  in  opinion  probably 
proceeds  from  the  different  constructions  we  put  upon  the 
conduct  and  intention  of  the  ministry,  may  also  be  true  ; 
but,  as  I  see  nothing,  on  the  one  hand,  to  induce  a  be 
lief,  that  the  Parliament  would  embrace  a  favorable  op 
portunity  of  repealing  acts,  which  they  go  on  -with  great 
rapidity  to  pass,  in  order  to  enforce  their  tyrannical  sys 
tem  ;  and,  on  the  other,  I  observe,  or  think  1  observe,  that 


*  These  Resolves  are  contained  in   Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  II. 
Appendix,  p.  488. 


.  42.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


117 


government  is  pursuing  a  regular  plan  at  the  expense  of  law  CHAPTER 
and  justice  to  overthrow  our  constitutional  rights  and  lib-  VL 
erties,  how  can  I  expect  any  redress  from  a  measure,  which  1774. 
has  been  ineffectually  tried  already  ?  For,  Sir,  what  is  it 
we  are  contending  against  ?  Is  it  against  paying  the  duty 
of  three  pence  per  pound  on  tea  because  burdensome  ?  No, 
it  is  the  right  only,  that  we  have  all  along  disputed ;  and 
to  this  end  we  have  already  petitioned  his  Majesty  in  as 
humble  and  dutiful  a  manner,  as  subjects  could  do.  Nay, 
more,  we  applied  to  the  House  of  Lords  and  House  of  Com 
mons  in  their  different  legislative  capacities,  setting  forth, 
that,  as  Englishmen,  we  could  not  be  deprived  of  this  essen 
tial  and  valuable  part  of  our  constitution.  If,  then,  as  the 
fact  really  is,  it  is  against  the  right  of  taxation  that  we 
now  do,  and,  as  I  before  said,  all  along  have  contended, 
why  should  they  suppose  an  exertion  of  this  power  would 
be  less  obnoxious  now  than  formerly  ?  And  what  reason 
have  we  to  believe,  that  they  would  make  a  second  at 
tempt,  whilst  the  same  sentiments  fill  the  breast  of  every 
American,  if  they  did  not  intend,  to  enforce  it  if  possible  ? 

"  In  short,  what  further  proofs  axe  wanting  to  satisfy  Designs  of 
any  one  of  the  designs  of  the  ministry,  than  their  own 
acts,  which  are  uniform  and  plainly  tending  to  the  same 
point,  nay,  if  I  mistake  not,  avowedly  to  fix  "the  right 
of  taxation?  What  hope  have  we,  then,  from  petitioning, 
when  they  tell  us,  that  now  or  never  is  the  time  to  fix 
the  matter  ?  Shall  we,  after  this,  whine  and  cry  for  re 
lief,  when  we  have  already  tried  it  in  vain  ?  Or  shall 
we  supinely  sit  and  see  one  province  after  another  fall  a 
sacrifice  to  despotism  ? 

"If  I   were  in   any  doubt,  as   to   the  right   which  the  Right  of  tax- 
Parliament   of  Great   Britain   had   to   tax  us  without  our  " 
consent,  I  should  most  heartily  coincide  with  you  in  opin 
ion,  that  to  petition,  and  petition  only,  is  the  proper  meth 
od  to  apply  for  relief;  because  we  should  then  be  asking 
a  favor,  and  not  claiming  a  right,  which,  by  the  law  of 
nature   and   by   our  constitution,  we   are,  in   my  opinion, 
indubitably  entitled  to.     I  should  even   think  it  criminal 


118 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  42. 


1774 


Means  of 
redress. 


CHAPTER  to  go  further  than  this,  under  such  an  idea ;  but  I  have 
VL  none  such.  I  think  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have 
no  more  right  to  put  their  hands  into  my  pocket,  without 
my  consent,  than  I  have  to  put  my  hands  into  yours ; 
and,  this  being  already  urged  to  them  in  a  firm,  but  de 
cent  manner,  by  all  the  colonies,  what  reason  is  there  to 
expect  any  thing  from  their  justice  ? 

"As  to  the  resolution  for  addressing  the  throne,  I  own 
to  you,  Sir,  I  think  the  whole  might  as  well  have  been 
expunged.  I  expect  nothing  from  the  measure,  nor  should 
my  voice  have  sanctioned  it,  if  the  non-importation  scheme 
was  intended  to  be  retarded  by  it ;  for  I  am  convinced,  as 
much  as  I  am  of  my  existence,  that  there  is  no  relief  for 
us  but  in  their  distress ;  and  I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  that 
there  is  public  virtue  enough  left  among  us  to  deny  our 
selves  every  thing,  but  the  bare  necessaries  of  life,  to 
accomplish  this  end.  This  we  have  a  right  to  do,  and 
no  power  upon  earth  can  compel  us  to  do  otherwise,  till 
it  has  first  reduced  us  to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery. 
The  stopping  of  our  exports  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  shorter 
method  than  the  other  to  effect  this  purpose  ;  but,  if  we 
owe  money  to  Great  Britain,  nothing  but  the  last  neces 
sity  can  justify  the  non-payment  of  it ;  and,  therefore,  I 
have  great  doubts  upon  this  head,  and  wish  to  see  the 
other  method  first  tried,  which  is  legal  and  will  facilitate 
these  payments. 

"  Satisfied,  then,  that  the  acts  of  the  British  Parliament 
are  no  longer  governed  by  the  principles  of  justice,  that 
they  are  trampling  upon  the  valuable  rights  of  Americans, 
confirmed  to  them  by  charter  and  by  the  constitution 
they  themselves  boast  of,  and  convinced  beyond  the  small 
est  doubt,  that  these  measures  are  the  result  of  delibera 
tion,  and  attempted  to  be  carried  into  execution  by  the 
hand  of  power,  is  it  a  time  to  trifle,  or  risk  our  cause 
upon  petitions,  which  with  difficulty  obtain  access,  and 
afterwards  are  thrown  by  with  the  utmost  contempt  ?  Or 
should  we,  because  heretofore  unsuspicious  of  design,  and 
then  unwilling  to  enter  into  disputes  with  the  mother 


Petitions  re 
jected  and 
unavailing. 


ZEr.  42.]  LIFEOFWASHINGTON.  119 

country,  go   on  to  bear  more,   and   forbear  to   enumerate    CHAPTER 
our  just  causes  of  complaint  ?     For  my  own  part,  I  shall        VL 
not  undertake  to  say  where  the  line  between  Great  Britain     1774. 
and  the  colonies  should  be  drawn ;  but  I  am   clearly  of 
opinion,    that    one    ought   to   be   drawn,    and    our    rights 
clearly  ascertained.     I  could  wish,  I  own,  that  the  dispute 
had  been  left  to  posterity  to  determine ;  but  the  crisis  is 
arrived   when   we   must   assert   our   rights,    or   submit   to 
every  imposition,  that  can  be  heaped  upon  us,  till  custom 
and  use  shall  make  us  tame  and  abject  slaves." 

The  Convention  met  at  Williamsburg  on  the  day  pro-  convention 
posed.     Washington  was  a  member  from  Fairfax  County,   wiiiiams- 
One  of  the  principal  acts  of  this  Convention  was  to  adopt    "^ 
a  new  Association,  more  extensive  in  its  prohibitions  than 
the  former,   and  fixing  on  certain  times  when  all  further 
intercourse  with  British  merchants,  both  by  imports   and 
exports,  was  to  be  suspended,  unless  the  offensive  acts  of 
Parliament  should  previously  be  repealed.     In  its  general 
features,    this   Association    was    nearly    the    same    as    the 
Fairfax  County  Resolves.     After  sitting  six  days,  appoint 
ing  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Wash 
ington,  Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison, 
and  Edmund  Pendleton  delegates  to  the  general  Congress, 
and   furnishing   them   with   instructions,    the     Convention 
dissolved. 

The  day  appointed  throughout  the  colonies  for  the  Meeting  of 
meeting  of  the  first  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  was  the  5th  t?nelSCa 
of  September.  Two  of  Washington's  associates,  Mr.  Henry 
and  Mr.  Pendleton,  stopped  on  their  way  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  whence  they  all  pursued  their  journey  together,  and 
were  present  at  the  opening  of  the  Congress.  The  pro 
ceedings  of  this  assembly  need  not  here  be  recounted. 
As  the  debates  were  never  made  public,  the  part  perform 
ed  by  each  individual  cannot  now  be  known.  It  has  only 
been  ascertained,  that  Dickinson  drafted  the  petition  to 
the  King  and  the  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Quebec, 
Jay  the  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  and  Lee 
the  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  British  colonies; 


120  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JRr.  42. 

CHAPTER    state   papers   of  great   historical   value,   which   extorted   a 
eulogy   from  Chatham,  and  which  will  ever  be   regarded 
1774.     as  among  the  ablest  specimens  of  practical  talent  and  po 
litical  wisdom. 

Letter  to  While  attending    the  Congress,    Washington   received  a 

SaSzie.  letter  from  his  friend,  Captain  Mackenzie,  of  the  British 
Oct.  9.  army,  then  stationed  at  Boston,  in  which  the  writer  spoke 
of  the  rebellious  conduct  of  the  Bostonians,  the  trouble 
they  had  given  General  Gage,  their  military  preparations, 
and  their  secret  aim  at  independence.  In  his  answer,  af 
ter  regretting  that  his  friend  should  be  engaged  in  such 
a  service,  he  added ; 

condoct  of  "  I  do  not  mean  by  this  to  insinuate,  that  an  officer  is 
MasKif-0  not  to  discharge  his  duty,  even  when  chance,  not  choice, 
6"  has  placed  him  in  a  disagreeable  situation ;  but  I  con 
ceive,  when  you  condemn  the  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts 
people,  you  reason  from  effects,  not  causes ;  otherwise  you 
would  not  wonder  at  a  people,  who  are  every  day  receiv 
ing  fresh  proofs  of  a  systematic  assertion  of  arbitrary 
power,  deeply  planned  to  overturn  the  laws  and  constitu 
tion  of  their  country,  and  to  violate  the  most  essential  and 
valuable  rights  of  mankind,  being  irritated  and  with  diffi 
culty  restrained  from  acts  of  the  greatest  violence  and 
intemperance. 

"Although  you  are  taught  to  believe,  that  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  independen 
cy,  and  what  not,  give  me  leave,  my  good  friend,  to  tell 
you,  that  you  are  abused,  grossly  abused.  This  I  advance 
with  a  degree  of  confidence  and  boldness,  which  may 
claim  your  belief,  having  better  opportunities  of  knowing 
the  real  sentiments  of  the  people  you  are  among,  from  the 
leaders  of  them,  in  opposition  to  the  present  measures  of 
the  administration,  than  you  have  from  those  whose  busi 
ness  it  is,  not  to  disclose  truths,  but  to  misrepresent  facts 
in  order  to  justify  as  much  as  possible  to  the  world  their 
own  conduct.  Give  me  leave  to  add,  and  I  think  I  can 
announce  it  as  a  fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest 
of  that  government,  or  any  other  upon  this  continent, 


JET.  42.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  121 

separately  or  collectively,  to  set  up  for  independence;  but    CHAPTER 
this  you  may  at  the  same  time  rely  on,  that  none  of  them        VL 
will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of  those  valuable  rights  and     1774. 
privileges,  which   are  essential  to  the  happiness  of  every 
free  state,   and   without  which,  life,  liberty,  and  property 
are  rendered  totally  insecure. 

"  These,  Sir,    being   certain   consequences,  which   must 


naturally  result  from  the  late  acts  of  Parliament   relative  actsorpar- 

liament. 

to  America  in  general,  and  the  government  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay  in  particular,  is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  I  repeat, 
that  men,  who  wish  to  avert  the  impending  blow,  should 
attempt  to  oppose  it  in  its  progress,  or  prepare  for  their 
defence,  if  it  cannot  be  averted  ?  Surely  I  may  be  allowed 
to  answer  in  the  negative  ;  and  again  give  me  leave  to 
add  as  my  opinion,  that  more  blood  will  be  spilled  on 
this  occasion,  if  the  ministry  are  determined  to  rmsh, 
matters  to  extremity,  than  history  has  ever  yet  furnished 
instances  of  in  the  annals  of  North  America,  and  such  a 
vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the  peace  of  this  great 
country,  as  time  itself  cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the  re 
membrance  of." 

What  is  here  said,  in   regard   to   independence,  is  con-  state  of 
firmed  by  the  address  of  the  first  Congress  to  the   people  cemingmde- 

pendence. 

of  Great  Britain.  ;{  You  have  been  told,  that  we  are 
seditious,  impatient  of  government,  and  desirous  of  inde 
pendency.  Be  assured,  that  these  are  not  facts,  but  cal 
umnies."  That  such  were  at  this  time  the  sentiments  of 
the  leaders  in  America,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  ; 
being  accordant  with  all  their  public  acts  and  private 
declarations.  Considering  the  temper  of  the  British  min 
istry,  and  the  length  to  which  their  blindness  and  ob 
stinacy  had  already  carried  them,  a  resort  to  arms  was 
probably  anticipated. 

But  it  was  certainly  the  opinion  of  Washington,  and,  opinion  or 
it  is  believed,  of  all  his  principal  coadjutors,  in  the  earlier 
stages  of  the  contest,  that  a  course  of  measures  so  obvi 
ously  impolitic  and  unjust,  and  so  hostile  to  the  interests 
of  England  herself,  would  not  be  persevered  in,  and  that 
16  M 


122  LIFEOFWASHINGTON.  [JEr.  42. 

CHAPTER  a  reconciliation  would  ultimately  be  effected  on  such  terms 
VL  as  the  colonists  would  accept ;  that  is,  by  desisting  from 
1774 •  oppressive  claims,  and  restoring  things  to  their  original 
position.  It  was  his  opinion,  nevertheless,  that  the  colo 
nists  were  bound,  in  duty  to  themselves  and  posterity,  to 
vindicate  and  maintain  their  ancient  liberties,  their  rights 
as  men  and  British  subjects,  and  that  they  ought  to  be 
prepared,  with  all  their  resources  and  strength,  to  meet 
the  issue  to  which  stern  necessity  might  impel  them. 
On  this  ground  he  stood  firm,  never  wavering  for  a  mo 
ment,  looking  steadily  at  the  object  in  view,  and  regard 
ing  the  struggles  and  hazards  in  attaining  it  as  dust  in 
the  balance.  * 

Anecdote  of       Mr.  Wirt  relates  an  anecdote  of  him,  which  shows  in 
in  the  first     what  estimation  he  was  held  by  the  members  of  the  first 

Congress. 

pongress.     Soon  after  Patrick  Henry  returned  home,  being 
asked   "  whom  he  thought  the  greatest  man  in  Congress," 

'  *  It  is  not  easy  to  determine  at  what  precise  date  the  idea  of  inde 
pendence  was  first  entertained  by  the  principal  persons  in  America. 
English  writers,  arguing  from  the  conduct  of  the  colonists,  have  com 
monly  charged  them  with  secretly  harboring  such  designs  at  a  very 
early  period.  This  is  not  probable.  The  spirit  and  form  of  their  insti 
tutions,  it  is  true,  led  them  to  act  frequently  as  an  independent  people, 
and  to  set  up  high  claims  in  regard  to  their  rights  and  privileges;  but 
there  is  no  sufficient  evidence  to  prove,  that  any  province,  or  any  num 
ber  of  prominent  individuals,  entertained  serious  thoughts  of  separating 
entirely  from  the  mother  country,  till  very  near  the  actual  commence 
ment  of  the  war  of  the  revolution. 

It  was  the  belief,  before  the  meeting  of  the  Congress,  particularly  of 
the  more  cautious  and  moderate,  that  petitions  to  the  King  and  Parlia 
ment,  by  a  body  of  representatives  assembled  from  all  parts  of  the  colo 
nies,  would  be  respected,  and  in  the  end  procure  redress.  They,  on 
the  contrary,  who,  like  Washington,  had  no  confidence  in  the  success 
of  this  measure,  looked  forward  to  the  probable  appeal  to  arms,  but  still 
without  any  other  anticipations,  than,  by  a  resolute  vindication  of  their 
rights,  to  effect  a  change  in  the  conduct  and  policy  of  the  British  gov 
ernment,  and  restore  the  colonies  to  their  former  condition.  It  was  not 
till  these  petitions  were  rejected  with  a  show  of  indifference,  if  not 
of  contempt,  that  the  eyes  of  all  were  opened  to  the  necessity  of  un 
conditional  submission,  or  united  resistance.  From  that  time  the  word 
independence  was  boldly  pronounced,  and  soon  became  a  familiar  sound 
to  the  ears  of  the  whole  people. 


JET.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  123 

he  replied,    "If  you  speak  of  eloquence,  Mr.  Rutledge  of   CHAPTER 
South  Carolina  is  by  far  the  greatest  orator  ;  but,  if  you        VI- 
speak  of  solid  information   and   sound  judgment,    Colonel     1775. 
Washington  is  unquestionably   the  greatest   man   on   that 
floor."  *     This  opinion  was  verified  by  every  act  of  his 
life.     His  knowledge,  on    the    subjects   to  which  he  gave 
his  attention,  was  most  thorough  and  exact;  and   all   the 
world  has  agreed,  that  no  other  man  has  given  such  proofs 
of  the  soundness  of  his  judgment. 

The  business  of  the  Congress  being   over,  Washington  Returns  to 

?  the  occupa- 


went  back  to  the  occupations  of  his  farm.      Little  leisure 

was  left  him,  however,  for  these  favorite  pursuits.     It  had     Oct  27> 

long  been  a  custom  in  Virginia  to  form  independent  com 

panies    for    military    discipline.      These    companies   chose 

their  own  officers,   adopted  uniforms,  and  provided  them 

selves  with  colors,  arms,  and  drums,  being   governed   by 

the  general  regulations  of  the  militia  laws.     Companies  of 

this  description  had  recently  been  encouraged  by  Governor 

Dunmore,  who  had  an  Indian  war    upon   his   hands,    and 

was  fitting  out  a  formidable  expedition  to  the  West. 

Their  martial  spirit  was  quickened,  when   it   was   per-  chosen  to 

,,..".  •    -I       i  -i    •  f   command 

ceived  that  their  services  might  be  wanted  in  a  cause  of  volunteer 
vastly  greater  moment.  As  the  first  military  character  in 
the  province,  Colonel  Washington  was  much  consulted 
by  the  officers,  and  his  counsels  were  implicitly  followed. 
He  had  hardly  returned  from  the  Congress,  when  he  was 
solicited  by  the  independent  company  of  Prince  William 
County  to  take  command  of  them.  as  field-officer.  Other 
companies  tendered  him  the  same  honor  ;  and  it  seemed 
to  be  the  unanimous  expectation  of  the  people,  that,  in 
the  event  of  a  war,  he  would  be  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  Virginia  forces.  He  yielded  to  the  solicitations  of 
the  companies,  reviewed  them  at  the  different  points  of 
rendezvous,  animated  them  by  his  example  ;  and  his  ad 
vice  and  instructions  were  received  by  them  as  orders, 
which  they  were  bound  to  obey. 

*  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  3d  edition,  p.  113. 


124 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JSx.  43. 


1775. 

Attends  the 
second  Vir 
ginia  Con 
vention. 


On  a  com 
mittee  for 
reporting 


defence. 


Encourage 
ment  of  arts 
and  manu 
factures. 


The  second  Virginia  Convention  met  at  Richmond  on 
the  20th  of  March,  1775.  Washington  attended  as  a  dele 
gate.  The  proceedings  of  the  general  Congress  were  first 
taken  up,  examined,  discussed,  and  approved.  Patrick 
Henry  then  introduced  resolutions  to  establish  a  more  effi 
cient  system  of  embodying,  arming,  and  disciplining  the 
militia.  This  proposition  was  startling  to  some  of  the 
members,  who  thought  so  bold  a  step  premature,  till  the 
result  of  the  last  petition  to  the  King  should  be  more 
fully  known.  It  was  carried  by  a  majority,  however,  who, 
like  Washington,  after  the  experiments  already  tried,  had 
no  faith  in  the  success  of  petitions.  A  committee,  of  which 
Washington  was  a  member,  was  accordingly  selected  to 
report  a  plan.  Deference  would  naturally  be  paid  to  his 
superior  knowledge  and  experience  in  military  aifairs,  and 
it  may  be  presumed  that  the  scheme  was  chiefly  modelled 
by  him.  In  defending  the  above  resolutions,  Patrick 
Henry  made  the  celebrated  speech,  in  which  he  said;  "  We 
must  fight!  I  repeat  it,  Sir,  we  must  fight!  An  appeal 
to  arms  and  the  God  of  hosts  is  all  that  is  left  us  !  " 

The  Convention  next  took  notice  of  the  internal  state 
of  the  province.  To  remedy  the  wants,  which  the  peo 
ple  would  suffer  from  the  cessation  of  imports,  it  was 
proposed  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  encouragement  of  arts 
and  manufactures.  Washington  was  likewise  on  the  com 
mittee  for  digesting  and  preparing  this  plan.  Yarious  ar 
ticles  were  enumerated,  most  essential  for  use,  which  it 
was  believed  might  be  manufactured  in  the  colony,  and 
methods  were  indicated  for  accomplishing  so  desirable  an 
end.  The  people  were  advised  to  form  themselves  into 
societies  and  committees  for  mutual  intelligence  and  aid, 
to  offer  premiums,  and  to  promote  the  culture  of  wool, 
cotton,  flax,  and  hemp.  The  members  of  the  Convention 
agreed,  that  they  would  use  home  manufactures  in  pre 
ference  to  any  others,  and  recommended  this  patriotic 
practice  to  their  constituents. 

The  former  delegates  were  rechosen  to  represent  Vir 
ginia  in  the  next  Continental  Congress.  On  the  day  this 


ffir.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  125 

choice  was  made,  Washington   wrote    to  his  brother,   ap-   CHAPTER 
proving  his  zeal  in  training  an  independent  company,  and       VI> 
adding  ;   "I  shall  very  cheerfully  accept  the  honor  of  com-     1775« 
manding  it,  if  occasion   require  it  to  be  drawn  out,  as  it  Rechosena 
is  my  full  intention  to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  in  the  thVSSnd 

continental 

cause  we  are  engaged  in,  if  needful."     The  time  of  need  congress, 
soon  arrived. 


126 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  43. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


1775. 

Meeting  of 
the  second 
Continental 
Congress. 

May  10. 


Crisis  of  af 
fairs. 


Meeting  of  the  second  Congress.  —  Washington  chosen  Commander-in-chief 
of  the  Continental  Army.  —  Repairs  to  Cambridge,  and  takes  the  Com 
mand.  —  State  of  the  Army.  —  His  Intercourse  with  Congress.  —  Numer 
ous  Affairs  devolve  on  him.  —  Correspondence  with  General  Gage.  —  The 
Expedition  to  Quebec.  —  Councils  of  war  respecting  an  Assault  on  Bos 
ton.  —  Organization  of  a  new  Continental  Army.  —  Difficulties  in  procur 
ing  Recruits.  —  Militia  called  out.  —  Maritime  Affairs.  —  Armed  Vessels.  — 
General  Howe  takes  Command  of  the  British  Army.  —  Condition  of  the 
American  Army  at  the  End  of  the  Year.  —  Washington's  Arrangement 
of  his  private  Affairs. 

WHEN  the  second  Congress  assembled,  on  the  10th  of 
May,  1775,  the  relations  between  the  colonies  and  Great 
Britain  had  assumed  an  aspect  no  longer  doubtful.  The 
petition  of  the  former  Congress,  though  received  by  the 
King,  had  been  treated  with  silent  neglect,  and  had  pro 
duced  no  change  of  measures  or  purpose.  The  tone  of  the 
ministry  and  proceedings  of  Parliament  indicated  a  fixed 
determination  to  persevere  in  their  oppressive  demands,  and 
to  achieve  by  force  what  they  could  not  eflect  by  the 
menaces  of  power,  or  the  terror  of  the  civil  arm.  Hostili 
ties  had  in  fact  commenced.  The  tragical  day  at  Lexing 
ton  and  Concord  had  occurred.  The  inexcusable  rashness 
of  General  Gage,  in  sending  troops  into  the' country  on  an 
errand  of  plunder  and  bloodshed,  had  roused  the  indigna 
tion  of  the  inhabitants ;  and  the  yeomanry  of  New  Eng 
land  were  flying  to  their  arms  and  rallying  around  the 
standard  of  American  liberty.  An  army,  respectable  for 
numbers,  strong  in  spirit  and  the  justice  of  their  cause, 
had  collected  in  the  vicinity  of  Boston,  prepared  for  com 
bat,  and  resolved  to  resist  any  further  encroachments  of 
the  now  declared  enemies  to  their  country.' 

Such  was  the  crisis,  which  presented  itself  to  the  Con 
gress  when  they  met,  and  which  called  for  the  exercise 
of  all  their  wisdom  and  firmness.  Notwithstanding  the 


JET.  43.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  127 

hope,  perhaps  belief,  entertained  by  many,  that  a  reconcili-   CHAPTER 
ation  would  still  take  place  on  honorable  and  satisfactory        VI1> 
terms,  yet  all  perceived  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  de-     1775. 
cided  action.     To  shrink  at  this  moment,  to  temporize  and 
delay,  would  be  a  confession  of  weakness,  an  evidence  of 
irresolution,  which  might  prove  of  incalculable  injury,  both 
by  damping  the  ardor  of  the  Americans,  and  by  strength 
ening  the  confidence  of  their   foes.     Whatever   difference 
of  opinion  there  might  be  on  other  points,  every  member 
felt,  that   the  hour  of  preparation  was  come,  and  that  an 
organized   system   must   be  instituted,  which  would  draw 
out  and  concentrate  the  military  resources  of  the  country. 

While  Congress  were  deliberating  on  this  subject,  Wash-  washing- 

ton's  sent! 


ington  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  England,  in  which, 
after  speaking  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  he  says  ;  "  This  May  si 
may  serve  to  convince  Lord  Sandwich,  and  others  of  the 
same  sentiment,  that  Americans  will  fight  for  their  liber-  • 
ties  and  property,  however  pusillanimous  in  his  Lordship's 
eyes  they  may  appear  in  other  respects.  Unhappy  it  is, 
though,  to  reflect,  that  a  brother's  sword  has  been  sheath 
ed  in  a  brother's  breast,  and  that  the  once  happy  and 
peaceful  plains  of  America  are  either  to  be  drenched  in 
blood,  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative  !  But  can 
a  virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice  ?  " 

Congress   first   proceeded   to   consider  the   state   of  the 


,  provides  for 

country,   and   to  provide   for   defence.      Committees   were  the  defence 

.     -    .  of  the  cotin- 

appointed  to  prepare  reports,  and  it  is  a  proof  of  the  esti-  try- 
mation  in  which  the  practical  talents  and  experience  of 
Washington  were  held,  that  he  was  chairman  of  all  these 
committees  ;  first,  for  recommending  what  posts  should  be 
occupied  in  the  province  of  New  York  ;  secondly,  for  de 
vising  ways  and  means  of  procuring  ammunition  and  mil 
itary  stores  ;  thirdly,  for  making  an  estimate  of  money 
necessary  to  be  raised  ;  fourthly,  for  preparing  rules  and 
regulations  for  the  government  of  the  army.  By  voting 
unanimously,  that  "  these  colonies  be  immediately  put  into 
a  state  of  defence,"  Congress  virtually  assumed  a  control 
over  the  military  operations  of  the  whole,  and  the  basis  of 


128  +  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [Mf.  43. 

CHAPTER   their  plans  was  laid  accordingly.    From  that  time  the  forces 

VIL       under  the  direction  of  Congress  were  called  the  Continen- 

1775.      tal  Army.     They  also  resolved  to  raise  ten  companies  of 

riflemen   in  Pennsylvania,   Maryland,   and  Virginia,  which 

were  to  march  and  join  the  army  near  Boston  as  soon  as 

possible,  and  to  be  paid  by  the  continent. 

Difficulties         These  preliminary  arrangements  being  finished,  the  next 

attending  .  .  .  ,    < 

the  selection  thing  was  to  appoint  a  Oommander-in-chiei  01  the  Amen- 

of  a  Com- 

mander-in-  can  armies.  This  was  a  task  of  more  delicacy  and  diffi 
culty  than  might  at  first  be  supposed.  Many  considera 
tions  were  to  be  weighed,  besides  the  personal  qualifica 
tions  of  any  individual  for  that  high  station,  either  as  to 
character,  abilities,  or  military  skill.  In  the  first  place,  it 
was  essential  that  he  should  be  acceptable  to  all  the  col 
onies,  and  particularly  to  such,  as,  from  their  position  or 
extent,  would  be  compelled  to  take  the  largest  share  in 
the  war.  Otherwise  local  jealousies  and  discontents  might 
spring  up,  which  would  defeat  the  best  laid  schemes,  and 
possibly  ruin  the  cause.  Next,  there  were  officers  in  the 
country,  older  in  years  than  Colonel  Washington,  who  had 
acquired  a  reputation  in  the  last  war,  and  whose  services 
would  be  necessary.  To  pass  over  such,  as  should  be 
thought  by  themselves  or  their  friends  to  have  higher 
claims,  on  the  score  of  former  rank  and  standing,  a  point 
in  which  military  men  are  always  so  sensitive,  might  be 
a  hazardous  experiment.  Besides,  the  troops  already  in 
the  field  were  wholly  from  the  New  England  provinces, 
and  it  was  uncertain  how  far  they  would  be  reconciled 
to  a  commander  from  the  south,  with  whom  no  one  among 
them  had  a  personal  acquaintance,  and  who  could  not  be 
supposed  to  understand  their  habits,  feelings,  and  prepos 
sessions.  General  Ward,  who  had  hitherto  been  at  the 
head  of  the  army  by  the  appointment  of  Massachusetts, 
and  whose  command  was  cheerfully  acquiesced  in  by  the 
other  New  England  colonies,  was  an  officer  of  experience 
and  ability,  and  it  was  questionable  in  what  light  an  at 
tempt  to  supersede  him  might  be  viewed. 


jET.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  129 

These  difficulties  were  deeply  felt  by  the  members  of    CHAPTER 
Congress,   and   examined   in   all   their   bearings.     Nor  had        VIL 
they  come  together  without  previously  pondering  the  sub-     1775. 
ject,  and  ascertaining,  as  far  as  they  could,  the  views  of  Political  mo- 
men  of  influence  in  different  places.     From  the  first  Con-  choice 
gress   they   had  gone   home  with  most   favorable  impres 
sions  of  the  character  and  talents  of  Colonel  Washington. 
All  the  world  acknowledged  his  military  accomplishments, 
intellectual  resources,  courage,  coolness,    and   control   over 
the  minds  of  others.     Five  years'  experience,  in  a  respon 
sible   and  arduous   service,    had   afforded  ample   proofs  of 
these  qualities.     It  was  fortunate,  also,   that  political  mo 
tives  conspired  to  fix  the  choice  on  him  in  preference  to 
any  other   person.     Virginia  was  powerful  in  wealth  and 
numbers,  and  doubly  so  in  its  men  of  brilliant  parts,  who 
had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  continent  with  a  spirit  and 
resolution,  which  had  nowhere  else  been  surpassed.     To 
take    the  commander   of  the   American   armies   from  that 
province  was  a  dictate  of  policy,  which  the  wise  and  pru 
dent  would  not  overlook,  and  none  but  the  narrow  mind 
ed  could  disapprove. 

It  should  be  said,  to  the  credit  of  the  New  England  Part  taken 
delegates,  that  they  were  among  the  foremost  to  propose,  England 
and  the  most  zealous  to  promote,  the  appointment  of  Col 
onel  Washington.  As  the  contest  had  begun  in  Massa 
chusetts,  the  inhabitants  of  which  had  been  the  chief  suf 
ferers,  and  as  the  existing  army  was  mostly  raised  there, 
it  could  not  have  been  thought  an  extravagant  assumption, 
had  that  colony  aspired  to  the  honor  of  furnishing  a  Com 
mander-in-chief.  But,  happily  for  America,  the  patriots  of 
that  day  rose  far  above  the  sordid  aims  of  selfishness  and 
party  rivalships. 

While   the   discussions   were   going  on   in  Congress  re-  Washington 
specting  military  preparations,  Mr.  John  Adams,  one  of  the  command 
delegates  from  Massachusetts,  moved  that  the  army,  then  can  Ann", 
besieging  the  British  troops  in  Boston,  should  be  adopted 
by  Congress  as  a  Continental  army ;  and,  in  the  course  of 
his  observations  enforcing  this  motion,  he  said  it  was  his 
17  N 


130 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[Mr   43. 


1775. 


June  15. 


His  reply  to 
Congress. 

June  16. 


Sentiments 
contained  in 
a  letter  to 
his  wife. 

June  )8. 


intention  to  propose  for  the  office  of  Commander-in-chief  a 
gentleman  from  Virginia,  who  was  at  that  time  a  member 
of  their  own  body.  His  remarks  were  so  pointed,  that  all 
present  perceived  them  to  apply  to  Colonel  Washington, 
who,  upon  hearing  this  reference  to  himself,  retired  from 
his  seat  and  withdrew.  When  the  day  for  the  appoint 
ment  arrived,  the  nomination  was  made  by  Mr.  Thomas 
Johnson,  of  Maryland.  The  choice  was  by  ballot,  and, 
on  inspecting  the  votes,  it  was  found  that  Colonel  Wash 
ington  was  unanimously  elected.  As  soon  as  the  result 
was  ascertained,  the  House  adjourned.  On  the  convening 
of  Congress  the  next  morning,  the  president  communicated 
to  him  officially  the  notice  of  his  appointment,  and  he  rose 
in  his  place  and  signified  his  acceptance  in  a  brief  and 
appropriate  reply. 

After  expressing  his  thanks  for  the  signal  honor  done 
him  by  Congress,  and  his  concern,  "  from  the  conscious 
ness  that  his  abilities  and  military  experience  might  not 
be  equal  to  the  extensive  and  important  trust,"  he  added ; 
"  Lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  unfavorable  to 
my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered  by  every  gen 
tleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this  day  declare  with  the  ut 
most  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the  com 
mand  I  am  honored  with."  Before  the  election  it  had 
been  voted,  that  five  hundred  dollars  a  month  should  be 
allowed  for  the  pay  and  expenses  of  the  general.  On  this 
point  he  said,  "  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress,  that, 
as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted  me  to 
accept  this  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense  of  my 
domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any 
profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  ex 
penses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge ;  and  that 
is  all  I  desire." 

In  a  letter  to  his  wife  on  this  occasion,  his  sentiments 
are  uttered  with  the  same  frankness,  the  same  self-distrust, 
and  under  circumstances  which  proved  them  to  have  flow 
ed  from  his  heart. 


^Ex.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  13] 

"  You  may  believe  me,"  said  he,  "  when  I  assure  you,  CHAPTER 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seeking  this  VIL 
appointment,  I  have  used  every  endeavor  in  my  power  to  1775. 
avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness  to  part  with  you 
and  the  family,  but  from  a  consciousness  of  its  being  a 
trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and  that  I  should  enjoy 
more  real  happiness  in  one  month  with  you  at  home,  than 
I  have  the  most  distant  prospect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my 
stay  were  to  be  seven  times  seven  years.  But,  as  it  has 
been  a  kind  of  destiny,  that  has  thrown  me  upon  this 
service,  I  shall  hope  that  my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to 
answer  some  good  purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose  did 
perceive,  from  the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was  appre 
hensive  I  could  not  avoid  this  appointment,  as  I  did  not 
pretend  to  intimate  when  I  should  return.  That  was  the 
case.  It  was  utterly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse  this  ap 
pointment,  without  exposing  my  character  to  such  cen 
sures,  as  would  have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself,  and 
given  pain  to  my  friends.  This,  I  am  sure,  could  not, 
and  ought  not,  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and  must  have  les 
sened  me  considerably  in  my  own  esteem.  I  shall  rely, 
therefore,  confidently  on  that  Providence,  which  has  here 
tofore  preserved  and  been  bountiful  to  me." 

The  appointment  was  made  on  the  15th  of  June.     Four  Receives  his 
days    afterwards    he    received    his   commission    from    the  from  the  ° 
president  of  Congress,    in   which    he    was  declared    to  be  congress. 
Commander-in-chief  of  all  the    forces  then  raised,  or  that     June  19. 
should   be   raised,    in  the  united   colonies,   or   that  should 
voluntarily  offer  their  service  for  the  defence  of  American 
Liberty.     The   members   of  Congress  pledged    themselves 
by  a  unanimous  resolve,  to  maintain,  assist,  and  adhere  to 
him,    with   their   lives   and  fortunes,    in   the    same   cause. 
Four  major-generals  and  eight  brigadiers  were  likewise  ap 
pointed  for  the  Continental  army.     To  the  former  rank  were 
chosen  Artemas  Ward,  Charles  Lee,  Philip   Schuyler,  and     June  22. 
Israel  Putnam  ;  to  the  latter,  Seth  Pomroy,  Richard  Mont 
gomery,  David  Wooster,  William  Heath,  Joseph   Spencer, 
John  Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathanael  Greene.     To 


132 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.  43. 


CHAPTER 
VII. 

1775. 

Proceeds  to 
the  army. 


Arrives  in 
New  York. 


June  25. 


Instructions 
to  General 
Schuyler. 


Joins  the 
army  at 
Cambridge. 

July2. 


these  was  added  Horatio  Gates,  as  adjutant-general,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier. 

The  situation  of  affairs  required  the  commander's  pres 
ence  as  soon  as  possible  at  Cambridge,  where  the  army 
was  stationed.  Every  necessary  arrangement  with  Con 
gress  was  in  a  short  time  completed,  and  he  left  Phila 
delphia  on  the  21st  of  June,  accompanied  by  General  Lee 
and  General  Schuyler,  and  escorted  by  a  volunteer  troop 
of  light-horse  from  the  city,  which  continued  with  him 
to  New  York.  He  had  reviewed  in  Philadelphia,  at  the 
request  of  the  officers,  several  militia  companies  of  infantry, 
rangers,  riflemen,  and  light-horse.  Wherever  he  appeared, 
the  people  manifested  great  enthusiasm,  and  eagerness  to 
show  him  all  the  respect  to  which  his  new  rank  entitled 
him.  The  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  was  then 
sitting ;  and,  when  it  was  known  that  General  Washing 
ton  was  on  the  road,  a  committee  from  that  body  was 
deputed  to  meet  him  at  Newark,  and  attend  him  across 
Hudson's  River.  On  his  arrival,  addresses  of  congratula 
tion  and  civility  passed  between  him  and  the  New  York 
Congress. 

The  particulars  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  reached 
him  there,  and  increased  his  anxiety  to  hasten  forward  to 
the  army.  General  Schuyler  was  to  remain  in  New  York, 
as  commander  of  the  military  operations  in  that  quarter. 
This  was  a  delicate  position,  as  the  British  Governor 
Tryon  was  then  in  the  city,  a  ship  of  war  in  the  harbor 
keeping  the  inhabitants  in  awe,  and  throughout  the  pro 
vince  were  many  powerful  and  avowed  friends  of  the 
royal  cause.  But  great  confidence  was  placed  in  the  fi 
delity,  discretion,  and  firmness  of  General  Schuyler.  After 
giving  him  instructions  suitable  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
case,  General  Washington  again  pursued  his  journey,  es 
corted  by  volunteer  military  companies.  In  this  manner 
he  travelled  to  Springfield,  where  he  was  met  by  a  com 
mittee  from  the  Massachusetts  Provincial  Congress,  who 
were  instructed  to  provide  escorts,  and  to  attend  him  in 
person,  through  the  remainder  of  the  route.  He  arrived 


^T.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  133 

in  Cambridge  on  the  2d  of  July,  and   took    command  of   CHAPTER 
the  army  the  next  day.  VIL 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  then   sitting      1775. 
at  Watertown  near  Cambridge,  received  him    with    great  Addressed 

by  the  Pro- 

cordiality,   and    presented    to    him    an    address,    proffering  vinciaicon- 
every  aid  in  their  power  to  make  his  command  agreeable,  sacimsett*. 
and  to  strengthen  his  efforts  in  the  common  cause.     The      July  4- 
testimonies  of  respect  and  satisfaction,  as  well    from  indi 
viduals    as  public   bodies,  which    he   had    everywhere   re 
ceived,  were  of  the  most  flattering  kind,  and  demonstrated 
that  the  people  were  not  less  unanimous  in  approving  the 
choice  of  Congress,   than    the  members  of  that   assembly 
had   been   in   making  it.      The   army    greeted   him   with 
equal    warmth,   and   hitherto    every   indication   tended   to 
inspire  a  just  confidence  in  himself,  and  the  best   hopes 
for  the  future. 

His  first  care  was   to  ascertain   the  numbers,    position,  Ascertains 

n  _     _  the  state  of 

and  arrangements  of  the  troops,  to  inspect  the  posts  they  the  army, 
occupied,  and  to  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  strength  and 
plans  of  the  enemy.  The  British  general  was  himself 
stationed  in  Boston,  with  the  light-horse  and  a  few  other 
troops ;  the  bulk  of  his  army  lay  on  Bunker's  Hill,  busy 
in  throwing  up  intrenchments ;  and  the  remainder  were 
on  the  neck  of  land  between  Boston  and  Roxbury,  which 
had  been  strongly  fortified.  The  Americans  were  so 
posted  as  to  form  a  complete  line  of  siege  around  Boston 
and  Charlestown,  extending  nearly  twelve  miles  from 
Mystic  River  to  Dorchester.  Intrenchments  and  redoubts 
had  been  begun  at  different  points  in  this  line,  and  these 
works  were  still  in  progress.  The  regiments  from  New 
Hampshire,  Rhode  Island,  and  part  of  those  from  Con 
necticut,  occupied  Winter  Hill  and  Prospect  Hill ;  several 
of  the  Massachusetts  regiments  were  at  Cambridge,  and 
others  from  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  covered  the 
high  grounds  in  Roxbury. 

Having    acquainted    himself  with   this  state  of  affairs,   convenes  a 
General   Washington  convened  a  council  of  war.     It  was  war"ci 
the   opinion   of   the  council,   that,   according   to  the   best      July  9. 


134 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[2Ex.  43 


1775. 


Resolved  to 
hold  the 
army  in  its 
present  po 
sition. 


Strength  of 
the  army. 


information  that  could  be  obtained,  the  enemy's  available 
force  in  Boston  amounted  to  eleven  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men,  including  the  regular  troops,  Tories,  and  such 
sailors  as  might  be  spared  from  the  fleet.  It  was  also 
advised,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  that  the  posts  now 
occupied  should  be  held  and  defended,  and  that  twenty- 
two  thousand  men  were  necessary  to  give  proper  security 
to  so  long  an  extent  of  lines.  A  place  of  rendezvous,  in 
case  the  army  should  be  attacked  and  routed,  was  like 
wise  agreed  upon. 

The  difficulty  was  perceived  of  sustaining  posts  so  widely 
separated,  almost  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy,  and  ex 
posed  at  many  points  to  sudden  assaults ;  and  the  question 
of  removing  farther  into  the  country  to  a  stronger  position 
was  discussed.  But  this  was  thought  to  be  neither  po 
litic  in  itself,  nor  without  hazard  in  the  execution.  It 
would  discourage  the  men,  elate  the  enemy,  and  have  an 
ill  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  people.  This  considera 
tion,  added  to  the  uncertainty  of  finding  a  better  place 
at  which  to  make  a  stand,  and  to  the  great  labor  and 
charge  already  bestowed  on  the  works  for  defence,  was 
regarded  as  conclusive  against  a  change. 

The  American  army,  including  the  sick  and  absent, 
amounted  to  about  seventeen  thousand  men ;  but  the 
number  present,  fit  for  duty,  was  only  fourteen  thousand 
five  hundred.  This  was  so  far  short  of  the  number  want 
ed,  that  the  council  recommended  an  immediate  applica 
tion  to  the  New  England  governments  to  make  up  the 
deficiency  by  new  recruits.  * 

*  The  warlike  preparations  of  the  British  authorities  in  Massachu 
setts,  from  the  time  that  the  Boston  Port  Bill  went  into  effect,  had 
alarmed  the  people  of  that  province  ;  and  on  the  26th  of  October,  1774, 
the  Provincial  Congress  resolved  on  measures  of  defence.  After  recit 
ing  in  a  preamble  the  causes  of  such  a  step,  among  which  was  the 
collecting  of  a  formidable  body  of  troops  in  the  metropolis,  with  the  ex 
press  design  of  executing  acts  of  the  British  Parliament  subversive  of 
the  constitution  and  liberties  of  the  province,  they  recommended  to  the 
militia  to  form  themselves  into  companies  of  minute-men,  who  should 
be  equipped  and  prepared  to  march  at  the  shortest  notice.  These 


<£T.43.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

It  will  easily  be  supposed,   that    an    army,   collected   as  CHAPTER 

this  had  been  on  the  spur  of  the  moment    from    different IIL 

provinces  and  under  different  regulations,  would  be  defec-     1775. 

tive  in  many  essential  parts.     There  were  few  tents  and  Deficiency 

of  supplies 

stores,  no  supply  of  clothing,  no  military  chest,  no  gen-  and  want  of 
eral  organization.  The  regiments  acted  under  their  re 
spective  commanders,  who  were  united  only  by  mutual 
consent,  bound  together  by  no  military  law,  and  except 
those  from  Massachusetts,  yielding  obedience  to  General 
Ward  rather  from  courtesy  and  the  necessity  of  the  case, 
than  from  any  recognition  of  his  superior  authority.  The 
troops  of  each  province  were  regulated  by  their  own  mil- 


minute-men  were  to  consist  of  one  quarter  of  the  whole  rnilitia,  to  be 
enlisted  under  the  direction  of  the  field-officers,  and  divided  into  com 
panies,  consisting  of  at  least  fifty  men  each.  The  privates  were  to 
choose  their  captains  and  subalterns,  and  these  officers  were  to  form 
the  companies  into  battalions,  and  choose  the  field-officers  to  command 
the  same.  Hence  the  minute-men  became  a  body  distinct  from  the 
rest  of  the  militia,  and,  by  being  more  devoted  to  military  exercises, 
they  acquired  skill  in  the  use  of  arms.  More  attention  than  formerly 
was  likewise  bestowed  on  the  training  and  drilling  of  the  militia. 

But  it  was  not  till  April  22d,  1775,  three  days  after  the  affair  of 
Lexington  and  Concord,  that  any  movement  was  made  towards  em 
bodying  a  regular  'army.  On  that  day  the  Massachusetts  Congress 
resolved  unanimously,  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the 
colony,  that  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men  should  be  immediately 
raised  and  established.  It  was  at  the  same  time  resolved,  that  thir 
teen  thousand  six  hundred  should  be  raised  in  Massachusetts,  and  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  devise  a  plan  for  the  establishment  of 
the  ^army.  The  remainder  of  the  thirty  thousand  it  was  expected 
would  be  furnished  by  the  other  New  England  provinces,  and  for  this 
object  letters  were  addressed  to  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and  New 
Hampshire. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  news  of  the  Lexington  battle  had  gone  abroad, 
and  the  militia  from  various  parts  in  Massachusetts  and  New  Hamp 
shire  began  to  assemble  around  Boston.  Within  three  days,  several 
companies  from  New  Hampshire  had  arrived  at  Medford  and  taken 
their  station  in  that  place.  The  Massachusetts  militia  convened  at 
Cambridge.  The  plan  of  the  new  army  was  soon  arranged,  General 
Ward  was  placed  at  its  head,  and  recruiting  orders  were  sent  out 
The  other  three  colonies  agreed  to  furnish  their  proportion  of  troops, 
who  were  raised  and  sent  forward  with  as  much  expedition  as  possible. 


136  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  43. 

CHAPTER   itia  laws.     These  were  various  and  discordant  ;  and  hence 
vn*       no  general  system  could  prevail.     Discipline  was  lax  ;  dis- 
1775.     orders  frequent.     „ 

want  of  am-  But  the  most  alarming  want  was  that  of  ammunition, 
respecting  which  the  officers  themselves  seem  to  have  been 
deceived,  till  General  Washington  discovered,  to  his  great 
astonishment,  that  there  was  not  powder  enough  in  the 
whole  camp  for  nine  cartridges  to  a  man. 
Appoint-  Out  of  these  materials,  and  in  the  midst  of  these  em- 

ment  of  offl- 

sat"  barrassments,  it  was  General  Washington's*  first  task  to 
form,  commission,  and  systematize  an  army.  Another 
circumstance  caused  great  perplexity  from  the  beginning. 
The  appointment  of  general  officers  by  Congress  had  given 
much  dissatisfaction.  The  pretensions  to  rank,  on  the 
score  of  former  services,  had  not  been  well  adjusted.  The 
subordinate  officers  and  private  soldiers  mingled  their  sym 
pathies  and  complaints,  and  threatened  to  leave  the  army 
unless  these  grievances  should  be  redressed.  Symptoms 
of  discontent  appeared  in  every  quarter,  and  threatened  to 
destroy  the  little  that  remained  of  method  and  discipline. 
The  ferment  was  gradually  allayed  by  the  prudence  of 
Washington,  who  referred  the  matter  to  Congress,  and 
proceeded  steadily  to  mature  his  plans. 

Arrange-  He  arranged  the   army   into  six   brigades,    of  six  regi 

ment  of  the  ° 


. 
ments  each,  in  such  a  manner,   that  the  troops  from  the 

same  colony  should  be  brought  together,  as  far  as  practi 
cable,  and  act  under  a  commander  from  that  colony.  Of 
the  whole  he  made  three  grand  divisions,  each  consisting 
of  two  brigades  or  twelve  regiments.  The  division  form 
ing  the  left  wing  was  stationed  at  Winter  Hill,  and  com 
manded  by  Major-General  Lee  ;  the  centre  division  was 
at  Cambridge,  under  Major-General  Putnam  ;  and  the  right 
wing  at  Roxbury,  under  Major-General  Ward.  The  head 
quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  with  the  centre 
at  Cambridge. 
officers  Thus  was  planted  the  original  germ  of  the  Continental 

commission-  r 

ed  anew.       army,  to  foster  the  growth  and  strength  of  which  required 
the  utmost  care  and  address.     All  the  officers  were  com- 


JET.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  137 

missioned  anew  by  Congress,  although  no  changes  of  rank    CHAPTER 
were    attempted,    and    no    appointments    made,   except  of       VIL 
the  major  and  brigadier  generals.     By  degrees  the  system     1775. 
worked  itself  into  a  tolerable    method  ;   but,    after  all,   it 
was  full  of  imperfections,  which  no  art  or  skill  could  rem 
edy.     The  soldiers  had  been   enlisted   by  their  respective 
governments  for  a  definite  time  and  object,  arid  they  looked 
upon  this  contract  as  one  which  they  were  bound  to  ful 
fil,  but  not  such  as  could  put  them  under  any  other  power. 
Each   individual   regarded   himself  as  a   party   •oncerned, 
and  claimed  his  rights  as  a  citizen. 

Hence,    when  the    rules   and   regulations  of  the  Conti-  Thesoidiere 
nental    army,    which   had   been   prescribed    by    Congress,  luctamiy  to 

**,  J  '     the  new  ar- 

were  presented  to  them,  many  would  not  accede,  because  rangement 
they  did  not  enlist  on  such  terms,  and  they  were  appre 
hensive  some  new  obligations  might  devolve  on  them  by 
giving  their  assent.  Having  left  their  homes  to  fight  for 
liberty,  they  chose  to  assert  it  first  in  their  own  behalf. 
However  repugnant  this  temper  was  to  the  existence  of 
an  army,  the  commander  yielded  to  his  good  sense,  and 
resorted  to  no  other  force  than  that  of  argument  and  facts, 
judiciously  set  forth  from  time  to  time  in  the  general  or 
ders  ;  tenacious  of  his  authority  no  farther  than  the  public 
good  exacted,  and  forbearing  to  oppose  prejudices,  which 
could  not  be  softened  by  persuasion  nor  subdued  by  se 
verity.  He  left  it  optional  with  the  men  to  subscribe  the 
articles  or  not,  making  it  a  necessary  condition  only  with 
the  new  recruits,  who  enlisted  into  the  Continental  ranks. 

In   addition   to   the   management    and    direction  of  the  congress 
armies  in  the  field,  which  is  all  that  is  usually  expected 


from  a  commander-in-chief,  a  most  responsible  service  of 
a  different  kind  was  thrown  upon  General  Washington. 
Congress,  as  the  civil  head  of  the  confederacy,  was  as 
yet  feeble  in  its  powers,  imperfectly  organized,  distrustful 
of  its  control  over  the  public  will,  and  wholly  unversed 
in  military  concerns.  Nor  did  unanimity  reign  among  its 
members.  On  the  great  point  of  resistance,  till  wrongs 
should  be  redressed,  there  was  but  one  voice.  As  to  the 
18  o* 


138  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  (VEr.  43 

CHAPTER   means  of  attaining  this  end,  a  wide  difference   prevailed. 

__  ™'  _  Some  were  timid,  fixing  their  hopes  upon  a  speedy  recon- 
1775.  ciliation  ;  others  doubted  the  ability  of  the  country  to  sus 
tain  a  contest  ;  others  were  influenced  by  local  interests  ; 
while  others  again  were  resolute,  and  allowed  all  thoughts 
of  future  consequences  to  be  swallowed  up  in  the  single 
consideration  of  the  justice  of  their  cause.  The  majority 
were  of  this  last  description.  Yet  even  these  men,  daunt 
less  in  spirit,  and  willing  to  risk  every  thing  on  their  own 
account,  were  haunted  by  a  spectre,  which  gave  them 
great  uneasiness.  History  had  told  them  of  the  danger  of 
military  power,  the  ambition  of  aspiring  leaders,  and  the 
chains  that  had  been  forged  and  riveted  on  an  unsuspi 
cious  people  by  standing  armies.  These  lessons  made  a 
deep  impression,  and  infused  a  distrust  incompatible  with 
enlarged  schemes  or  energetic  action.  Thus  it  was,  that 
the  same  ardor  of  patriotism,  which  impelled  them  to  en 
counter  every  hazard,  operated  as  a  check  to  the  only 
measures  by  which  their  object  could  be  gained. 

Washington        These  misgivings  were  early  discovered  by  Washington. 

thesuspi-      He  respected  the  motive,   although  he  could  not  but  la- 

cions  of 

congress.  ment  its  effects.  Conscious,  on  his  own  part,  of  the  high 
est  purity  of  purpose,  and  harboring  no  latent  thought, 
which  was  not  directed  to  the  best  good  of  his  country, 
if  he  felt  wounded  at  this  suspicion,  he  did  not  suffer  it 
to  appear  in  his  conduct,  nor  to  alter  his  opinion  of  the 
watchful  guardians  of  the  people's  liberty.  Example,  he 
wisely  thought,  would  be  more  regarded  than  complaint, 
more  persuasive  than  words.  If  ability  and  courage  are 
necessary  in  a  commander,  he  soon  saw,  that,  in  his 
case  at  least,  patience,  forbearance,  and  fortitude,  were  not 
less  so. 

His  task  in         A  regular  army  and  a  military  system  were  to  be  creat- 

directingthe  J      J 

'  a       on  sucn  Prmciples  as  would  insure  their  stability 


country.  and  continuance.  This  great  work  was  to  be  executed 
mainly  by  the  Commander-in-chief.  Congress  might  ap 
prove,  sanction,  and  aid  ;  but  it  was  his  task  to  invent, 
combine,  organize,  establish,  and  sustain.  To  this  end  he 


jE-r.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  139 

kept  up  an  unremitted  correspondence  with  Congress  dur-    CHAPTER 

ing  the  whole  war.     His  letters  were  read   to  the   House   -i. 

in  full  session,  and  almost  every  important  resolution  re 
specting  the  army  was  adopted  on  his  suggestion  or  rec 
ommendation,  and  emanated  from  his  mind.  He  was  thus 
literally  the  centre  of  motion  to  this  immense  and  com 
plicated  machine,  not  more  in  directing  its  operations,  than 
in  providing  for  its  existence,  and  preserving  from  de 
rangement  and  ruin  its  various  parts.  His  perplexities 
were  often  increased  by  the  distance  at  which  he  was 
stationed  from  Congress,  the  tardy  movements  of  that 
body,  and  the  long  time  it  took  to  obtain  the  results  of 
their  deliberations.  By  a  constant  watchfulness  and  fore 
thought,  and  by  anticipating  the  future  in  his  communi 
cations,  he  contrived  to  lessen  this  inconvenience  as  far 
as  it  could  be  done. 

Besides  his  unceasing  intercourse  with  Congress,  he  was  corresponds 

iTi  i          •  ,         i          i         -i  /.  •       •    i     wilh  numer 

obliged  to  correspond  with  the  heads  of  the  provincial  ous  public 
governments,  and  afterwards  with  the  governors  and  legis 
latures  of  the  States,  with  conventions,  committees,  and 
civil  magistrates.  In  these  were  really  vested  the  execu 
tive  powers  of  the  confederated  government.  Congress 
recommended,  advised,  resolved  ;  they  voted  men  and  sup 
plies,  assigning  due  proportions  to  the  respective  States ; 
here  their  autBority  ceased.  The  rest  was  left  to  the  will 
of  the  people,  exercised  through  their  representatives  in 
the  State  legislatures.  These  bodies  required  the  perpetual 
promptings  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  with  forcible  rep 
resentations  of  the  weakness  and  wants  of  the  army,  and 
appeals  to  all  the  motives  which  could,  stimulate  patriot 
ism  or  touch  the  springs  of  interest.  One  advantage,  how 
ever,  attended  these  harassing  relations,  which  might  com 
pensate  for  so  extraordinary  a  weight  of  care  and  respon 
sibility.  They  brought  him  into  more  direct  contact  with 
the  sources  of  power,  and  enabled  him  to  extend  his  in 
fluence,  and  the  fruits  of  his  wisdom,  into  channels  where 
they  were  most  needed,  and  would  produce  the  best  ef- 


140 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  43. 


CHAPTER 
VII. 

1775. 

His  firmness 
in  resisting 
the  calls  of 
the  States 
for  a  milita 
ry  force. 


July  31. 


Opposes  the 
project  of  a 
descent  upon 
Nova  Scotia. 

August  11. 


fects ;  thus  enlarging  the  compass  of  his  own  considera 
tion,  and  promoting  public  harmony  and  union. 

He  had  not  been  long  in  camp,  when  he  was  called 
upon  to  exercise  his  firmness  in  a  manner,  that  for  a  mo 
ment  threatened  disagreeable  consequences.  The  enemy's 
armed  vessels  were  hovering  on  the  coast,  seizing  small 
craft,  and  menacing  towns  on  the  seaboard.  The  inhab 
itants  were  alarmed,  and  claimed  protection.  The  legis 
lature  of  Massachusetts  and  the  governor  of  Connecticut 
applied  to  Washington  with  a  formal  request,  that  he  would 
detach  troops  from  the  army  for  that  purpose.  To  refuse 
this  request  was  delicate ;  to  grant  it,  dangerous.  In  the 
former  case,  it  would  excite  the  clamors  of  the  people  and 
the  dissatisfaction  of  their  rulers  ;  in  the  latter,  it  would 
weaken  the  army  so  much,  as  to  leave  the  camp  exposed 
to  a  successful  assault,  and  the  country  around  Boston  to 
insult  and  ravage.  The  army  itself  might  be  dispersed, 
and  the  hopes  of  the  continent  blighted  in  the  bud.  He 
did  not  hesitate.  He  declined,  and  stated  his  reasons  in 
language  so  judicious  and  forcible,  as  to  avoid  giving  of 
fence,  and  to  blunt  the  edge  of  disappointment.  This 
precedent  was  followed  throughout  the  war.  It  was  es 
tablished  as  a  rule,  that  attacks  of  the  enemy  at  isolated 
points  along  the  coast  must  be  repelled  by  the  militia  in 
the  vicinity,  except  when  the  Continental  army  was  in  a 
condition  to  make  detachments  without  jeoparding  the 
general  cause. 

There  was  a  project  on  foot  for  an  expedition  from 
Maine  against  Nova  Scotia,  which  some  members  of  the 
Massachusetts  legislature  were  disposed  to  aid.  Washing 
ton  discouraged  it  as  inexpedient,  if  not  improper.  He 
said  the  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia  had  committed  no  hos 
tilities,  and  that  such  an  enterprise  would  be  a  measure 
of  conquest  rather  than  defence,  which  he  conceived  to 
be  contrary  to  the  principles  upon  which  the  colonies  had 
hitherto  acted.  They  had  taken  up  arms  to  defend  their 
liberties,  and  not  to  disturb  the  quiet  of  their  neighbors. 


jET43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

In    such  a   step,    also,  there   would   be  a  risk   of  making    CHAPTER 
enemies  pf  those,  who  were  willing  to  be  friends.* 

General  Gage  commanded  the  British  troops  in   Boston.      1775. 
Prisoners  had  fallen   into  his  hands  on  the   eventful  day  General 
at  Bunker's  Hill,  and  he  had  seized  other  persons  accus-  mentor  pris 
ed   of  disaffection  to   the  King.      These  he  had    thrown  Boston, 
indiscriminately    into    prison,   no  distinction    being   made 
between  officers,  soldiers,  and  citizens.     The  report  went 
abroad  that  they  were  treated  with   great  severity.     Jus 
tice    to  his   country,  arid  the  calls  of  humanity,  made   it 
incumbent  on  Washington  to  remonstrate  against  such  con 
duct.     He    wrote   to   the    British   general.      The  occasion 
awakened  recollections  of  more  than  common  interest.    Just 
twenty  years  had  elapsed  since  he  and  Gage  fought  side 
by   side  on   the   bloody   battle-field   of   the   Monongahela. 

*  There  was  also  a  plan  for  engaging  the  eastern  Indians  in  the 
Continental  service,  and  agents  were  sent  among  them  for  that  pur 
pose,  but  with  very  little  success.  During  the  former  wars  in  America 
between  the  English  and  French,  it  had  been  customary  on  each  side 
to  solicit  aid  from  the  Indians,  and  employ  them  as  auxiliaries.  Such 
had  been  the  uniform  practice  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  country, 
and  it  was  to  be  presumed  that  the  same  system  would  be  pursued  in 
the  Revolution.  Considering  the  ferocity  of  these  people,  and  the  wild 
and  savage  manner  in  which  they  ^engaged  in  all  the  enterprises  of 
war,  it  is  no  wonder  that  the  policy  of  seeking  their  alliance,  or  even 
permitting  their  aid,  should  be  regarded  by  every  friend  of  humanity 
with  unqualified  reprobation.  Writers  of  all  parties  have  united  in  con 
demning  a  practice,  so  unjustifiable  in  itself,  and  so  hostile  to  the  prin 
ciples  of  civilization,  while  at  the  same  time  belligerents  of  all  parties 
have  continued  to  follow  it,  even  down  to  the  late  war  between  Eng 
land  and  the  United  States. 

It  has  been  usual  in  America  to  represent  the  English  as  much  the 
most  censurable  on  this  score  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  if  we  esti 
mate  the  amount  of  deserved  censure  by  the  effects  produced,  this  opin 
ion  is  no  doubt  correct.  But  such  is  not  the  equitable  mode  of  judging 
on  the  subject,  since  the  principle  and  intention  are  chiefly  concerned, 
and  not  the  policy  of  the  measure,  nor  the  success  of  its  execution. 
Taken  on  this  ground,  historical  justice  must  award  to  the  Americans 
a  due  share  of  the  blame.  Before  the  rencontre  at  Lexington  and 
Concord,  the  Provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts  had  enlisted  in  their 
service  a  company  of  minute-men  among  the  Stockbridge  Indians  resid 
ing  in  that  colony. 


142 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEt.  43. 


washing- 


August  11. 


Retaliation 


CHAPTER   An   intimacy   then   subsisted  between  them,    which    was 

yn>       cherished   afterwards   by   a  friendly   correspondence.     Far 

1775.     different  was   the   relation   in   which   they   now   stood   to 

each  other,  at   the  head   of  contending   armies  ;    the  one 

obeying  the  commands  of  his  sovereign,  the  other  uphold 

ing  the  cause  of  an  oppressed  people. 

Their  letters  were  significant  of  the  change.  The  re- 
monstrance  of  Washington,  clothed  in  dignified  but  point- 
ed  language,  represented  the  impolicy  as  well  as  cruelty 
of  ill  treatment  to  prisoners,  since  it  would  impose  upon 
him  the  necessity  of  retaliating,  and  there  would  be  no 
end  to  the  horrors  of  war,  if  such  a  system  were  pursued. 
General  Gage  denied  the  charge  of  harsh  usage,  and  took 
credit  to  himself  for  his  clemency  in  sparing  persons, 
"  whose  lives  by  the  law  of  the  land  were  destined  to 
the  cord."  As  to  difference  of  rank,  he  professed  not  to 
know  any,  which  was  not  derived  from  the  King. 

These  principles  set  at  nought  all  the  rules  of  honor- 
able  warfare,  and  indicated  that  the  highest  officers  in  the 

.  .,  i  i  i    i  i  • 

American  army,  if  captured,  would  be  treated  as  culprits. 
The  only  apparent  remedy  was  retaliation.  The  prison 
ers  in  Washington's  possession  were  immediately  ordered 
into  the  country,  and  he  gave  directions  that  they  should 
receive  in  every  respect  the  same  treatment,  as  was  known 
to  be  practised  on  the  unfortunate  sufferers  in  Boston. 
Such  was  his  first  impulse  ;  but,  however  justified  by  the 
laws  of  war,  he  could  not  reconcile  to  himself  an  act,  which 
should  inflict  punishment  on  innocent  men  for  the  folly 
or  obduracy  of  a  commander.  The  order  was  counter 
manded,  while  the  prisoners  were  on  the  road  to  North 
ampton,  the  place  of  their  destination  ;  and  Colonel  Reed, 
one  of  his  aids-de-camp,  wrote  to  the  committee  of  the 
town,  directing  that  the  prisoners  should  be  at  liberty  to 
go  abroad  on  their  parole.  He  added  ;  "  The  General 
further  requests,  that  every  other  indulgence  and  civility 
consistent  with  their  security  may  be  shown  to  them,  as 
long  as  they  demean  themselves  with  decency  and  good 
manners.  As  they  have  committed  no  hostility  against 


ried  into  ef- 

feet. 


^T.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  143 

the  people  of  this  country,  they  have  a  just  claim  to  mild    CHAPTER 
treatment  ;    and    the   General   does   not   doubt,    that   your        VII< 
conduct  towards   them  will  be    such,   as   to   compel   their     1775. 
grateful  acknowledgments,  that  Americans  are  as  merciful 
as  they  are  brave." 

In  replying  to  General  Gage's  letter,  Washington  said  ;  Reply  to 
"  You  affect,  Sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived  from  the  cage's  let 
same   source  as   your   own.     I  cannot  conceive  one  more 

August  20 

honorable,  than  that  which  flows  from  the  uncorrupted 
choice  of  a  brave  and  free  people,  the  purest  source  and 
original  fountain  of  all  power.  Far  from  making  it  a 
plea  for  cruelty,  a  mind  of  true  magnanimity  and  enlarged 
ideas  would  apprehend  and  respect  it."  The  indiscretion 
and  weakness  of  the  British  general's  conduct  admit  of 
no  defence  ;  yet  it  should  be  remembered,  that  he  was 
taught  by  his  superiors  to  look  upon  the  asserters  of  liberty 
in  America  as  rebels,  and  to  treat  them  as  such.  Little 
can  be  said,  however,  in  praise  of  his  political  sagacity, 
knowledge  of  human  nature,  or  enlargement  of  mind. 

The  army  was  soon  augmented  by  the  companies  of  companies 
riflemen  from  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  which  join  the  ar- 
had  been  raised  in  compliance  with  a  resolution  of  the 


Continental  Congress.  The  companies  were  filled  up  with 
surprising  quickness,  and  on  their  arrival  in  camp  the 
numbers  of  several  .of  them  exceeded  the  prescribed  limit. 
Within  two  months  from  the  time  the  orders  were  sent  out, 
they  had  been  enlisted  and  equipped,  and  had  marched 
from  four  to  seven  hundred  miles  to  the  army  at  Cam 
bridge. 

General  Washington   had   the  satisfaction  to  find,    also,  Reinforce- 
that  the  reinforcements  of  militia,  which  he  had  request-  muu80 
ed  from  the  New  England  governments  to  strengthen  his 
camp,  came  'in  as  expeditiously  as  could  be  desired. 

Before  these  accessions  to  his  force,  he  had  meditated  Expedition 

,.,,,-,  r  •  •  c  against  Que- 

an  enterprise,   which  held  out  a  fair   promise  of  success,  bee. 
General  Schuyler   had  been   ordered   by    Congress  to   the 
command  of  the  northern  department  on  Lake  Champlain, 
with   instructions  to  take    possession   of  St.  John's,  Mont- 


144  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  (\Er.43. 

CHAPTER  real,  and  other  parts  of  Canada,  if  it  should  be  found 
practicable  and  not  displeasing  to  the  inhabitants.  This 
1775.  step,  it  was  foreseen,  would  draw  General  Carleton  from 
Quebec,  with  all  the  troops  he  could  collect,  to  defend 
the  invaded  frontiers.  That  city  and  fortress  would  thus 
be  left  an  easy  conquest  ;  as  there  was  no  probability  that 
they  could  be  reinforced  from  England  before  the  winter 
would  set  in,  and  close  the  river  with  ice.  If  the  main 
object  of  taking  Quebec  should  not  be  attained,  the  at 
tempt  would  at  least  call  back  General  Carleton  for  its 
protection,  and  open  the  southern  borders  of  Canada  to  the 
incursions  of  the  American  troops.  General  Schuyler  ap 
proved  the  enterprise,  and  agreed  to  act  in  concert. 

Troops  de-  The  plan  was  carefully  matured,  and  put  into  immedi- 
ate  execution.  General  Washington  detached  eleven  hun- 


sept  14.  fa^  merij  including  three  rifle  companies,  with  orders  to 
march  into  Canada,  through  the  wilderness,  by  way  of 
the  Kennebec  and  Chaudiere  Rivers,  and  then  to  act  as 
circumstances  might  dictate.  The  command  of  the  expe 
dition,  regarded  by  Washington  as  "  of  the  utmost  con 
sequence  to  the  interest  and  liberties  of  America,"  was 
intrusted  to  Colonel  Arnold.  This  officer  had  lately  re 
turned  from  Lake  Champlain,  where  he  had  performed  a 
conspicuous  part  with  Ethan  Allen  in  the  capture  of  Ti- 
conderoga  and  Crown  Point.  His  reputation  for  courage, 
energy,  and  military  talents  already  stood  high. 
Arnold's  in-  The  instructions  he  received  from  the  Commander-in 

structions. 

chief  were  humane,  politic,  and  peremptory.  He  was  for 
bidden  on  any  pretence  to  disturb  the  quiet  or  offend  the 
prejudices  of  the  Canadians,  and  ordered  to  respect  their 
religious  observances,  to  pay  them  liberally  for  such  arti 
cles  as  he  should  want,  and  to  punish  with  rigor  any  im 
proper  acts  of  the  soldiers  towards  them.  He  was  to  seek 
and  annoy  the  British  forces  in  Canada,  but  not  to  molest 
the  people,  or  do  any  thing  to  alienate  their  good  will 
from  the  American  cause. 
Difficulties  To  detail  the  fortunes,  sufferings,  romantic  incidents, 

and  result  of  , 

and  various  results  of  this  expedition,  is  not  consistent  with 


tlon. 


JET   43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  145 

our  present  design.  It  is  enough  to  say,  that  it  was  con-  CHAPTER 
ceived  on  just  principles,  well  conducted,  and  partially  VIL 
successful.  It  was  weakened  on  the  route  by  the  defec-  1775. 
tion  and  return  of  a  colonel,  with  a  large  detachment, 
who  assigned  as  a  reason  the  want  of  provisions.  In  a 
little  more  than  two  months  from  the  time  he  left  Cam 
bridge,  Arnold  was  encamped  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham 
under  the  walls  of  Quebec,  his  effective  strength  being 
five  hundred  and  fifty  men.  He  summoned  the  town  to 
surrender,  but  his  force  was  too  small  to  warrant  an  as 
sault.  The  other  aim  of  the  undertaking  was  effected. 
It  caused  a  diversion  of  the  enemy  favorable  to  the  opera 
tions  of  General  Montgomery,  who,  at  the  head  of  the 
American  army,  entered  Canada  from  Lake  Champlain, 
took  Montreal,  and  ultimately  formed  a  junction  with  Ar 
nold  near  Quebec. 

The  conduct  of  Arnold,  in  the  management  of  the  ex-  Arnold's 

conduct  ap- 

pedition,  was  approved  by  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  proved, 
applauded  by  the  country.  He  had  overcome  obstacles  of 
the  most  formidable  kind,  sustained  the  fortitude  of  his 
men  when  sinking  under  incredible  hardships  from  cold, 
hunger,  and  fatigue,  and  proved  the  confidence  in  his  re 
sources  and  activity  not  to  have  been  misplaced. 

The  deficiency   of  powder   in  the   camp  at    Cambridge  Deficiency  of 

Powder  in 

continued  to  be  a  cause  ol  extreme  anxiety  to  Washing-  camp, 
ton.  Small  quantities  were  collected,  but  in  no  propor 
tion  to  the  demand.  What  added  to  his  concern  was, 
that  the  enemy  might  discover  his  weakness  on  this  ac 
count,  and  march  out  to  attack  him.  In  such  an  event, 
the  whole  army  must  inevitably  be  routed  and  dispersed. 
Secrecy  was  indispensable  ;  and  consequently  the  people 
at  large  were  as  ignorant  of  his  condition,  as  the  enemy 
within  their  lines.  Murmurs  began  to  be  audible  that  the 
army  was  inactive,  and  that  a  superiority  of  numbers 
might  justify  an  attempt  against  the  town.  The  subject  octis. 
was  referred  to  a  council  of  general  officers,  who  unani 
mously  opposed  such  an  experiment.  A  report  next  gain 
ed  credit,  that  tenderness  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
19  p 


146 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


.  43. 


CHAPTER 
VIL 


1775. 


Cannonades 
and  skir 
mishes. 


Committee 
of  Congress 
go  to  the 
camp. 


and  reluctance  to  bum  their  houses  and  property,  were 
motives  for  this  forbearance.  Congress,  either  participat 
ing  this  sentiment,  or  willing  to  hazard  the  consequences, 
hinted  their  wishes  to  the  general  by  suggesting,  that, 
"if  he  thought  it  practicable  to  defeat  the  enemy  and 
gain  possession  of  the  town,  it  would  be  advisable  to  make 
the  attack  upon  the  first  favorable  occasion,  and  before 
the  arrival  of  reinforcements,  which  Congress  apprehended 
might  soon  be  expected."  Another  council  was  called, 
a  month  after  the  above,  to  consider  this  suggestion,  and 
again  there  was  a  unanimous  voice  against  it.  Whatever 
Washington's  own  opinion  may  have  been,  he  was  con 
strained  to  acquiesce  in  silence  ;  for  it  would  have  been 
highly  imprudent  to  undertake  such  an  enterprise,  while  all 
the  officers  were  opposed  to  it,  and  his  actual  condition 
demanded  concealment  from  the  public. 

Occasional  cannonades  and  skirmishes  took  place  at  the 
advanced  points  on  the  lines,  but  the  enemy  showed  no 
disposition  to  leave  their  intrenchments.  In  fact,  they 
never  meditated  an  attack,  unless  reinforcements  should  ar 
rive.  General  Gage  wrote  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  that  such 
an  attempt,  if  successful,  would  be  fruitless,  a.s  there  were 
neither  horses  nor  carriages  for  transportation,  and  no  other 
end  could  be  answered  than  to  drive  the  Americans  from 
one  strong-hold  to  another. 

The  time  was  drawing  near  when  it  would  be  neces 
sary  to  form  a  new  army.  The  Connecticut  and  Rhode 
Island  troops  were  engaged  to  serve  only  till  the  beginning 
of  December,  and  none  beyond  the  end  of  that  month. 
The  attention  of  Congress  had  been  called  to  the  subject, 
and  a  committee  of  three  members  was  appointed  to  re 
pair  to  the  camp,  and  meet  delegates  from  the  New 
England  colonies,  for  the  purpose  of  devising  the  most 
effectual  means  of  continuing,  regulating,  and  supporting 
the  Continental  army.  Franklin,  Lynch,  and  Harrison 
were  the  committee,  and  they  joined  the  delegates  at  Wash 
ington's  head-quarters  on  the  18th  of  October. 


-Ex.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  147 

As  the   persons    constituting    this   convention  were   un-   CHAPTER 
skilled  in  military  affairs,    the  plan   proposed   by  General  . 


Washington,  which  had  been  discussed  and  matured  by  a 
council  of  officers,  was  in  the  main  adopted.  It  was  con-  Plan  of  & 

.  new  army. 

ceived,  that,  to  give  proper  security,  the  American  army 
ought  to  be  numerically  twice  as  large  as  that  of  the 
enemy  in  Boston.  Twenty-six  regiments,  therefore,  were 
assigned  for  the  new  organization,  besides  riflemen  and  ar 
tillery,  each  regiment  being  divided  into  eight  companies. 
The  whole  number  of  men  would  then  by  estimate  amount 
to  twenty  thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-two.  Many 
of  those  already  on  the  ground,  whose  term  of  service 
was  soon  to  expire,  it  was  hoped  would  reenlist,  and  the 
deficiency  was  to  be  supplied  by  recruits  from  the  coun 
try.  The  delegates  supposed  that  thirty-two  thousand 
men  might  be  raised  in  the  four  New  England  colonies 
for  one  year,  the  period  fixed  by  Congress  for  all  the 
enlistments. 

After  the  convention  was  dissolved,  the  committee  from  Articles  of 

.  .  war  revised, 

Congress  continued  to  sit,  and  took  various  other  subjects  and  otter  re- 

gulations  es- 

mto  consideration.  The  articles  of  war  underwent  a  re 
vision,  and  several  changes  were  introduced,  which  ex 
perience  had  proved  to  be  necessary.  Regulations  for 
disposing  of  prizes  captured  at  sea,  for  the  exchange  of 
prisoners,  the  employment  of  Indians,  and  many  local  de 
tails  relating  to  the  army,  came  under  notice,  and  certain 
definite  rules  were  agreed  upon.  When  the  committee  re 
turned  to  Congress,  their  proceedings  were  approved  and 
confirmed. 

This  conference  was  of  great  service  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  It  afforded  an  opportunity  of  expressing  his  sen 
timents  with  more  freedom  and  fulness,  than  he  could  do 
by  written  communications.  A  system  was  likewise  form 
ed  for  future  operations  in  which  he  could  confide,  as 
both  Congress  and  the  eastern  colonies  were  bound  to  sup 
port  the  measures  agreed  upon  by  their  representatives. 

The  next  step  was  to  organize  the  army  according  to 
the  new  arrangement,  to  appoint  the  colonels  and  inferior 


148  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^T   43 

CHAPTER  officers  of  the  several  regiments,  and  issue  recruiting  or 
ders.  This  was  an  affair  of  great  delicacy  and  embarrass 
ment.  It  was  in  the  highest  degree  important  to  retain 

New  army     as  many  of  the  men  as  possible,  who  were  now  in  the 

ized.  ranks ;  and  it  was  soon  discovered,  that  very  few  would 

remain,  unless  they  could  ,know  beforehand  what  officers 
they  were  to  serve  under,  and  could  have  all  their  par 
tialities  gratified.  Local  considerations  threw  many  ob 
stacles  in  the  way.  Care  must  be  taken,  that  each  colony 
should  have  its  due  proportion  of  officers,  according  to  the 
number  of  men  it  was  expected  to  furnish ;  and  that  their 
rank  should  be  so  adjusted  as  to  suit  the  caprices  of 
some,  and  the  extravagant  claims  of  others.  The  task 
was  formidable,  but  it  was  at  last  accomplished,  and  the 
recruiting  began. 

Maritime  In  addition  to  the  concerns  of  the  army,  Washington 

was  obliged  to  bestow  much  time  and  attention  on  mari 
time  affairs.  No  public  vessels  as  yet  belonged  to  the 
continent,  nor  had  Congress  made  any  provision  for  a  na 
val  warfare.  While  the  British  troops  and  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston  were  shut  up  within  the  limits  of  that  town, 
and  excluded  from  a  direct  intercourse  with  the  country, 
it  was  necessary  that  all  their  supplies  should  come  to 
them  by  water ;  and  the  large  number  of  vessels  employed 
in  this  service  suggested  the  idea  of  fitting  out  cruisers  in 
the  ports  along  the  coast  to  capture  them.  Having  no 
instructions  to  this  effect,  yet  believing  it  compatible  with 
the  general  design  of  annoying  and  distressing  the  enemy, 
Washington  took  on  himself  the  responsibility  of  equipping 
and  sending  out  armed  vessels.  Agents  were  employed 
in  Salem,  Beverly,  Marblehead,  and  Plymouth,  to  procure 
and  fit  them  out,  and  they  were  manned  by  officers  and 
sailors  from  the  army.  His  instructions  to  the  captains 
were  precise  and  guarded;  and,  that  he  might  seem  to 
act  under  the  authority  of  his  commission,  he  ordered 
them  to  "take  command  of  a  detachment  of  the  army, 
with  which  they  were  to  proceed  on  board,  cruise  against 
such  vessels  as  were  found  in  the  service  of  the  enemy, 


2Ex.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  149 

and  seize  all  such  as  were  laden  with  soldiers,  arms,  am-    CHAPTER 

.  .        ,,  VH. 

munition,  or  provisions." 


In  a  few  weeks  six  armed  schooners   were    under    sail,      1775. 
cruising    in   the    waters    of   Massachusetts    Bay.      Several  Armed 

'  schooners 

captures  were  made,  and  particularly  a  valuable  one  by 
Captain  Manly,  consisting  of  munitions  of  war.  But,  on 
the  whole,  the  first  enterprises  were  not  crowned  with 
signal  success.  Some  of  the  officers  proved  incompetent, 
the  men  mutinied,  and  the  management  of  the  business 
in  its  details  caused  infinite  trouble.  The  system  was 
improved  by  degrees,  other  vessels  were  fitted  out,  and 
Congress  provided  prize-courts  and  regulations,  which  re 
sulted  at  length  in  the  establishment  of  a  Continental 
Navy.  But  General  Washington  was  not  relieved  from 
this  charge,  till  after  the  enemy  evacuated  Boston. 

One  incident  illustrative  of  his  character  should  be  here  unjustifiable 

descent  up- 

mentioned.     Two  armed  vessels    were    despatched  to   the  on  the  island 

of  St.  John's 

River  St.  Lawrence,  with  orders  to  intercept  two  brig-  October 
an  tines,  which  it  had  been  understood  wefe  to  sail  from 
England  to  Quebec  with  arms  and  ammunition.  Failing 
in  this  object,  the  captains  made  a  descent  upon  the  Is 
land  of  St.  John's,  pillaged  the  inhabitants,  and  brought 
some  of  them  away  prisoners.  Whether  this  act  was 
consistent  or  not  with  the  customary  rules  of  warfare,  it 
was  severely  reprimanded  by  Washington,  who  imme 
diately  set  the  prisoners  at  liberty,  treated  them  with  the 
greatest  kindness,  restored  all  the  property  that  had  been 
taken,  and  provided  the  best  means  in  his  power  to  send 
them  back  to  their  homes.  * 

*  Mr.  Callback,  President  of  the  Council,  and  then  acting  as  governor, 
was  among  the  prisoners  who  were  brought  to  the  camp  at  Cambridge. 
In  a  letter,  written  by  Governor  Callbeck  at  the  time  of  his  departure, 
he  said ;  "  1  should  ill  deserve  the  generous  treatment,  which  your  Ex 
cellency  has  been  pleased  to  show  me,  had  I  not  gratitude  to  acknow 
ledge  so  great  a  favor.  I  cannot  ascribe  any  part  of  it  to  my  own 
merit,  but  must  impute  the  whole  to  the  philanthropy  and  humane  dispo 
sition,  that  so  truly  characterize  General  Washington.  Be  so  obliging, 
th  ere  fore,  as  to  accept  the  only  return  in  my  power,  that  of  my  most 
grateful  thanks." 

p* 


150  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [&T.  43. 

The  burning   of  Falmouth,    an   act  of  personal  malice 
and  cruel  wantonness  on  the  part  of  a  British  naval  offi- 
1775.      ceFj   and  the  threats    of    the    enemy   that    the    same   fate 
The  burning  should  fall  upon  other  seaport  towns,  produced  consterna- 

ofFalmouth.       .  .     ' 

tion,  and  the  most  pressing  requests   to  General  Washing- 
October  18. 

ton  for  assistance  in  powder,  arms,  and  troops.     Again  he 

was  compelled,  by  the  necessities  of  his  own  situation, 
to  withhold  the  relief  so  strenuously  solicited.  His  sym 
pathies  were  keenly  affected  by  their  sufferings,  and  his 
popularity  was  jeoparded  by  the  refusal ;  yet  in  this  case, 
as  in  all  others,  a  stern  sense  of  duty  subdued  his  pri 
vate  feelings  and  fortified  his  judgment. 

General  When  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  reached 

called*  the  British  cabinet,  General  Gage  was  recalled,  "  in  order 
to  give  his  Majesty  exact  information  of  every  thing,  and 
suggest  such  matters  as  his  knowledge  and  experience  of 
the  service  enabled  him  to  furnish."  In  the  dearly  bought 
victory  at  Bunker's  Hill  he  had  made  a  discovery,  which 
seems  to  have  been  not  less  astonishing  to  himself,  than 
mortifying  to  the  ministers.  "  The  trials  we  have  had," 
said  he,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth,  "  show  the  rebels 
are  not  the  despicable  rabble  too  many  have  supposed 
them  to  be."  In  the  opinion  of  the  ministers  this  intel 
ligence  showed  likewise,  that  General  Gage  had  been 
duped  by  ill  advisers  or  his  own  ignorance,  and  that, 
either  from  obstinacy,  want  of  address,  or  incapacity,  he 
was  not  competent  to  the  station  he  occupied.  On  the 
1st  of  October  he  was  superseded  in  the  command  by 
General  Howe. 

general^          The  abilities   of  this   officer   were    perhaps   superior   to 
SenBi!Ssh0f  th°se  °f  n*s  predecessor,  but  they  did  not  grow  by  expe- 
army.          rience  in  the  public  estimation.     He  possessed  the  ad  van- 
October  i.    tage,   however,    of    not    having   mingled   in   the    exciting 
events,   in  which  General  Gage  had  acted  such  a  part  as 
to  bring  down  upon  him  the  ill  will   and   reproaches   of 
the  people.     General  Howe  was  a  brother  of  Lord  Howe, 
who  had  been  slain  at  Ticonderoga  in  the  last   war,   and 
whose  memory  was   ever   cherished   with    warm  affection 


&>r.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  151 

by  the  colonists.     Hence  he  had  nothing  to   contend  against    CHAPTER 
but  the  physical  force,  determined  spirit,  and  political  skill        VIL 
of  the   Americans.      Prejudices  were  in  his  favor,   and  no      l77^. 
antipathies  existed.     Unluckily  he  imbibed  the  idea,  that 
he  was  quelling  a  rebellion,  arid  that  a  scrupulous  regard 
to  the  rules  of  honorable  warfare  was  not  exacted  in  such 
a  contest.     It  would  be  hard   to  blame   him,  perhaps,   on 
this  score,  since  he  was  only  conforming  to  the   spirit  of 
his  instructions ;  yet  a  little  more  discernment  in  penetrat 
ing  the  actual    state    of  things  around  him,    a   little  more 
discretion  and  sagacity  in  adapting  his  conduct  to  circum 
stances,  would  have  shown  his  character  in  a  better  light 
without  diminishing  the  value  of  his  services  in  the  cause 
he  was  set  to  maintain. 

The    enlistments   in   the    new   army   went    on    slowly,  siowpro- 
The  dissatisfaction  and  cabals  of  the  officers,  the  exacting  enlistments 

for  the  new 

temper  and  undisciplined  habits  of  the  men,  occasioned  army, 
endless  perplexities.  General  Washington  felt  intense  anx 
iety.  His  patience  and  fortitude  were  tried  in  the  sever 
est  manner.  A  month's  experiment  had  obtained  only 
five  thousand  recruits.  At  one  time  he  was  flattered  with 
promises,  at  another  almost  every  gleam  of  hope  was  ex 
tinguished,  till  at  length,  when  the  term  of  service  of  the 
Connecticut  troops  was  about  to  expire,  it  was  ascertained 
that  they  would  go  off  in  a  body,  and  leave  a  fearful 
blank  in  an  army  already  deficient  in  numbers  and  weak 
ened  by  internal  disorders.  He  appealed  to  every  motive, 
which  could  stimulate  their  patriotism,  pride,  or  sense  of 
honor,  but  all  in  vain ;  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  diffi 
culty,  that  he  could  persuade  them  to  stay  ten  days  lon 
ger,  till  the  militia  could  be  assembled  to  supply  their 
place. 

Orders   were   issued   for  calling   in   the   militia.      By   a  orders  issu- 
prudent  foresight  he  had  suggested  to  Congress  the  neces-  ing  m  the 
sity   of  being  intrusted  with   this   authority,    and   it   was 

December. 

granted  in  general  terms.  But  here  again  a  new  trouble 
arose.  The  same  spectre  of  military  domination,  which 
had  from  the  first  struck  so  much  dread  into  the  minds 


152  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Er.  43. 

CHAPTER  of  many  persons,  and  had  limited  the  existence  of  the 
vll>  present  army  to  one  year,  was  still  busy  in  spreading  its 

1775.  terrors,  and  tormenting  its  adversaries.  If  the  Commander- 
in-chief  could  call  out  the  whole  force  of  the  country  at 
his  option,  where  would  be  the  bounds  of  his  power, 
where  the  checks  to  soaring  ambition,  where  the  safe 
guard  of  the  people's  liberties  ?  Such  questions  were  ask 
ed  in  a  tone  of  triumphant  confidence,  implying  that  they 
could  not  be  answered.  Happily  Congress  put  an  end  to 
them  by  a  simple  expedient.  They  amended  their  re 
solve,  by  making  it  incumbent  on  the  Commander-in-chief 
to  gain  the  consent  of  the  executive  authority  of  each 
colony,  before  he  summoned  its  militia.  In  fact  he  had 
hitherto  proceeded  in  this  way,  and  probably  always 
would  have  done  so  ;  but  this  form  of  the  resolve  allay 
ed  the  fears  of  the  alarmists,  and  was  equally  effectual.* 
When  General  Washington  complained  to  Governor 


of  the  con-    Trumbull  of  the    extraordinary   conduct  of  the   Connecti- 

necticut  t 

troops.  cut  troops,  the  latter  replied  ;  "  There  is  great  difficulty 
December  2.  to  support  liberty,  to  exercise  government,  and  maintain 
subordination,  and  at  the  same  time  to  prevent  the  opera 
tion  of  licentious  and  levelling  principles,  which  many 
very  easily  imbibe.  The  pulse  of  a  New  England  man 
beats  high  for  liberty  ;  his  engagement  in  the  service  he 
thinks  purely  voluntary  ;  therefore,  when  the  time  of  en 
listment  is  out,  he  thinks  himself  not  holden  without  fur 
ther  engagement.  This  was  the  case  in  the  last  war.  I 
greatly  fear  its  operation  amongst  the  soldiers  of  the  other 
colonies,  as  I  am  sensible  this  is  the  genius  and  spirit  of 
our  people."  Another  consideration  had  great  weight,  per 
haps  greater  than  all  the  rest.  The  men  expected  a 

*  An  incident  is  related  as  having  occurred  while  he  was  in  the  Con 
vention  for  forming  the  Constitution,  which  was  probably  suggested  by 
his  experience  during  the  war.  A  member  proposed  to  introduce  a 
clause  into  the  constitution,  limiting  a  standing  army  to  Jive  thousand 
men.  Washington  observed,  that  he  should  have  no  objection  to  such 
a  clause,  if  it  were  so  amended  as  to  provide,  that  no  enemy  should 
presume  to  invade  the  United  States  with  more  than  three  thousand. 


A/r.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  153 

bounty.      A   soldier's   pay   did   not  satisfy   them,  as   they  CHAPTER 

could  obtain  better  wages  in  other  employments,  without  VIL     . 

the  fatigue  and  privations   of  a   camp.     Congress  had  de-  1775- 
clared   against    bounties,   and   they   could   not   be   offered, 
unless  the  colonies  should  choose  to  do  it  individually  on 
their  own  account. 

At   the  end  of  the  year,  when  the   old   army  was  dis-  state  of  the 

army  at  the 

solved,  the  whole  number  of  the  new  establishment  was  end  of  the 

year. 

nine  thousand  six  hundred  and  fifty.  More  than  a  thou 
sand  of  these  men  were  absent  on  furloughs,  which  it 
had  been  necessary  to  grant  as  a  condition  of  reenlist- 
ment.  This  result  was  peculiarly  discouraging.  "It  is 
easier  to  conceive  than  describe,"  said  General  Washing 
ton,  "  the  situation  of  my  mind  for  some  time  past,  and 
my  feelings  under  our  present  circumstances.  Search  the 
volumes  of  history  through,  and  I  much  question  whether 
a  case  similar  to  ours  is  to  be  found  ;  namely,  to  maintain 
a  post  against  the  flower  of  the  British  troops  for  six 
months  together,  without  powder,  and  then  to  have  one 
army  disbanded  and  another  to  be  raised  within  the  same 
distance  of  a  reinforced  enemy."  His  immediate  safety, 
however,  was  secured  by  the  addition  of  five  thousand 
militia,  who  soon  came  in,  and  were  to  remain  till  the 
middle  of  January.  And  the  advanced  state  of  the  sea 
son  rendered  it  improbable  that  the  enemy  would  under 
take  sudden  enterprises. 

When  General  Washington  accepted  the  appointment  of   Mrs.  wash- 
Congress,  he  supposed   it  would  be  in  his   power  to  visit  B 
his  family  in  the  winter,  and  attend  for  a  short  space  to 
his  private  affairs.     This   was   found   impracticable,    or  at 
least  inconsistent  with  the  duties  of  his  charge  ;  and  Mrs. 
Washington    joined    him   at    head-quarters   in    December, 
where    she   remained   till  the  next  spring.     This  was  her 
practice    daring   the  war.      She   passed   the  winters   with 
her  husband  in  camp,  and  returned  at  the  opening  of  the 
campaigns  to  Mount  Vernon. 

His  large    estates  were  consigned  to  the  care  of  a  su 
perintendent,    Mr.    Lund    Washington,   in   whom    he   had 
20 


154 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  43. 


1775. 

His  private 
affairs. 


Letter  to  his 
manager,  di 
recting  acts 
of  hospital 
ity. 

Dec.  26. 


confidence,  and  who  executed  the  trust  with  diligence 
and  fidelity.  Notwithstanding  the  multitude  of  public  con 
cerns,  which  at  all  times  pressed  heavily,  and  which  he 
never  neglected,  the  thoughts  of  General  Washington  con 
stantly  reverted  to  his  farms.  In  the  midst  of  the  most 
stirring  and  eventful  scenes  of  the  war,  he  kept  up  an 
unremitted  correspondence  with  his  manager,  in  which  he 
entered  into  details,  gave  minute  instructions,  and  exact 
ed  in  return  frequent  and  full  reports  of  the  particulars 
relating  to  the  culture  of  his  lands,  their  products,  the 
condition  of  the  laborers,  and  every  transaction  of  busi 
ness.  From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  Revolution, 
Lund  Washington  wrote  to  the  General  as  often  at  least 
as  two  or  three  times  a  month,  and  commonly  every 
week,  detailing  minutely  all  the  events  that  occurred  on 
the  plantations,  his  purchases,  sales,  and  payments  of 
money,  the  kinds  and  quantity  of  produce,  occupations  of 
the  laborers,  and  whatever  else  could  tend  to  explain  the 
precise  condition  and  progress  of  the  business  in  his  hands. 
These  letters  were  regularly  answered  by  the  General, 
even  when  the  weight  and  embarrassment  of  public  du 
ties  pressed  most  heavily  upon  him,  and  full  instructions 
were  returned  for  regulating  the  plans  and  conduct  of  the 
manager.  Hardly  any  copies  of  this  description  of  letters 
were  recorded,  if  retained,  and  the  originals  have  been  lost 
or  destroyed.  But  Lund  Washington's  letters  are  preserv 
ed,  and  they  give  evidence  of  the  extraordinary  attention 
bestowed  by  the  Commander-in-chief  on  his  domestic  af 
fairs,  though  several  hundred  miles  from  home,  and  bear 
ing  a  burden  of  public  cares,  which  alone  was  enough  to 
distract  and  exhaust  the  firmest  mind. 

An  extract  from  one  of  his  letters  on  these  topics  will 
show  a  trait  of  character,  and  the  footing  on  which  he 
left  his  household  at  Mount  Vernon. 

"  Let  the  hospitality  of  the  house,  with  respect  to  the 
poor,  be  kept  up.  Let  no  one  go  hungry  away.  If  any 
of  this  kind  of  people  should  be  in  want  of  com,  supply 
their  necessities,  provided  it  does  not  encourage  them  in 


J£T.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  155 

idleness ;    and   I   have   no   objection    to   your    giving   my  CHAPTER 
money  in  charity,  to  the  amount  of  forty  or  fifty  pounds 


a  year,  when  you  think  it  well  bestowed.  What  I  mean  1775 
by  having  no  objection  is,  that  it  is  my  desire  that  it 
should  be  done.  You  are  to  consider,  that  neither  my 
self  nor  wife  is  now  in  the  way  to  do  these  good  offices. 
In  all  other  respects,  I  recommend  it  to  you,  and  have 
no  doubt  of  your  observing  the  greatest  economy  and  fru 
gality;  as  I  suppose  you  know,  that  I  do  not  get  a  far 
thing  for  my  services  here,  more  than  my  expenses.  It 
becomes  necessary,  therefore,  for  me  to  be  saving  at 
home." 


1.56 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  43. 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1775. 

Secret  enter 
prise  of  Gen 
eral  Howe. 


General  Lee 
sent  to  take 
the  com 
mand  in 
New  York. 


January  8. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

Plans  for  an  Attack  on  Boston.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  —  Dorchester 
Heights  fortified.  —  Evacuation  of  Boston.  —  Troops  march  to  New  York. 
—  Washington  repairs  to  Congress.  —  His  Views  in  Regard  to  the  State 
of  the  Country.  —  Machinations  of  the  Tories,  and  Measures  taken  to 
defeat  them.  —  Declaration  of  Independence.  —  Arrival  of  Lord  Howe, 
with  Proposals  for  a  Reconciliation  with  the  Colonies.  —  Mode  of  address-' 
ing  Letters  to  Washington  attempted  by  the  British  Admiral  and  Gen 
eral.  —  Strength  and  Condition  of  the  two  Armies.  —  Battle  of  Long  Isl 
and.  —  Remarks  on  the  Battle.  —  Impression  made  by  it  on  the  American 
Army  and  Public. 

TOWARDS  the  end  of  December  it  was  ascertained,  that 
General  Howe  was  fitting  out  a  part  of  his  fleet  in  the 
harbor  of  Boston  for  some  secret  enterprise.  Its  destina 
tion  could  only  be  conjectured ;  but  the  season  of  the 
year  and  other  circumstances  induced  a  belief,  that  an 
operation  at  the  south  was  in  view.  Fears  were  enter 
tained,  for  New  York,  then  in  a  defenceless  condition, 
feeble  from  the  timid  counsels  of  its  provincial  Congress, 
awed  by  a  British  man-of-war,  and  distracted  by  the  arti 
fices  of  Governor  Tryon,  whose  presence  and  address  had 
kept  together  on  Long  Island  a  formidable  body  of  To 
ries,  some  concealed,  others  undisguised. 

No  efforts  were  to  be  spared  to  prevent  the  enemy  from 
gaining  possession  of  so  important  a  post  as  New  York, 
which,  with  Hudson's  River,  opened  a  direct  channel  to 
Canada,  through  which  an  invading  army  might  pass,  to 
the  great  injury  of  the  interior  country,  if  not  to  the  dis 
comfiture  of  the  army  in  the  northern  department.  In 
the  present  state  of  General  Washington's  forces,  he  could 
not  send  a  detachment  from  camp.  As  the  most  promis 
ing  scheme  that  offered,  General  Lee  was  despatched, 
with  instructions  from  the  Commander-in-chief  to  raise 
volunteers  in  Connecticut,  hasten  forward  to  New  York, 
call  to  his  aid  other  troops  from  New  Jersey,  put  the  city 


Mr. '43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  157 

in  the  best  posture   of  defence  which   his   means   would  CHAPTER 

permit,    disarm   the  Tories  and  other   persons   inimical  to  VIH' 

the  rights  and  liberties  of  America,   and  guard  the  forti-  1776. 
fications  on  Hudson's  River. 

The  duty  was  delicate   in   itself,    and    difficult   in   the  General 

Lee's 

exedltlOn,  requiring  energy  and  firmness,  tempered  with  tions 
a  moderation  seldom  conspicuous  in  the  character  of  Gen 
eral  Lee.  In  this  instance,  however,  he  was  judicious 
and  successful.  A  committee  from  Congress  met  him  at 
New  York,  by  whose  prudence  his  exuberant  ardor  was 
restrained,  and  who,  by  bracing  up  the  civil  authorities 
with  a  little  more  courage,  brought  about  a  cooperation 
favorable  to  vigorous  measures.  The  alarm  for  the  safety 
of  New  York  was  premature.  The  fleet  from  Boston, 
having  on  board  several  regiments  under  the  command  of 
General  Clinton,  sailed  to  North  Carolina,  in  the  prosecu 
tion  of  a  plan  previously  formed  in  the  British  cabinet, 
at  the  recommendation  of  Governor  Martin,  for  making  a 
descent  upon  that  colony. 

Meantime  General  Washington  became  more  and  more  An  attack  on 
impatient  to  make  an  attack  on  Boston.  He  summoned  commended, 
a  council  of  officers  on  the  16th  of  January,  to  whom  proved  by  * 

council  of 

with  strong  arguments  he  urged  the  necessity  of  such  an  war. 
attempt  before  the  enemy  should  be  reinforced,  and  re-  January  is. 
quested  their  opinion.  They  agreed  that  the  attack  ought 
not  to  be  deferred  a  moment  after  there  should  be  a  fair 
hope  of  its  succeeding  ;  but,  with  the  force  then  in  the 
field,  they  believed  it -impracticable.  That  his  feelings 
were  keenly  affected  by  his  situation,  is  apparent  from 
the  tone  of  a  letter  written  at  the  time.  "  Could  I  have 
foreseen  the  difficulties, "  said  he,  "  which  have  come 
upon  us;  could  I  have  known  that  such  backwardness 
would  have  been  discovered  by  the  old  soldiers  to  the 
service,  all  the  generals  upon  earth  should  not  have  con 
vinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  delaying  an  attack  upon 
Boston  till  this  time."  He  alludes  here  to  the  soldiers  of 
the  first  army,  who  had  refused  to  enlist,  arid  gone  home, 
in  much  greater  numbers  than  he  had  anticipated. 


158 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[-ffix  43. 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1776. 

Call  for 
thirteen  re 
giments  of 
militia. 


News  of  the 
repulse  at 
Quebec. 


Want  of 
powder  and 
arms. 


The  new  regiments  were  increasing  very  tardily.  The 
time  for  which  the  five  thousand  militia  engaged  to  serve 
had  expired,  and  a  few  only  could  be  prevailed  upon  to 
stay  longer.  Another  call  for  militia  was  indispensable. 
Seven  regiments  were  apportioned  to  Massachusetts,  four 
to  Connecticut,  and  two  to  New  Hampshire.  By  the 
time  these  should  come  in,  it  was  hoped  the  ice  on  the 
waters  around  Boston  would  be  frozen  hard  enough  to 
facilitate  an  assault  on  the  town. 

Just  at  this  moment  arrived  the  news  of  the  repulse 
at  Quebec,  and  the  death  of  General  Montgomery,  with 
an  urgent  request  from  General  Schuyler,  that  three  thou 
sand  men  should  be  immediately  sent  into  Canada,  as 
the  smallest  force  necessary  to  retrieve  the  loss,  and  to 
sustain  the  cause  in  that  colony.  Such  a  detachment 
from  Washington's  army  was  impossible,  without  ruin  to 
himself ;  but,  ever  prompt  to  provide  for  exigencies  and  to 
act  for  the  general  good,  he  instantly  applied  to  the  gov 
ernments  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New  Hamp 
shire  to  furnish  each  a  regiment,  which  should  continue 
in  service  one  year,  and  march  forthwith  to  Canada.  To 
relieve  these  colonies  from  an  increased  burden,  he  allowed 
the  three  regiments  to  be  taken  from  his  last  requisition, 
reserving  ten  for  the  main  army.  The  proposal  was  well 
received,  and  the  troops  were  raised  and  marched  to  Can 
ada  during  the  winter. 

Besides  the  want  of  powder,  which  had  at  no  time 
been  supplied  in  any  adequate  quantity,  the  deficiency  of 
arms  threatened  serious  consequences.  There  were  nearly 
two  thousand  men  in  camp  without  firelocks.  Every  ex 
pedient  was  tried  to  procure  them,  but  with  little  effect. 
The  New  England  governments  had  none  to  furnish.  The 
militia,  reluctant  to  part  with  their  arms,  carried  them 
away  when  they  returned  home.  Officers  were  sent  into 
the  country  with  money  to  purchase  them.  A  few  were 
obtained  in  this  way,  but  not  enough  to  arm  all  the  men. 

Despondency  was  seldom  known,  perhaps  never,  to  un 
settle  the  constancy  or  self-command  of  Washington.  He 


J£T.  43.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  159 

seemed  to  gather  new   strength   by   resisting  the  pressure    CHAPTER 
of  difficulties    thickening   around   him.      Borne   up   by   a  _VIII'_ 
conscious  integrity,   weighing   well   every  act  of  his  life,      1776. 
convinced  of  the  justice  of  his  cause,  and  habitually  trust-  Prospects  of 
ing  in  the  direction  of  an  overruling  Providence,  his  far-  discourag- 
reaching  mind  looked  steadily  to  the  end,  and   he   went 
onward,  resolute  in  purpose,  strong  in  hope.     The  events 
of  the  last  six  months,  however,  and  the  position  in  which 
he  was  now  placed,  could  not  but  awaken    anxious   fore 
bodings,  and   touch  his  sensibility.     He  saw  his  own  rep 
utation  and  the  vital  interests  of  his  country   in  jeopardy. 
The  means  of  rescuing    the  one  from  unmerited  censure, 
and  securing    the  other    on  a  solid  basis,  were  feeble,  re 
mote,  uncertain.     The  following   is  his  language   on   the 
occasion,  contained  in  a  letter  to  a  friend. 

"I  know  the  unhappy  predicament  in  which  I  stand;  Letter  to  j0- 
I  know  that  much  is  expected  of  me  ;  I  know,  that,  with 
out  men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition,  without  any 
thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a  soldier,  little  is  to 
be  done  j  and,  what  is  mortifying,  I  know  that  I  cannot 
stand  justified  to  the  world  without  exposing  my  own 
weakness,  and  injuring  the  cause,  by  declaring  my  wants, 
which  I  am  determined  not  to  do,  farther  than  unavoid 
able  necessity  brings  every  man  acquainted  with  them. 
My  situation  is  so  irksome  to  me'  at  times,  that,  if  I  did 
not  consult  the  public  good  more  than  my  own  tranquil 
lity,  I  should  long  ere  this  have  put  every  thing  on  the 
cast  of  a  die.  So  far  from  my  having  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  men  well  armed,  I  have  been  here  with  less 
than  half  that  number,  including  sick,  furloughed,  and 
on  command,  and  those  neither  armed  nor  clothed  as 
they  should  be.  In  short,  my  situation  has  been  such, 
that  I  have  been  obliged  to  use  art  to  conceal  it  from 
my  own  officers." 

As  a  contrast  to  this  representation,  proving  the  buoy 
ancy  of  his  mind  and  his  determined  spirit  under  the 
heaviest  depression,  another  passage  is  here  quoted  from 
the  same  letter. 


160 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  44- 


1776. 

His  senti 
ments  re 
specting  the 
conduct  of 
the  British 
ministry. 


Proposes  an 
assault  on 
Boston. 


"  With  respect  to  myself,  I  have  never  entertained  an 
idea  of  an  accommodation,  since  I  heard  of  the  measures, 
which  were  adopted  in  consequence  of  the  Bunker's  Hill 
fight.  The  King's  speech  has  confirmed  the  sentiments 
I  entertained  upon  the  news  of  that  affair ;  and,  if  every 
man  was  of  my  mind,  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain 
should  know,  in  a  few  words,  upon  what  issue  the  cause 
should  be  put.  I  would  not  be  deceived  by  artful  dec 
larations,  nor  specious  pretences ;  nor  would  I  be  amused 
by  unmeaning  propositions  j  but,  in  open,  undisguised,  and 
manly  terms,  proclaim  our  wrongs,  and  our  resolution  to 
be  redressed.  I  would  tell  them,  that  we  had  borne 
much,  that  we  had  long  and  ardently  sought  for  recon 
ciliation  upon  honorable  terms,  that  it  had  been  denied 
us,  that  all  our  attempts  after  peace  had  proved  abortive, 
and  had  been  grossly  misrepresented,  that  we  had  done 
every  thing  which  could  be  expected  from  the  best  of 
subjects,  that  the  spirit  of  freedom  rises  too  high  in  us 
to  submit  to  slavery.  This  I  would  tell  them  not  under 
covert,  but  in  words  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian 
brightness." 

By  degrees  the  affairs  of  the  army  assumed  a  more 
favorable  aspect.  Owing  to  the  mildness  of  the  winter, 
little  ice  was  formed  till  the  middle  of  February,  when 
it  was  sufficiently  strong  to  enable  the  troops  to  march 
over  it  from  Roxbury  and  Dorchester.  The  Commander- 
in-chief  proposed  to  take  advantage  of  this  opportunity, 
and  make  an  immediate  assault  on  Boston.  His  opinion 
was  overruled  by  a  council  of  officers,  much  to  his  dis 
appointment  and  chagrin.  "  Though  we  had  been  waiting 
all  the  year,"  said  he,  "  for  this  favorable  event,  the  en 
terprise  was  thought  too  dangerous.  Perhaps  it  was ; 
perhaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  situation  led  me  to  under 
take  more  than  could  be  warranted  by  prudence.  I  did 
not  think  so,  and  I  am  sure  yet,  that  the  enterprise,  if  it 
had  been  undertaken  with  resolution,  must  have  succeed 
ed  ;  without  it,  any  would  fail."  It  was  resolved,  however, 
that  active  operations  should  commence,  and  that  posses- 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  161 

sion  should  be  taken  of  Dorchester  Heights,  which  might    CHAPTER 
possibly  bring  out  the  enemy   to  an  engagement  in   that 
quarter,  and  thus,  by  dividing    the  forces  in  Boston,  lead     1776. 
to  a  general  attack. 

Speedy    arrangements    were    made    for   executing    this  Dorchester 
plan,  and  the  essential  part  of  it  was  effected   by  a  body  en!lg 


of  troops,  who  marched  in  the  night  under  the  command 
of  General  Thomas,  gained  the  summit  of  the  Heights 
without  being  discovered,  and  by  great  activity  erected 
before  morning  such  works,  as  would  secure  them  against 
the  enemy's  shot.  To  divert  the  attention  of  General 
Howe,  an  incessant  cannonade  and  bombardment  upon  the 
town  had  been  kept  up  the  two  preceding  nights,  and 
during  the  same  night,  from  Lechmere's  Point,  Cobble 
Hill,  and  Roxbury. 

As  Dorchester  Heights  commanded  the  harbor,  and  also  preparations 
Nook's  Hill,  from  which  the  town  could  easily  be  annoyed 
by  cannon  and  mortars,  it  was  expected  that  the  enemy 
would  attempt  to  dislodge  the  American  detachment,  and 
that  the  scenes  of  Bunker's  Hill  would  again  be  acted 
over.  In  anticipation  of  such  an  event,  Washington  pre 
pared  to  assault  the  town  at  the  same  time  on  the  oppo 
site  side.  For  this  service  four  thousand  chosen  men 
were  set  apart,  and  put  in  two  divisions,  one  under  Gen 
eral  Sullivan,  the  other  under  General  Greene,  the  whole 
being  commanded  by  General  Putnam.  At  a  concerted 
signal  they  were  to  embark  in  boats,  near  the  mouth  of 
Charles  River,  attended  by  three  floating  batteries,  under 
the  fire  of  which  they  were  to  land  in  the  town,  and 
then  act  according  to  circumstances  and  instructions  given 
by  signals. 

In   the  event   there   was  no  occasion  for  this   attempt.  General 

Y  i  i-  <•    <~*  i     •*••*•  Howe  detei- 

It  was  not  the  policy   01    General   Howe,    nor   consistent  mines  to 

.,,.,.  ,     .  suspend  of- 

with  his  designs,  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement.  He  fensive 
remained  in  Boston  at  his  own  discretion,  it  having  been 
recommended  to  him  by  the  ministry,  several  months  be 
fore,  to  leave  that  place  and  repair  to  a  southern  port. 
Although  he  thought  there  were  solid  reasons  against  such 
21  Q* 


162 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  44 


1776. 


The  town 
spared  from 
ravage  by 
the  tacit  un 
derstanding 
of  the  two 
command 
ers. 


Boston  evac 
uated  by 
the  British 
army* 

March  17. 


a  step,  yet  he  did  not  choose  to  sacrifice  his  men,  or  run 
hazards,  while  so  much  rested  on  his  responsibility.  But 
when  the  admiral  told  him,  that,  unless  the  Americans 
were  dislodged  from  Dorchester  Heights,  the  King's  ships 
could  not  remain  in  the  harbor,  he  consented  to  detach 
three  thousand  men  under  Lord  Percy  for  that  purpose. 
The  execution  of  the  plan  was  defeated  by  a  furious 
storm,  which  came  on  while  the  troops  were  embarking. 
The  next  day  he  determined  to  suspend  offensive  opera 
tions  and  to  evacuate  the  town. 

Washington  had  regarded  this  result  as  probable,  and, 
having  no  other  motive  for  tempting  General  Howe  to  an 
engagement,  than  that  of  forcing  him  from  the  town,  it 
was  of  course  accordant  with  his  principles  and  his  wishes, 
that  it  should  be'  done  without  bloodshed.  His  only  aim, 
therefore,  was  to  keep  his  posts  strongly  guarded,  and 
his  troops  ready  for  action.  Humanity  and  policy  required, 
also,  that  the  town  should  be  saved,  if  possible,  from  the 
ravage  and  destruction  to  which  it  must  inevitably  be 
exposed  by  an  assault.  Apprehending  such  an  issue,  af 
ter  the  Americans  had  planted  themselves  on  Dorchester 
Heights,  the  inhabitants  obtained  from  General  Howe  a 
declaration,  that  the  town  should  not  be  destroyed,  unless 
the  King's  troops  were  molested  during  their  embarkation. 
An  informal  message  to  this  effect  was  forwarded  to  Wash 
ington  by  the  selectmen  of  the  town,  but  he  declined 
taking  any  notice  of  it,  as  not  being  authenticated  by  the 
name  of  the  British  commander.  This  proceeding  was 
enough,  however,  to  produce  a  tacit  understanding  be 
tween  the  parties,  and  the  troops  were  allowed  to  depart 
without  molestation.  The  town  was  left  uninjured,  ex 
cept  from  the  natural  effects  of  having  been  so  long  occu 
pied  by  soldiers,  and  the  disorders  attending  so  hasty  an 
embarkation. 

Boston  was  evacuated  on  the  17th  of  March,  and  sev 
eral  regiments  commanded  by  General  Putnam  immediately 
entered  it,  and  took  possession  of  all  the  posts.  It  was 
found  to  be  very  strongly  fortified.  General  Washington 


^T.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  163 

himself  went  into  the  town  the  next  day,  and  was  received  CHAPTER 
with  enthusiasm  by  the  inhabitants.  The  legislature  of  V111' 
Massachusetts  took  an  early  opportunity  to  present  to  him  1776. 
an  address,  expressive  of  their  respect  and  attachment,  their 
obligations  for  the  great  services  he  had  rendered  to  his 
country,  and  their  thanks  for  the  deference  he  had  inva 
riably  shown  to  the  civil  authorities.  In  reply  he  recip 
rocated  their  kind  sentiments,  congratulated  them  on  the 
recent  event,  particularly  as  having  been  effected  without 
the  effusion  of  blood,  but  intimated,  as  to  his  own  agency, 
that  he  had  only  done  his  duty,  "wishing  for  no  other 
reward,  than  that  arising  from  a  conscientious  discharge 
of  his  important  trust,  and  that  his  services  might  contri 
bute  to  the  establishment  of  freedom  and  peace,  upon  a 
permanent  foundation,  and  merit  the  applause  of  his  coun 
trymen  and  every  virtuous  citizen." 

Congress  were  not  backward  in  rendering  a  due  tribute  congress 

,.,.,,  .  award  a  vote 

to  their  Commander-in-chief.     A  unanimous  vote  of  thanks  of  thanks 

.  and  a  medal 

was  conveyed  to  him  in  a  letter,  drafted  by  a  committee  to  washing, 
expressly  appointed  for  the  occasion,  and  signed  by  the 
President.  A  gold  medal  was  ordered  to  be  struck,  com 
memorative  of  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  and  as  an  hon 
orable  token  of  the  public  approbation  of  his  conduct.  * 
General  Howe,  with  his  army  in  seventy-eight  ships 
and  transports,  sailed  for  Halifax.  His  effective  force, 


*  The  medal,  which  was  struck  in  Paris,  from  a  die  cut  by  Duvivier, 
contains  on  the  obverse  a  head  of  Washington  in  profile,  exhibiting 
an  excellent  likeness,  and  around  it  the  inscription; 

GEORGIO  WASHINGTON  SVPREMO  DVCI  EXERCITVVM 
ADSERTORI  LIBERTATIS  COMITIA  AMERICANA. 

On  the  reverse  is  the  town  of  Boston  in  the  distance,  with  a  fleet  in 
view,  under  sail.  Washington  and  his  officers  are  on  horseback  in  the 
foreground,  and  he  is  pointing  to  the  ships  as  they  depart  from  the 
harbor.  The  inscription  is 

HOSTIBVS  PRTMO  FVGATIS  BOSTONIVM  RECVPERATVM 
XVII  MARTII  MDCCLXXVI. 


164 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


44 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1776. 

General 
Howe  sails 
with  his 
army  to  Hal- 
ifax. 


American 
troops 
march  for 
New  York. 


March  18. 


Putnam 
takes  com 
mand  in 
New  York. 


including  seamen,  was  about  eleven  thousand  men.  More 
than  a  thousand  refugees  left  Boston  in  his  fleet.*  By  the 
adjutant's  return,  Washington's  army,  officers  and  men, 
amounted  to  twenty-one  thousand  eight  hundred,  of  which 
number  two  thousand  seven  hundred  were  sick.  The  en 
listments  had  been  more  successful  latterly  than  at  first. 
There  were  also  six  thousand  eight  hundred  militia, 
most  of  whom  had  been  suddenly  called  in  from  the 
neighboring  towns,  to  strengthen  the  lines  in  case  of  an 
attack  on  Boston. 

It  was  reported,  while  the  troops  were  preparing  to  em 
bark,  that  they  were  destined  for  Halifax  ;  but,  suspecting 
this  to  be  given  out  by  the  British  commander,  as  a  feint 
to  cover  his  real  designs,  and  anxious  for  the  safety  of 
New  York,  General  Washington  called  for  two  thousand 
militia  from  Connecticut,  and  one  thousand  from  New 
Jersey,  to  be  thrown  into  that  city  without  delay,  which, 
added  to  the  force  already  on  the  spot,  might  oppose  the 
landing  of  the  enemy  till  his  own  troops  could  arrive. 
The  day  after  the  evacuation,  he  ordered  five  Continental 
regiments,  the  battalion  of  riflemen,  and  two  companies 
of  artillery  to  march  under  General  Heath.  They  went 
by  land  to  Norwich,  and  thence  by  water  through  the 
Sound.  The  whole  army,  except  five  regiments  detained 
for  the  defence  of  Boston  under  General  Ward,  followed 
in  divisions,  pursuing  the  same  route.  Putnam  was  sent 
forward  to  take  the  command  in  New  York ;  Lee  having 
been  appointed  by  Congress  to  the  southern  department, 


*  The  following  statement  of  the  number  and  character  of  the  refu 
gees,  that  left  Boston  with  General  Howe,  is  taken  from  the  official 
return,  made  to  the  government,  and  now  deposited  in  the  public  offices 
in  London.  Members  of  the  council,  commissioners,  custom-house  offi 
cers,  and  other  persons  who  had  been  in  some  official  station,  one 
hundred  and  two;  clergy,  eighteen;  persons  from  the  country,  one  hun 
dred  and  five;  merchants  and  other  inhabitants  of  Boston,  two  hundred 
and  thirteen  ;  farmers,  traders,  and  mechanics,  three  hundred  and  eighty- 
two;  total,  nine  hundred  and  twenty -four.  All  these  returned  their 
names  on  their  arrival  in  Halifax.  About  two  hundred  others  did  not 
return  their  names. 


roceeds  to 


&t   44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  1(J5 

and    having    hastened   thither   to   watch    the   motions    of  CHAPTER 

General  Clinton,  who  it  was  expected  would  make  a  de-  _  ] 
scent  somewhere  on  the  coast  at  the  south.  1776. 

The  British  fleet  lingered  ten  days  in  Nantasket  Road.  Washington 

i-i  •  pr 

and  Washington  could  not  venture  to  leave  his  post,  nor 
indeed  to  order  away  all  his  army,  till  assured  that  the 
fleet  had  actually  put  to  sea.  When  this  was  ascertain 
ed,  he  set  off  for  New  York,  passing  through  Providence, 
Norwich,  and  New  London.  At  Norwich  he  had  an  in 
terview  with  Governor  Trumbull,  who  came  there  to  meet 
him.  On  the  13th  of  April  he  arrived  in  New  York. 
The  divisions  of  the  army,  moving  more  slowly,  did  not 
unite  in  that  place  till  some  days  later. 

It  was  soon  evident,   that  General  Howe  had  gone  in  inspects  the 
another   direction,    and   that  no    immediate  danger  was  to  prepares 
be  apprehended  from  the  enemy.     The  British  armed  ves-  of  defence. 
sels,  hitherto    remaining  in   the    harbor,    retired    down    to 
Sandy  Hook,  twenty-five  miles  from  the  city.     The  mili 
tia  from  Connecticut   and   New    Jersey    were   discharged. 
The    first    task    of   the   Commander   was    to    inspect    the 
works  begun  by  General  Lee,  direct  their  completion,  and 
prepare  other  means  of  defence. 

Affairs  in  Canada  became  every  day  more  gloomy.  The  Affairs  of 
unfortunate  repulse  at  Quebec,  the  want  of  an  efficient  come  more 
commander  after  the  fall  of  the  gallant  Montgomery,  the 
severity  of  the  winter,  and  the  deficiency  of  supplies,  all 
contributed  to  dishearten  the  troops,  diminish  their  strength, 
destroy  discipline,  and  engender  confusion.  Reinforcements 
from  England  would  certainly  be  in  the  River  St.  Law 
rence,  as  soon  as  the  ice  should  break  up.  Congress,  just 
ly  fearing  the  consequences,  requested  Washington  first  to 
detach  four  regiments,  and  then  six  others,  to  act  in  the 
northern  department.  He  approved  this  measure  from  the 
conviction,  that  the  public  interests  would  thus  be  served  ; 
since  no  support  could  be  obtained  in  Canada,  except 
what  was  sent  there,  whereas  at  New  York  the  militia 
on  an  emergency  might  be  summoned  from  the  surround 
ing  country. 


166 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44. 


1776. 

Washington 
visits  Con 
gress  at  Phil- 
adelphia. 

May  22. 


Approves 
the  vote  of 
the  Virginia 
Convention 
for  indepen 
dence. 

May  31. 


The  presence  of  General  Washington  being  thought  es 
sential  at  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  with  them 
on  the  state  of  affairs,  and  concerting  arrangements  for 
the  campaign,  he  repaired  to  Philadelphia,  leaving  the  ar 
my  in  the  command  of  General  Putnam.  On  his  way  he 
examined  Staten  Island,  and  the  opposite  Jersey  shore, 
with  the  view  of  determining  the  proper  places  for  works 
of  defence.  He  was  absent  fifteen  days.  He  seems  to 
have  been  disappointed  and  concerned  at  discovering  di 
visions  in  Congress,  which  portended  no  good  to  the  com 
mon  cause.  It  was  known,  from  the  late  proceedings  in 
Parliament,  that  commissioners  were  coming  out  with  pro 
posals  of  accommodation.  In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  writ 
ten  at  Philadelphia,  he  speaks  as  follows. 

"  I  am  very  glad  to  find,  that  the  Virginia  Convention 
have  passed  so  noble  a  vote,  and  with  so  much  unanim 
ity.  Things  have  come  to  such  a  pass  now,  as  to  con 
vince  us,  that  we  have  nothing  more  to  expect  from  the 
justice  of  Great  Britain ;  also,  that  she  is  capable  of  the 
most  delusive  arts ;  for  I  am  satisfied,  that  no  commis 
sioners  were  ever  designed,  except  Hessians  and  other  for 
eigners  ;  and  that  the  idea  was  ouly  to  deceive  and  throw 
us  off  our  guard.  The  first  has  been  too  effectually  ac 
complished,  as  many  members  of  Congress,  in  short,  the 
representation  of  whole  provinces,  are  still  feeding  them 
selves  upon  the  dainty  food  of  reconciliation ;  and,  though 
they  will  not  allow,  that  the  expectation  of  it  has  any 
influence  upon  their  judgment  with  respect  to  their  prep 
arations  for  defence,  it  is  but  too  obvious,  that  it  has  an 
operation  upon  every  part  of  their  conduct,  and  is  a  clog 
to  their  proceedings.  It  is  not  in  the  nature  of  things 
to  be  otherwise  ;  for  no  man,  that  entertains  a  hope  of 
seeing  this  dispute  speedily  and  equitably  adjusted  by 
commissioners,  will  go  to  the  same  expense  and  run  the 
same  hazards  to  prepare  for  the  worst  event,  as  he  who 
believes,  that  he  must  conquer,  or  submit  to  unconditional 
terms,  and  the  concomitants,  such  as  confiscation,  hang 
ing,  and  the  like." 


£T.  44.]                   LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON  167 

The  allusiovi,  at  the  beginning  of  this  paragraph,  is  to  CHAPTER 

a  recent  vote  of  the  Virginia  Convention,  recommending  vm' 

to  Congress  to  declare  the  United  Colonies  free  and  inde-  1776. 

pendent  States.     The  opinion,    that   it   was   time  for  this  convinced 

that  the  as- 

decisive  step  to  be  taken,  had  been  firmly  rooted  in  the  sumption  or 

r                                                                                                             .  indepen- 

mind  of  Washington  ever   since  he    first  saw  the  King's 


speech  at  the  opening  of  Parliament,  and  understood  from  JJSeaca  °o1* 
it  the  temper  with  which  the  British  government  was  de- 
termined,  at  all  events,  to  push  its  claims  upon  the  col 
onies.  From  that  moment  his  last  hope  of  reconciliation 
vanished.  He  was  convinced,  that  submission  on  terms 
too  humiliating  to  be  admitted,  or  a  hard  struggle,  was 
the  only  alternative.  From  that  moment,  therefore,  he 
believed  the  colonies  ought  to  stand  on  the  broad  ground 
of  independence.  They  could  lose  nothing  by  assuming 
such  a  position  ;  they  had  been  driven  to  it  by  their  ad 
versaries  ;  whether  from  weak  counsels,  obstinacy,  or  wil 
ful  oppression,  it  was  useless  to  inquire  ;  and,  if  they 
must  yield  at  last,  it  was  better  to  fall  nobly  contending 
for  freedom  and  justice,  than  to  sink  back  into  servitude, 
branded  with  the  reproach  of  degrading  concessions.  Suck 
being  his  sentiments,  he  was  rejoiced  at  the  spirit  mani 
fested  in  so  powerful  a  colony  as  Virginia,  setting  an  ex 
ample  which  others  were  ready  to  follow,  and  leading 
to  a  union  which  would  fix  the  thoughts  and  hearts  of 
the  people  on  a  single  object,  encourage  the  desponding, 
strengthen  the  military  arm,  and  give  a  new  impulse  to 
the  whole  country. 

Notwithstanding  the  hesitancy  of  some  of  the  members  Large  major. 
of  Congress,  there  was   still  a  large  majority  for  vigorous  gres°s  for°vig. 
action  ;  and,  while  he  was  there,  they  resolved  to  reinforce 
the  army  at  New  York  with  thirteen  thousand  eight  hun 
dred  militia,  drawn  from  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  and  New  Jersey  ;  and  a  flying  camp,  of  ten  thou 
sand  more,  from  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Delaware. 

On  his  return  to  New  York,  he  lost  no  time  in  making  Returns  to 

,  ,  New  York. 

preparations  to   receive  the   enemy,  whose   fleet   was  now 
expected  soon  to  approach  the  coast.     Besides  the  burden 


168  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jfcr.  !<*. 

CHAPTER    of  his  command,  he  was  harassed   with  other  difficulties. 

IIL       Long    Island,    Staten    Island,    many   parts   of   the  interior, 

1776.     and  even  the  city  itself,  swarmed  with  disaffected  persons, 

or  Tories,  who   were   plotting   clandestine   and   dangerous 

plots  of  the  schemes.  Governor  Tryon,  the  centre  of  motion  to  this 
fraternity,  continued  on  hoard  a  vessel  at  the  Hook,  and 
had  his  emissaries  abroad  in  every  direction.  The  Pro 
vincial  Congress,  either  distrustful  of  its  powers,  or  too 
much  contaminated  with  the  leaven  of  disaffection  in  some 
of  its  members,  was  tardy  to  propose,  and  more  tardy  to 
execute,  any  plans  for  eradicating  the  mischief.  Wash 
ington  expostulated,  reasoned,  urged,  till  at  length  a  se 
cret  committee  was  appointed  to  take  up  and  examine 
suspected  persons. 

condition  of       This  was  a  wide  stretch  of  power,  defensible  only  from 

the  Tories  as      .  .  ,.     .  . 

to  their  po-  the  necessity  01  the  case.  A  covert  enemy  is  the  worst 
tions.  of  all,  as  he  forfeits  honor  and  betrays  friendship.  That 

he  is  abetting  what  he  thinks  a  good  cause,  is  a  poor 
plea  for  such  treachery.  Spies  in  all  countries  are  pun- 
<  ished  with  death.  An  enemy  in  disguise  is  a  spy.  Dif 
ference  of  opinion  is  not  criminal,  and  there  were  doubt 
less  many  innocent  Tories,  who  were  loyalists  in  faith, 
but  remained  quiet.  Yet,  it  is  a  question,  how  long  such 
persons  can  be  allowed  to  stand  neuter  in  times  of  revo 
lution.  They  may  go  away  ;  but  while  their  lives  and 
property  are  protected  by  the  actual  government,  they  owe 
allegiance  to  it,  and  are  bound  to  render  positive  service 
for  its  support.  Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Tories. 
They  were  either  criminal  as  enemies,  tolerated  as  neu 
trals,  or  obliged  to  act  as  friends.  At  the  beginning  of 
the  contest,  the  first  class  was  much  the  most  numerous, 
and  there  can  be  no  controversy  as  to  the  kind  of  treat 
ment  demanded  in  their  case. 

Power  of  aP.  Aware  of  the  delicacy  of  this  subject,  Congress  early 
Tories  de-g  passed  a  resolution,  by  which  the  power  of  apprehending 
the  civil  au-  Tories  was  put  into  the  hands  of  the  civil  authority  of 

thorities.  .  J 

each    colony.      This   was    a   wise   and   politic   regulation. 
Much   abuse    and   injustice   might  have    followed,    if   the 


;ET.44.j  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  169 

Continental    officers   had   been  permitted  to  arrest  persons    CHAPTER 
upon  suspicion  ;  whereas  the  local  civil  authorities,    with       VIII> 
a  full  knowledge  of   characters   and   circumstances,  might      1776. 
proceed  with  proper  discrimination,  and  avoid  confounding 
the  innocent  with  the  guilty.     That  there  might  not  be 
a  want  of  power  to  execute  this  business   effectually,  the 
conventions,    assemblies,    and    committees  were  authorized 
to  employ    a  military   force    from    the    Continental    army, 
which,  in  such    cases,    was   bound   to  act  under  their  or 
ders.     Many  Tories    were  apprehended  in  New  York  and 
on  Long  Island  ;    some  were    imprisoned,  others  disarmed. 
A  deep  plot,  originating  with    Governor   Tryon,    was  de-  scheme  of 
feated  by  a  timely  and  fortunate  discovery.     His   agents  to  seize 
were   found    enlisting    men   in   the   American    camp,    and 
enticing  them  with  rewards.     The  infection   spread  to   a 
considerable  extent,  and  even  reached  the  General's  guard, 
some    of    whom   enlisted.      A   soldier   of    the    guard   was 
proved  guilty  by  a  court-martial,    and   executed.     It  was 
a  part  of  the  plot  to  seize    General  Washington   and  con 
vey  him  to  the  enemy. 

On  the  28th  of  June,  a  part    of  the  British  fleet    from  British  fleet 
Halifax   arrived    at    the    Hook.     The   remainder  followed  New  York. 
within   a  Aveek,  and  General  Howe   established  his  head-     June  as. 
quarters  at   Staten  Island.     An  immediate  attack  was  ex 
pected  ;   but  such  was  not  the  purpose  of  General  Howe. 
A  fleet  from   England  was  on  its  way  to  join  him,  under 
the  command  of  his  brother,    Lord  Howe,   the   bearer   of 
proposals    from   the   ministry   for   an    accommodation,    the 
effect  of  which  was  to  be  tried  before  hostilities   should 
be  renewed. 

Whilst  the  enemy  was  thus  gathering  strength   at  the  Declaration 
door  of  New  York,   and  in  sight  of  the  American  troops, 


General  Washington  received  from  Congress  the  Decla 
ration  of  Independence.  At  six  o'clock  in  the  evening, 
the  regiments  were  paraded,  and  the  Declaration  was 
read  aloud  in  the  hearing  of  them  all.  It  was  greeted 
with  the  most  hearty  demonstrations  of  joy  and  applause. 
"  The  General  hopes,"  said  the  orders  of  the  day,  "that 
22  R 


170 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[/Ex.  44 


1776. 


British  ships 
sail  up  Hud- 
sou's  River. 

July  12. 


Lord  Howe 
arrives  at 
Staten  Is 
land,  and 
proposes 
terms  of  con 
ciliation. 


this  important  event  will  serve  as  a  fresh  incentive  to 
every  officer  and  soldier  to  act  with  fidelity  and  courage, 
as  knowing,  that  now  the  peace  and  safety  of  his  country 
depend,  under  God,  solely  on  the  success  of  our  arms, 
and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a  state  possessed  of 
sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit,  and  advance  him  to 
the  highest  honors  of  a  free  country."  The  United  Col 
onies  of  North  America  were  declared  to  be  Free  and  In 
dependent  States,  and  from  that  day  the  word  colonies  is 
not  known  in  their  history. 

As  the  Americans  had  no  armed  vessels  in  the  harbor, 
General  Howe  ventured  upon  the  experiment  of  sending 
two  ships,  one  of  forty  and  the  other  of  twenty  guns, 
with  three  tenders,  up  Hudson's  River.  Taking  advan 
tage  of  a  brisk  and  favorable  breeze,  they  passed  the 
batteries  at  New  York  and  Paulus  Hook  without  being 
checked,  or  apparently  injured,  the  men  on  the  decks 
being  protected  by  ramparts  of  sand-bags.  The  vessels  as 
cended  to  a  part  of  the  river,  called  Tappan  Sea,  where 
the  breadth  cf  the  water  secured  them  against  molestation 
from  the  land.  General  George  Clinton  then  had  com 
mand  of  the  New  York  militia.  He  called  out  three  regi 
ments,  and  stationed  them  at  different  points  on  the  banks 
of  the  river,  particularly  in  the  Highlands,  to  defend  those 
passes  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  penetrating  beyond 
them.  But  in  reality  the  British  general's  only  objects 
were,  to  cut  off  the  communication  by  water  between 
Washington's  army  and  Canada,  and  between  the  city  and 
country,  thereby  obstructing  supplies  ;  to  give  countenance 
to  the  Tories ;  and  to  take  soundings  in  the  river.  The 
vessels  were  absent  from  the  fleet  five  weeks,  during 
which  time  one  of  the  tenders  was  burnt  by  a  fire-ship 
sent  among  them  by  a  party  of  Americans. 

Lord  Howe  joined  his  brother  at  Staten  Island  before 
the  middle  of  July.  While  at  sea,  he  had  written  a 
circular  letter  to  the  late  royal  governors  in  the  colonies, 
presuming  them  to  be  still  in  power,  accompanied  by  a 
Declaration  setting  forth  his  authority  as  commissioner 


J£T.  44.]  .  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  171 

from  the  King,  and  the  terms  proposed  for  a  reconciliation.    CHAPTER 

These    papers   were   put   on   shore    by   a   flag    at  Amboy,       VI1L 

whence  they  came  to  the  hands   of  General  Washington,      1776. 

who  enclosed    them  to  the    President    of  Congress.     The 

terms  amounted  to  nothing  more  than  a  promise  of  pardon 

and  favor  to  those,  who  should    return  to  their  allegiance 

and    assist   in   restoring   public    tranquillity.      The   papers 

were  ordered  to  be  published  by  Congress,   that  the  peo 

ple  might  know,  as  stated   in  the  order,  what    they   had 

to  expect  from  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  and  "be  con 

vinced  that  the  valor  alone  of  their  country  was  to  save 

its  liberties."     Lord  Howe's  arrival  at  so  late  a  day,  being 

after  the    declaration   of    independence,    was   regarded   by 

him  as  a  circumstance   unfavorable  to  the  success  of  his 

mission  ;  but  the  truth  is,  the  proposition  he  brought  out 

would  not  at  any  time  have  been  listened  to,  as  affording 

a  reasonable    ground  of  reconciliation.      It  left  untouched 

all  the  original  causes  of  complaint.     To  suppose  the  min 

istry  had  any  other  hope  of  this  measure,   than  what  was 

derived  from  the  prowess   of  their   formidable   army   and 

fleet,  would  be  a  severe  reflection  upon  their  common  in 

telligence  and  wisdom.     The  Americans  believed  it  to  be 

an  attempt  to  amuse,  deceive,  and  disunite  them  ;  and,  by 

a  natural  reaction,  it  tended    to  increase    their   efforts  and 

bind   them  more  closely  together. 

The  day  before  the  above  papers  were  landed  at  Amboy,  intercourse 
Lord  Howe  despatched  a  letter  to  General  Washington  by  Washington 
a  flag,  which  was  detained  in   the  harbor  by  the  guard-  Howe. 
boats,  till  the  General's  orders  should  be  known.     He  had 
previously  determined  to  decline  receiving  any  letter  from 
the  British  commanders,  not  directed  to  him  in  his  public 
character.     Colonel    Reed,    adjutant-general   of   the   army, 
went    down    to  meet    the    flag,  with   instructions   to    that 
effect.     The  officer,  who  had  charge  of  the  flag,  showed 
him  a  letter    directed    "  To   George    Washington,  Esq.", 


which  he  said  was  from  Lord  Howe.     It  was,  of  course,  (SIS'8" 
declined.     The  officer  expressed  regret,  said  the  letter  was     July  14. 
important,  and  rather  of  a  civil  than  military  nature,  and 


172  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  *    [JET.  44. 

CHAPTER  at  last  inquired  in  what  manner  Mr.  Washington  chose  to 
VIIL  be  addressed.  Colonel  Reed  replied,  that  his  station  was 
1776.  Well  known,  and  that  no  doubts  could  properly  exist  on 
that  point.  They  separated,  and  the  •  flag  returned  with 
the  letter  to  the  fleet.  In  mentioning  this  incident  to 
Congress,  Washington  said,  "  I  would  not  upon  any  occa 
sion  sacrifice  essentials  to  punctilio  ;  but  in  this  instance, 
the  opinion  of  others  concurring  with  my  own,  I  deemed 
it  a  duty  to  my  country  and  my  appointment,  to  insist 
upon  that  respect,  which,  in  any  other  than  a  public 
view,  I  would  willingly  have  waved."  The  course  he 
had  taken  was  highly  approved  by  Congress,  and  a  re 
solve  was  passed,  that  in  future  no  letters  should  be  re 
ceived  from  the  enemy,  by  commanders  in  the  American 
army,  which  should  not  be  directed  to  them  in  the  char 
acters  they  sustained. 

coionei  As  occasional  intercourse  between  the  chiefs  of  the  two 

Paterson's 

armies  was  necessary,    for   the  purpose  of  treating   about 


tne  exchange  of  prisoners  and  other  matters,  General 
juiy  20.  Howe  wrote  to  Washington  a  few  days  afterwards,  repeat 
ing  the  same  superscription.  This  letter  was  likewise  re 
fused.  He  then  sent  Colonel  Paterson,  adjutant-general 
of  the  British  army,  who  was  admitted  to  an  interview 
with  the  American  commander,  and  produced  a  letter  di 
rected  "  To  George  Washington,  Esq.  fyc.  fyc.  fyc."  Col 
onel  Paterson  used  the  title  of  "  Excellency  "  in  addressing 
him,  and  said,  "  that  General  Howe  much  regretted  the 
difficulties,  which  had  arisen  respecting  the  address  of  the 
letter  to  General  Washington  ;  that  it  was  deemed  consis 
tent  with  propriety,  and  founded  upon  precedents  of  the 
like  nature  by  ambassadors  and  plenipotentiaries,  when 
disputes  or  difficulties  of  rank  had  arisen  ;  that  Lord  Howe 
and  General  Howe  did  not  mean  to  derogate  from  the 
respect  or  rank  of  General  Washington  ;  and  that  they 
held  his  person  and  character  in  the  highest  esteem." 
tecHneTnot  Washington  replied,  "  that  a  letter  directed  to  a  person 
withTprod-  m  a  Puklic  character  should  have  some  description  or  in- 
er  address,  dication  of  it,  otherwise  it  would  appear  a  mere  private 


.  44.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON 


173 


letter :  and  that  he    should   absolutely   decline  any   letter    CHAPTER 
directed  to  him  as  a  private  person,  when  it  related  to  his       vm' 
public  station."     After  a  good  deal  of  conversation  on  this     1776. 
subject,  and  also  on   the  particulars  supposed  to  be   con 
tained   in  the  letter,   Colonel  Paterson  was  introduced   to 
several  of  the  general  officers  of  the  American  army,  and 
then  took  his  leave.     In  giving  an  account  of  this  con 
ference  to  the  ministry,    General  Howe    observed,    "  The 
interview  was  more  polite  than   interesting  ;    however,  it 
induced  me  to  change  my  superscription  for  the  attainment 
of  an  end  so  desirable  ;    and  in  this  view  I  flatter  myself 
it  will  not  be    disapproved."     From  that  time  all  letters 
addressed   by  the  British   commanders   to  General  Wash 
ington  bore  his  proper  titles.  * 

*  On  the  30th  of  July,  Colonel  Palfrey,  paymaster-general  of  the 
array,  went  on  board  Lord  Howe's  ship  with  another  gentleman,  to 
negotiate  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  who  had  been  taken  at  sea  in  a 
vessel  called  the  Yankee  Hero.  In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Con 
gress,  Colonel  Palfrey  said ; 

"We  were  treated  with  the  utmost  politeness  and  civility  by  Lord 
Howe.  He  spoke  with  the  highest  respect  of  General  Washington,  and 
lamented  the  nice  distinctions,  which,  he  said,  prevented  his  addressing 
him  by  letter;  and  said  he  wished  to  convey  his  sentiments  to  him  in 
any  mode  of  address,  that  might  prevent  his  being  blamed  by  the 
King,  his  master.  In  all  his  discourse  he  called  him  General  Wash 
ington,  and  frequently  said,  the  States  of  America.  He  said  the  Con 
gress  had  greatly  hurt  his  feelings  by  reminding  him,  in  one  of  their 
publications,  of  the  esteem  and  respect  they  had  for  the  memory  of 
his  brother,  and  drawing  by  manifest  inference  a  contrast  between 
the  survivors  and  the  deceased ;  that  no  man  could  feel  more  sensibly 
the  respect  shown  to  their  family,  than  his  Lordship  and  the  General ; 
that  they  should  always  esteem  America  for  it,  and  particularly  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay;  and  added,  'I  hope  America  will  one  day  or  other 
be  convinced,  that,  in  our  affection  for  that  country,  we  also  are  HOWES.' 
His  Lordship,  when  speaking  of  his  brother,  was  greatly  affected,  and 
I  could  perceive  a  tear  standing  in  his  eye. 

"He  hinted  an  inclination,  that  I  should  take  the  letter  to  General 
Washington,  with  the  addition  of  <fyc.  fyc.  ty-c.,'  which  he  said  would 
imply  every  thing  that  we  could  desire,  and  at  the  same  time  save 
him  from  censure.  I  gave  him  to  understand,  that,  as  it  had  been 
before  refused  under  the  same  circumstances,  I  could  not  with  pro 
priety  receive  it,  especially  as  it  was  against  the  express  direction  of 


174 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1776. 

Fortifica 
tions  on 
New  York 
Island. 


Strength  of 
the  British 
army. 


General'  Howe  remained  two  months  at  Staten  Island, 
waiting  for  reinforcements,  before  he  commenced  the  op 
erations  of  the  campaign.  This  period  was  employed  by 
Washington  in  strengthening  his  works  on  New  York 
Island.  A  fort  was  begun  at  the  north  part  of  the  isl 
and,  on  a  hill  not  far  from  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson, 
which  was  called  Fort  Washington ;  and  another  nearly 
opposite  to  it  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  in  New  Jer 
sey,  at  first  called  Fort  Constitution,  and  afterwards  Fort 
Lee.  Between  these  forts  the  river's  channel  was  ob 
structed  by  hulks  of  vessels  and  chevaux-de-frise.  Batter 
ies  were  erected  on  the  margins  of  the  North  and  East 
Rivers,  redoubts  were  thrown  up  at  different  places,  the 
grounds  near  Kingsbridge  were  fortified,  and  the  whole 
island  was  put  in  as  good  a  state  of  defence,  as  the  time 
and  circumstances  would  permit.  Plans  were  concerted 
for  attacking  the  enemy  on  Staten  Island  by  parties  from 
the  Jersey  shore ;  but  the  want  of'  boats  and  other  obsta 
cles  rendered  these  plans  abortive.  A  general  attack  was 
thought  unadvisable,  as  putting  too  much  at  hazard,  while 
the  enemy  occupied  an  island  protected  on  every  side  by 
their  fleet. 

By  the  middle  of  August  the  British  reinforcements  had 
all  arrived.  General  Howe's  strength  then  consisted  of  his 
own  army  from  Halifax,  additional  troops  from  England, 
Hessians,  several  regiments  from  the  West  Indies  and  the 
Floridas,  the  detachments  on  board  Sir  Peter  Parker's 
squadron,  under  Clinton  and  Cornwallis,  returned  from 
their  signal  repulse  at  Sullivan's  Island,  and  such  men  as 
Lord  Dunmore  had  brought  with  him  from  Virginia.  The 
aggregate  of  these  forces  was  probably  somewhat  above 
twenty-four  thousand  men.  It  has  been  estimated  as  high 


Congress.    When  we  parted,  he   desired  his  compliments  to  General 
Washington." 

The  brother,  here  alluded  to,  was  the  gallant  Lord  Howe,  who  was 
killed  near  Ticonderoga  in  the  year  1758.  The  province  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay  appropriated  money  for  erecting  a  monument  to  him  in 
Westminster  Abbey. 


^T   44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  175 

as  thirty  thousand.  The  fleet  was  numerous  and  well  CHAPTER 
equipped  ;  and  the  whole  armament,  for  both  the  land  and  — XHi — 
sea  service,  was  supplied  with  all  kinds  of  military  stores. 

To  meet  these  formidable  preparations,  General  Wash-  f^JJJJjJf 
ington's  army,  according  to  a  return  made  out  on  the  3d  caQarmy. 
of  August,  including  officers  and  men  of  every  descrip-  Augusts, 
tion,  amounted  nominally  to  twenty  thousand  five  hun 
dred  and  thirty-seven.  Of  these,  three  thousand  six  hun 
dred  and  sixty-eight  were  sick,  ninety-seven  absent  on 
furlough,  and  two  thousand  nine  hundred  and  forty-six  on 
command,  leaving  only  eleven  thousand  one  hundred,  be 
sides  officers,  present  fit  for  duty.  Many  of  these  were 
militia,  suddenly  called  from  their  homes,  unaccustomed 
to  arms  and  to  the  exposure  and  hardships  of  a  camp. 
The  season  of  the  year  and  the  want  of  tents  occasioned 
much  sickness.  Even  this  small  army  was  greatly  divid 
ed,  being  stationed  at  many  points,  from  Brooklyn  to 
Kingsbridge,  over  a  space  of  more  than  fifteen  miles  in 
extent. 

At  this  critical  time  there  began  to  be  collisions  in  the  Dissensions 
army,    threatening    serious   consequences.     Collected    from  [™0|£'mand 
various   parts   of  the  country,  and   coming    together   with  mander's  &t- 
local  partialities,  the  officers  yielded  to  a  spirit  of  jealousy,  check  them. 
and  even  gave  vent  to  disrespectful  language,  which  pro 
duced  irritation  and  discord.     The  example  was  naturally 
followed  by  the  soldiers.     To  check  at  the  outset  a  symp 
tom  so  dangerous,  the  Commander-in-chief  resorted  to  per 
suasion  and  reprimand.     In  the  orders  of  the  day  he  said  ;• 
"  The  General  most  earnestly  entreats  the  officers  and  sol 
diers  to  consider  the  consequences ;  that  they  can  no  way 
assist  our  enemies  more  effectually,  than  by  making  divis 
ions  among  ourselves ;  that  the  honor  and  success  of  the 
army,  and  the  safety  of  our  bleeding  country,  depend  up 
on  harmony   and   good   agreement  with  each   other ;    that 
the  provinces   are  all  united  to  oppose   the  common  ene 
my,  and  all  distinctions  sunk  in  the  name  of  an  Ameri 
can.     To  make  this  name  honorable,  and  to  preserve  the 
liberty  of  our  country,  ought   to  be  our   only  emulation  ; 


176 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44. 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1776. 


An  attack 
expected. 


Militia  call- 
ed  out. 


British 
troops  land 
on  Long  Isl 
and. 

August  22. 


and  he  will  be  the  best  soldier  and  the  best  patriot,  who 
contributes  most  to  this  glorious  work,  whatever  his  sta 
tion,  or  from  whatever  part  of  the  continent  he  may  come. 
Let  all  distinctions  of  nations,  countries,  and  provinces, 
therefore,  be  lost  in  the  generous  contest,  who  shall  be 
have  with  the  most  courage  against  the  enemy,  and  the 
most  kindness  and  good  humor  to  each  other.  If  there 
be  any  officers  or  soldiers  so  lost  to  virtue  and  a  love  of 
their  country,  as  to  continue  in  such  practices  after  this 
order,  the  General  assures  them,  and  is  authorized  by 
Congress  to  declare  to  the  whole  army,  that  such  persons 
shall  be  severely  punished  and  dismissed  from  the  service 
with  disgrace."  This  timely  and  energetic  appeal  did  not 
pass  unheeded,  but  it  was  long  before  entire  harmony  sub 
sisted  among  all  parts  of  the  army.  Nor  indeed  was  it 
ever  so  firmly  established,  that  caution  was  not  necessa 
ry  to  keep  the  troops  of  each  State  as  much  as  possible 
together,  and  under  general  officers  from  the  State  to 
which  they  belonged. 

An  attack  from  the  enemy  was  daily  expected.  As  the 
waters  around  New  York  were  accessible  to  the  fleet  and 
small  craft,  General  Howe  could  land  at  such  places  as 
he  chose,  and  every  point  was  therefore  to  be  guarded. 
Meantime  the  American  army  gradually  gained  strength. 
The  Convention  of  New  York  called  out  the  militia  of 
four  counties.  About  three  thousand  assembled,  and  formed 
an  encampment  under  General  George  Clinton  near  Kings- 
bridge.  Three  thousand  came  from  Connecticut.  Two  bat 
talions  of  riflemen  from  Pennsylvania,  one  from  Maryland, 
and  a  regiment  from  Delaware,  likewise  joined  the  army. 

Intelligence  at  length  arrived,  that  the  British  troops 
were  landing  on  Long  Island,  between  the  Narrows  and 
Sandy  Hook.  It  was  then  apparent,  that  they  designed 
to  approach  the  city  across  Long  Island,  and  not  to  at 
tempt  an  immediate  bombardment.  Anticipating  this  move 
ment,  Washington  had  at  an  early  day  posted  a  body  of 
troops  at  Brooklyn,  on  "a  part  of  Long  Island  opposite  to 
the  city  of  New  York,  and  separated  from  it  by  the  East 


;ET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  177 

River.     This  position  was  well  secured  on  the  land  side    CHAPTER 
by  a  chain  of  intrenchments  and  redoubts,  running  along 
the  high  grounds  from  Wallabout  Bay  to  Gowan's  Cove;      1776. 
these    works   having  been   constructed   under  the   eye   of 
General  Greene.      It  was  defended  on  the  water  side  by  Defences  on 
batteries  at  Red  Hook,  Governor's  Island,  and  other  points. 
Between  Brooklyn,  and  the  place  where  the  enemy  land 
ed,  was  a  range  of  hills  covered  with  a  thick  wood,  and 
crossed  by  three  roads     The  precaution  had  been  taken  to 
throw  up  breastworks  at  the  principal  passes  on  these  hills, 
where    three    or   four  regiments    were   stationed.     General 
Greene  at  first  commanded  on  Long  Island,  but  falling  ill 
with  a  fever,  he  was  succeeded  for  a  short  time  by  Gen 
eral  Sullivan.     The  command  at  length  devolved  on  Gen 
eral   Putnam. 

The  British  army  occupied  the  plain   on  the  other  side  Battle  of 
of  the  hills,  extending  in  a  line  from  the  Narrows  to  Flat- 
bush.     General  Grant  commanded  the  left  wing  near  the    AugU8t  27* 
coast,    De  Heister  the    centre,  composed  of  Hessians,  and 
Clinton   the  right.     About   three  o'clock   in   the  morning, 
on  the  27th  of  August,  a  report  was  brought  to  the  camp, 
that  the  British  were  in  motion  on  the  road  leading  along 
the  coast   from   the  Narrows.     A   detachment  under   Lord  Lord  stir- 

ling. 

Stirling  was  immediately  ordered  out  to  meet  them.  Gen 
eral  Sullivan  was  sent  to  the  heights  above  Flatbush,  on 
the  middle  road.  One  regiment  only  was  at  this  post  ; 
and  a  little  to  the  north  of  it,  on  the  Bedford  road,  were 
two  others.  Meantime  General  Clinton,  with  Earl  Percy 
and  Cornwallis,  led  the  right  wing  of  the  British  army  x 
by  a  circuit  into  the  Jamaica  road,  which  was  not  guard 
ed,  and  gained  the  rear  of  the  Americans  under  Sullivan. 
Before  this  was  accomplished,  reinforcements  had  been  sent 
from  the  camp  to  support  both  Sullivan  and  Stirling. 
The  attack  was  begun  at  an  early  hour  by  Grant  and 
De  Heister,  but  was  kept  up  with  little  spirit,  as  they 
were  not  to  advance  till  Clinton  should  reach  the  left 
flank  or  rear  of  the  Americans.  As  soon  as  it  was  known, 
by  the  sound  of  the  guns,  that  this  was  effected,  they 
23 


178 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  44 


1776. 


General  Sul 
livan. 


Disastrous 
issue  of  the 
day. 


Retreat  from 
Brooklyn. 

August  SO. 


pushed  vigorously  forward,  and  the  action  became  gener 
al  and  warm  in  every  part.  The  troops  under  Lord  Stir 
ling,  consisting  of  the  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Dela 
ware  regiments,  fought  with  signal  bravery,  contesting 
every  foot  of  ground  against  a  greatly  superior  force,  till 
Lord  Cornwallis,  with  a  detachment  from  Clinton's  divis 
ion,  came  upon  their  rear,  brought  them  between  two 
fires,  and  compelled  them  to  retreat  within  their  lines 
across  a  creek  and  marsh  near  Gowan's  Cove.  General 
Sullivan,  with  the  regiments  on  the  heights  above  Flat- 
bush,  being  attacked  by  De  Heister  on  one  side  and  Clin 
ton  on  the  other,  after  making  an  obstinate  resistance  for 
three  hours,  was  obliged  to  surrender.  As  the  grounds 
were  broken  and  covered  with  wood,  the  action  in  this 
part  was  conducted  by  a  succession  of  skirmishes,  and 
many  of  the  troops  forced  their  way  through  the  enemy 
and  returned  to  Brooklyn.  After  the  battle  was  over, 
General  Howe  encamped  his  army  in  front  of  the  Ameri 
can  lines,  intending  to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches 
with  the  cooperation  of  his  fleet. 

The  issue  of  the  day  was  disastrous  to  the  Americans. 
Their  loss  was  between  eleven  and  twelve  hundred  men, 
more  than  a  thousand  of  whom  were  captured.  General 
Sullivan  and  Lord  Stirling  were  among  the  prisoners. 
The  whole  number  engaged  was  about  five  thousand, 
who  were  opposed  by  at  least  fifteen  thousand  of  the  en 
emy,  well  provided  with  artillery.  That  so  many  escap 
ed,  was  owing  to  the  nature  of  the  ground,  and  to  the 
action  having  been  fought  in  detached  parties,  some  of 
which  were  several  miles  distant  from  each  other.  The 
courage  and  good  conduct  of  the  troops,  particularly  those 
under  Lord  Stirling,  were  universally  acknowledged. 

During  the  action  General  Washington  crossed  over  to 
Brooklyn.  He  is  said  to  have  witnessed  the  rout  and 
slaughter  of  his  troops  with  the  keenest  anguish,  as  it 
was  impossible  to  detach  others  to  their  relief  without  ex 
posing  the  camp  to  imminent  danger.  A  heavy  rain  the 
next  day  kept  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  in  their  tents. 


^T.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  179 

Light  parties  came  out,  and  there  was  occasional  skir-  CHAPTER 
mishing  near  the  lines.  A  strong  head  wind  prevented 
the  ships  from  ascending  the  harbor.  The  loss  sustained 
in  the  late  action,  the  injury  which  the  arms  and  am 
munition  had  received  by  the  rains,  the  great  force  of 
the  enemy,  and  the  probability  that  the  ships  would  take 
advantage  of  the  first  favorable  wind,  sail  into  the  East 
River,  and  thus  cut  off  the  only  channel  of  retreat,  ren 
dered  it  obvious,  that  any  further  attempt  to  maintain  the 
post  at  Brooklyn  would  be  hazardous  in  the  extreme.  It 
was  known,  also,  that  some  of  the  British  ships  had  pass 
ed  round  Long  Island,  and  were  now  in  Flushing  Bay  ; 
and  there  were  indications,  that  it  was  General  Howe's 
design  to  transport  a  part  of  his  army  across  the  Sound, 
and  form  an  encampment  above  Kingsbridge.  This  would 
put  New  York  Island  in  jeopardy,  and  the  forces  at  Brook 
lyn  would  be  essential  for  its  defence.  A  council  of  war 
was  called.  No  time  was  lost  in  deliberation.  It  was 
resolved  to  withdraw  the  troops  from  Long  Island.  Boats 
were  collected  and  other  preparations  were  made  without 
delay.  On  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  whole  army, 
amounting  to  nine  thousand  men,  the  military  stores,  near 
ly  all  the  provisions,  and  the  artillery,  except  a  few  heavy 
cannon,  were  safely  landed  in  New  York.  With  such 
secrecy,  silence,  and  order,  was  every  thing  conducted, 
that  the  last  boat  was  crossing  the  river,  before  the  re 
treat  was  discovered  by  the  enemy,  although  parties  were 
stationed  within  six  hundred  yards  of  the  lines. 

This  retreat,  in  its  plan,  execution,  and  success,  has  been 
regarded  as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  military  events  in 
history,  and  as  reflecting  the  highest  credit  on  the  talents 
and  skill  of  the  commander.  So  intense  was  the  anxiety 
of  Washington,  so  unceasing  his  exertions,  that  for  forty- 
eight  hours  he  did  not  close  his  eyes,  and  rarely  dis 
mounted  from  his  horse. 

There  have  been  various  strictures  on  this  battle,  both  Remarks  on 
in  regard  to  the  action  itself,  and  to  the  policy  of  Wash-  Long  island, 
ington  in  attempting  to  oppose  the  enemy  at  all  on  Long 


180 


1.1FE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  44. 


CHAPTER 
VIII. 

1776. 


Policy  and 
design  of 
Washington 
in  conduct 
ing  the  cam 
paign. 


Island.  The  strange  oversight  in  leaving  the  Jamaica  road 
unguarded,  and  the  neglect  in  procuring  early  and  con 
stant  intelligence  of  the  movements  of  the  British  army, 
were  the  immediate  causes  of  the  deplorable  events  of 
the  day.  These  faults,  however,  such  as  they  were,  rested 
with  the  officers  on  the  Island.  General  Washington  had 
given  express  instructions,  that  the  strictest  vigilance  should 
be  observed  in  every  part  of  the  outer  lines.  It  was  un 
fortunate  that  the  illness  of  General  Greene  deprived  the 
commander  on  the  spot  of  his  counsel,  he  being  thorough 
ly  acquainted  with  the  grounds  and  the  roads ;  whereas 
General  Putnam  took  the  command  only  four  days  before 
the  action,  and  of  course  had  not  been  able  from  personal 
inspection  to  gain  the  requisite  knowledge.  The  want  of 
vedettes  was  another  unfortunate  circumstance.  To  com 
municate  intelligence  with  sufficient  celerity  over  so  wide 
a  space,  without  light-horse,  was  impracticable.  At  this 
time,  however,  not  a  single  company  of  cavalry  had  been 
attached  to  the  American  army. 

As  to  the  other  point,  the  propriety  of  maintaining  -a 
stand  on  Long  Island,  it  must  be  considered,  that  the 
enemy  was  to  be  met  somewhere,  that  the  works  at 
Brooklyn  oifered  a  fair  prospect  of  defence  for  a  consid 
erable  time  at  least,  that  the  abandonment  of  the  Island 
would  open  a  free  passage  to  General  Howe  to  the  very 
borders  of  New  York,  separated  only  by  the  East  River, 
and  that  to  retreat,  without  even  a  show  of  resistance, 
as  the  first  operation  of  the  campaign,  would  be  unsatis 
factory  to  Congress,  the  country,  and  the  army.  Besides, 
it  was  not  the  purpose  of  Washington  to  entice  the  enemy 
to  a  general  action,  or  allow  himself  to  be  drawn  into 
one,  if  it  could  possibly  be  avoided.  Such  an  experiment, 
with  his  raw  troops  and  militia,  against  a  force  superior 
in  numbers,  and  still  more  so  in  experience  and  disci 
pline,  aided  by  a  powerful  fleet,  he  well  knew  would  be 
the  height  of  rashness,  and  might  end  in  the  total  ruin 
of  the  American  cause.  Wisdom  and  prudence  dictated  a 
different  course.  To  wear  away  the  campaign  by  keeping 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  181 

the  enemy  employed  in  small   encounters,  dividing   their    CHAPTER 
attention,  and  interposing  obstacles  to  their  progress,  was       ^ 
all  that  could  be  done  or  undertaken  with  any  reasonable     I"*"** 
hope  of  success.     Such  a  system  would  diminish  the  re 
sources  of  the  enemy,  habituate  his  own  soldiers  to  the 
practices  of  war,  give  the  country  an  opportunity  to  gath 
er  strength  by  union  and  time,  and  thus  prepare  the  way 
for  more  decisive  efforts  at   a   future  day.      This   policy, 
so  sound  in  its  principles,  and  so  triumphant  in  its  final 
results,  was   not  relished   by   the   shortsighted   multitude, 
eager  to  hear  of  battles  and  victories,  and  ready  to  ascribe 
the  disappointment    of  their   wishes    to   the   fault   of  the 
General.      The  murmurs   and  complaints  of  such  persons, 
though  so  loudly  and  widely   expressed   that   they  might 
be  taken   as  denoting    the    public    sentiment,    were   borne 
with  fortitude  by  Washington ;    nor  did  he  suffer  himself 
to  be  turned  by  them  from   what    he   believed    to  be  his 
duty  in  watching  over  the  vital  interests    of  his  country. 

The  recent  defeat  produced  a  most  unfavorable  im-  Effect  of  the 
pression  upon  the  army,  which  is  described  as  follows  on  the  army, 
in  a  letter  from  General  Washington  to  the  President  of  September 2. 
Congress. 

"  Our  situation  is  truly  distressing.  The  check  our  de 
tachment  sustained  on  the  27th  ultimo  has  dispirited  too 
great  a  proportion  of  our  troops,  and  filled  their  minds 
with  apprehension  and  despair.  The  militia,  instead  of 
calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and  manly 
opposition  in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  in 
tractable,  and  impatient  to  return.  Great  numbers  of  them 
have  gone  off;  in  some  instances,  almost  by  whole  regi 
ments,  *by  half  ones,  and  by  companies  at  a  time.  This 
circumstance,  of  itself,  independent  of  others,  when  front 
ed  by  a  well  appointed  enemy,  superior  in  number  to  our 
whole  collected  force,  would  be  sufficiently  disagreeable  ; 
but,  when  their  example  has  infected  another  part  of  the 
army,  when  their  want  of  discipline,  and  refusal  of  almost 
every  kind  of  restraint  and  government,  have  produced  a 
like  conduct  but  too  common  to  the  whole,  and  an  entire 

s 


182  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [.Ex.  44. 

CHAPTER    disregard  of  that  order  and  subordination  necessary  to  the 
VIIL       well-doing  of  an  army,   and  which   had  been   inculcated 
1776.     before,   as   well  as  the    nature   of  our  military  establish 
ment  would  admit  of,  —  our  condition  becomes  still  more 
alarming ;   and,   with  the  deepest  concern,   I   am  obliged 
to   confess   my   want   of  confidence   in   the   generality  of 
the  troops. 
Necessity  of       "  All  these    circumstances    fully    confirm   the  opinion  I 

a.  permanent  i-i-r  • 

standing  ar-    ever  entertained,  and  which  I  more  than  once  in  my  let- 

my. 

ters  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  Congress,  that  no 
dependence  could  be  put  in  a  militia  or  other  troops  than 
those  enlisted  and  embodied  for  a  longer  period  than  our 
regulations  heretofore  have  prescribed.  I  am  persuaded, 
and  as  fully  convinced  as  I  am  of  any  one  fact  that  has 
happened,  that  our  liberties  must  of  necessity  be  greatly 
hazarded  "if  not  entirely  lost,  if  their  defence  is  left  to 
any  but  a  permanent  standing  army ;  I  mean,  one  to  exist 
during  the  war.  Nor  would  the  expense,  incident  to  the 
support  of  such  a  body  of  troops,  as  would  be  competent 
to  almost  every  exigency,  far  exceed  that,  which  is  daily 
incurred  by  calling  in  succor  and  new  enlistments,  which, 
when  effected,  are  not  attended  with  any  good  consequen 
ces.  Men,  who  have  been  free  and  subject  to  no  control, 
cannot  be  reduced  to  order  in  an  instant ;  and  the  privi 
leges  and  exemptions,  which  they  claim  and  will  have, 
influence  the  conduct  of  others ;  and  the  aid  derived 
from  them  is  nearly  counterbalanced  by  the  disorder,  ir 
regularity,  and  confusion  they  occasion." 
Number  of  He  added,  that,  by  the  last  returns,  the  number  of 

troops  fit  for  J 

duty.  troops   fit   for  duty   was  less  than  twenty   thousand,   and 

that  many  had  since  deserted.  One  thousand  men  were 
immediately  ordered  to  join  him  from  the  Flying  Camp, 
then  in  New  Jersey  under  General  Mercer.  A  bounty  of 
ten  dollars  had  been  offered  to  each  soldier,  that  would 
enlist  into  the  Continental  service  ;  but  this  produced  little 
effect,  as  the  bounty  to  the  militia  was  in  some  instances 
double  that  amount.  "  Till  of  late,"  he  observes,  "  I  had 
no  doubt  of  defending  New  York  j  nor  should  I  have  yet, 


JEr.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  183 

if  the  men  would   do  their  duty  ;   but  this  I   despair  of.    CHAPTER 
It  is  painful  to  give   such    unfavorable    accounts ;    but   it 
would    be  criminal   to   conceal   the   truth  at  so  critical  a     1776. 
juncture.     Every  power  I  possess  shall  be  exerted  to  serve 
the   cause  ;  and  my  first  wish  is,   that,  whatever  may  be 
the  event,  the  Congress   will  do  me  the  justice   to  think 
so."     In  such  a  situation  a  more  gloomy  or  discouraging 
prospect   could  hardly  be  imagined.      No  trials,  however, 
in  a  good  cause,  could  depress  the  mind  or  unnerve  the 
energy  of  Washington. 


184 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44. 


CHAPTER    IX, 

New  York  evacuated,  and  the  British  take  Possession  of  the  City.  —  The 
American  Army  posted  at  Haerlem  Heights  and  Fort  Washington.  —  Sit 
uation  and  Prospects  of  the  Army.  —  Its  new  Organization.  —  The  British 
land  in  Westchester  County,  and  march  into  the  Country.  —  Washington 
advances  to  White  Plains  and  forms  an  Encampment.  —  Battle  of  Chat- 
terton's  Hill.  —  Part  of  the  American  Army  crosses  the  Hudson.  —  Cap 
ture  of  Fort  Washington  and  Fort  Lee.  —  General  Washington  retreats 
through  New  Jersey,  and  crosses  the  Delaware  at  Trenton.  —  Conduct 
and  Character  of  General  Lee.  —  Reduced  State  of  the  Army.  —  Rein 
forced  by  Troops  from  Ticonderoga.  —  General  Washington  invested  with 
extraordinary  Powers  by  Congress.  —  His  Manner  of  using  them.  —  He 
recrosses  the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of  Trenton.  —  Battle  of  Princeton.  — 
The  Army  goes  into  Winter  Quarters  at  Morristown.  —  Remarks  on  these 
Events. 


1776. 

General 
Howe'a 
plans  begin 
to  be  un 
folded. 


Preparations 
for  evacuat 
ing  the  city. 


WHEN  General  Howe  had  taken  possession  of  Long  Is 
land,  his  plans  began  to  be  unfolded.  The  fleet  came  into 
the  harbor,  and  an  armed  vessel  passed  up  the  East  Riv 
er;  but  there  were  no  indications  of  an  attack  on  the 
city.  It  was  obvious,  indeed,  that  he  designed  to  take 
New  York  by  encompassing  it  on  the  land  side,  and  to 
refrain  from  a  cannonade  and  bombardment,  by  which 
the  city  might  be  injured,  and  rendered  less  fit  for  the 
accommodation  of  his  troops  in  the  winter,  and  less  val 
uable  as  a  place  to  be  held  during  the  war.  Such  being 
clearly  the  aim  of  the  British  commander,  the  attention 
of  Washington  was  next  drawn  to  the  best  mode  of  evac 
uating  the  city. 

As  a  preparatory  step  he  removed  beyond  Kingsbridge 
the  stores  and  baggage  least  wanted.  In  a  council  of 
general  officers  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  a 
total  evacuation.  All  agreed,  that  the  town  would  not 
be  tenable,  if  it  should  be  bombarded ;  and  it  was  mani 
fest,  that  this  might  be  done  at  any  moment.  Some 
were  for  destroying  the  city  at  once,  and  leaving  it  a 
waste,  from  which  the  enemy  could  derive  no  benefit.  As 


^Ex.  44.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

an  argument  for  this  procedure,  it  was  said  two  thirds  of  CHAPTER 
the  property  belonged  to  Tories.  Others  thought  the  po 
sition  should  be  maintained  at  every  hazard,  till  the  army  1776. 
was  absolutely  driven  out.  A  middle  course  was  taken. 
It  was  resolved  so  to  dispose  the  troops,  as  to  be  pre 
pared  to  resist  any  attack  on  the  upper  parts  of  the  Is 
land,  and  retreat  with  the  remainder  whenever  it  should 
become  necessary.  Nine  thousand  men  were  to  be  sta 
tioned  at  Mount  Washington,  Kingsbridge,  and  the  smaller 
posts  in  the  vicinity  of  those  places,  five  thousand  to  con 
tinue  in  the  city,  and  the  residue  to  occupy  the  inter 
mediate  space,  ready  to  support  either  of  these  divisions. 
The  sick,  amounting  to  one  quarter  of  the  whole  army, 
were  to  be  removed  to  the  Jersey  side  of  the  Hudson. 

While  these  arrangements  were  in  progress,  the  enemy  British  ship* 
were-*  not  idle,  although  probably  less  active  than  they  River, 
would  otherwise  have  been,  in  consequence  of  an  inter 
view  between  Lord  Howe  and  a  committee  of  Congress 
at  Staten  Island,  solicited  by  the  former  in  the  hope  of 
suggesting  some  plan  of  reconciliation  conformable  to  the 
terms  of  his  commission.  This  attempt  proving  abortive, 
the  operations  commenced  in  earnest.  Pour  ships  sailed 
into  the  East  River,  and  anchored  about  a  mile  above  the 
city.  The  next  day  six  others  followed.  Parties  of  Brit 
ish  troops  landed  on  Buchanan's  Island,  and  a  cannonade 
was  opened  upon  a  battery  at  Horen's  Hook. 

On  the  15th  of  September  in  the  morning,  three  men-  British 
of-war  ascended  Hudson's  River  as  high  as  Bloomingdale, 
with  the  view  of  dividing  the  attention  of  the  Americans, 
by  making  a  feint  on  that  side.  At  the  same  time  Gen 
eral  Howe  embarked  a  strong  division  of  his  army,  com 
manded  by  General  Clinton,  consisting  of  British  and 
Hessians,  at  the  head  of  Newtown  Bay  on  Long  Island. 
About  eleven  o'clock,  these  troops,  having  come  into  the 
East  River,  began  to  land  at  Kip's  Bay,  under  the  fire 
of  two  forty-gun  ships  and  three  frigates.  Batteries  had  Americans 
been  erected  there;  but  the  men  were  driven  from  them  their  posts, 
by  the  firing  from  the  ships.  General  Washington  was 
24  s* 


186 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44. 


1776. 


New  York 
evacuated 
by  the  Amer 
ican  troops. 


Head 
quarters 
on  Haerlem 
Heights. 


now  at  Haerlem,  whither  he  had  gone  the  night  before/ 
on  account  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy  at  Montresor's 
Island;  and,  hearing  the  sound  of  the  guns,  he  hastened 
with  all  despatch  to  the  place  of  landing.  To  his  inex 
pressible  chagrin  he  found  the  troops,  that  had  been  posted 
on  the  lines,  precipitately  retreating  without  firing  a  shot, 
although  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy  of  the  enemy 
were  in  sight ;  and  also  two  brigades,  which  had  been 
ordered  to  their  support,  flying  in  the  greatest  confusion, 
in  spite  of  every  effort  of  their  officers  to  rally  and  form 
them.  It  is  said,  that  no  incident  of  the  war  caused 
Washington  to  be  so  much  excited,  as  he  appeared  on 
this  occasion.  He  rode  hastily  towards  the  enemy,  till 
his  own  person  was  in  danger,  hoping  to  encourage  the 
men  by  his  example,  or  rouse  them  to  a  sense  of  shame 
for  their  cowardice.  But  all  his  exertions  were  fruitless. 
The  troops,  being  eight  regiments  in  all,  fled  to  the  main 
body  on  Haerlem  Plains. 

The  division  in  New  York,  under  the  command  of 
General  Putnam,  retreated  with  difficulty,  and  with  con 
siderable  loss.  Fifteen  men  only  were  known  to  be 
killed,  but  more  than  three  hundred  were  taken  prisoners. 
Nearly  all  the  heavy  cannon,  and  a  considerable  quantity 
of  baggage,  stores,  and  provisions,  were  left  behind.  A 
prompt  and  judicious  manoeuvre  on  the  part  of  the  British 
general,  by  stretching  his  army  across  the  island  from 
Kip's  Bay  to  Hudson's  River,  would  have  cut  off  the 
rear  of  the  retreating  division.  But  this  was  not  effected, 
nor  were  the  Americans  pursued  with  much  vigor  in  their 
retreat.  General  Washington  drew  all  his  forces  together 
within  the  lines  on  the  Heights  of  Haerlem,  where  they 
encamped  the  same  night.  Head-quarters  were  fixed  at 
Morris's  House,  a  mile  and  a  half  south  from  Mount 
Washington,  on  which  was  situate  the  fort  of  that  name. 
After  sending  a  small  detachment  to  take  possession  of 
the  city,  General  Howe  encamped  with  the  larger  part  of 
his  army  near  the  American  lines,  his  right  resting  on 
the  East  River,  and  his  left  on  the  Hudson,  supported 
at  each  extreme  by  the  ships  in  those  rivers. 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  187 

The  next  morning,  Colonel  Knowlton  went  out  with  a    CHAPTER 
party  of  rangers3  volunteers  from   the  New  England  regi-        IX* 
ments,  and  advanced  through  the  woods  towards  the  en-     1776» 
emy's   lines.      When    he   was   discovered.    General    Howe  Engagement 

J  near  the 

detached  two  battalions  of  light  infantry,  and  a  regiment 
of  Highlanders,  to  meet  and  drive  him  back.  To  these 
were  afterwards  added  a  battalion  of  Hessian  grenadiers,  a  ge 
company  of  chasseurs,  and  two  fieldpieces.  On  the  ap 
pearance  of  these  troops  in  the  open  grounds  between  the 
two  camps,  General  Washington  rode  to  the  outposts,  that 
he  might  be  at  hand  to  make  such  arrangements  as  cir 
cumstances  should  require.  He  had  hardly  reached  the 
lines,  when  he  heard  a  firing,  which  proceeded  from  an 
encounter  between  Colonel  Knowlton  and  one  of  the  Brit 
ish  parties.  The  rangers  returned,  and  said  that  the  body 
of  the  enemy,  as  they  thought,  amounted  to  three  hun 
dred  men.  Knowlton  was  immediately  reinforced  by  three 
companies  from  Weedon's  Virginia  regiment  under  Major 
Leitch,  and  ordered  to  gain  their  rear,  while  their  atten 
tion  was  diverted  by  making  a  disposition  to  attack  them 
in  front.  The  plan  was  successful.  As  the  party  ap 
proached  in  front,  the  enemy  rushed  down  the  hill  to 
take  advantage  of  a  fence  and  bushes,  and  commenced 
firing,  but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  be  effectual.  Mean 
time  Colonel  Knowlton  attacked  on  the  other  side,  though 
rather  in  the  flank  than  rear,  and  advanced  with  spirit. 
A  sharp  conflict  ensued.  Major  Leitch,  who  led  the  at-  Major 
tack,  was  carried  off  mortally  wounded,  three  balls  having  * 
been  shot  through  his  body ;  and  in  a  short  time  Colo 
nel  Knowlton  fell.  The  action  was  resolutely  kept  up 
by  the  remaining  officers  and  the  men,  till  other  detach 
ments  arrived  to  their  support ;  and  they  charged  the  en 
emy  with  such  firmness  and  intrepidity,  as  to  drive  them 
from  the  wood  to  the  plain,  when  General  Washington 
ordered  a  retreat,  apprehending,  what  proved  to  be  the 
case,  that  a  large  body  was  on  its  way  from  the  British 
camp.  The  engagement,  from  first  to  last,  continued  four 
hours,  although  the  sharp  fighting  was  of  short  duration. 


188 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[^Ex.  44. 


1776. 
Events  of 

the  day  im- 

portam. 


The  two  ar- 
inactive.  " 


General 
tertothe 


sept.  25. 


General  Howe  reported  eight  officers  and  seventy  privates 
wounded,  and  fourteen  men  killed.  The  American  loss 
was  fifteen  killed,  and  about  forty-five  wounded. 

Colonel  Knowlton  was  a  gallant  and  meritorious  offi- 
cer,  and  his  death  was  much  lamented.  The  events  of 
the  day  were  important,  not  so  much  on  account  of  their 
magnitude,  as  of  their  influence  on  the  army.  The  re 
treating,  flying,  and  discomfitures,  which  had  happened 
since  the  British  landed  on  Long  Island,  contributed  great 
ly  to  dispirit  the  troops,  and  to  destroy  their  confidence 
in  themselves  and  in  their  officers.  The  good  conduct  and 
success  of  this  day  were  a  proof,  on  the  one  hand,  that 
the  enemy  was  not  invincible,  and  on  the  other,  that  the 
courage,  so  nobly  exhibited  at  Lexington  and  Bunker's 
Hill  the  year  before,  still  existed  in  the  American  ranks. 

The  lines  were  too  formidable  on  Haerlem  Heights  to 
tempt  the  British  commander  to  try  the  experiment  of 
an  assault.  His  army  lay  inactive  on  the  plains  below 
more  than  three  weeks.  General  Washington  employed 
the  time  in  strengthening  his  works,  and  preparing  at  all 
points  for  defence.  His  lines  in  front  extended  from  Haer 
lem  River  to  the  Hudson,  quite  across  the  Island,  which 
at  this  place  is  somewhat  more  than  a  mile  wide.  Gen 
eral  Greene  commanded  on  the  Jersey  side,  with  his  head 
quarters  at  Fort  Lee  ;  and  General  Heath  at  Kingsbridge, 
beyond  which,  on  a  hill  towards  the  Hudson,  a  fort  was 
erected,  called  Fort  Independence. 

General  Howe  was  raised  to  the  honor  of  knighthood 
by  his  sovereign,  after  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Long 
Island  reached  England.  But  his  good  fortune  did  not 
inspire  him  with  confidence.  Notwithstanding  his  supe 
rior  force,  the  expectation  of  a  speedy  addition  to  it  from 
Europe,  and  his  successes  hitherto  in  driving  the  Ameri 
cans  before  him,  he  seems  not  to  have  looked  forward 
with  sanguine  hopes  to  the  issue  of  the  campaign.  In 
a  letter  to  the  ministry  he  said  ;  "  The  enemy  is  too 
strongly  posted  to  be  attacked  in  front,  and  innumerable 
difficulties  are  in  our  way  of  turning  him  on  either  side, 


JET.  14.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  189 

though  his  army  is  much  dispirited  from  the  late  success  CHAPTER 
of  his  Majesty's  arms;  yet  have  I  not  the  smallest  pros-        IX> 
pect  of  finishing  the  combat  this  campaign,  nor  until  the     1776. 
rebels  see  preparations   in  the   spring,  that   may  preclude 
all  thoughts  of  further  resistance.     To  this  end   I  would 
propose  eight  or  ten  line-of-battle  ships  to  be  with  us  in 
February,  with   a   number   of  supernumerary  seamen    for 
manning    boats,    having   fully    experienced    the    want    of 
them  in  every  movement  we  have  made.     We  must  also 
have  recruits  from  Europe,  not  finding  the  Americans  dis 
posed  to  serve  with  arms,  notwithstanding  the  hopes  held 
out  to  me  upon  my  arrival  in  this  port." 

This  last  point  was  a  source   of  great  delusion  to  the  En-ore  of  th« 

British  min 

British  ministers   almost   to   the   end   of  the   war.     They 


flattered  themselves  with  the  belief,  that  a  large  part  of 
their  army  might  be  recruited  among  the  loyalists  in 
America.  Clothes  and  equipments  were  abundantly  sup 
plied  for  this  purpose,  and  extravagant  bounties  were  of 
fered.  The  generals  on  the  spot,  being  soon  undeceived, 
remonstrated  against  so  fallacious  a  dependence  ;  but  the 
ministers  closed  their  ears  to  such  counsel,  and  persever 
ed.  Plans  were  repeatedly  formed  by  the  generals,  and 
approved  by  the  cabinet,  on  the  basis  of  a  certain  num 
ber  of  troops  ;  but,  when  the  time  of  execution  came, 
the  men  sent  from  Europe  fell  far  short  of  the  number 
promised,  and  the  commander  was  instructed  to  make  up 
the  deficiency  with  American  recruits.  If  the  inquiry 
were  pursued,  it  would  be  found  that  the  ill  success  of 
the  British  arms,  and  the  defeated  expectations  of  the 
government,  are  often  to  be  traced  to  this  cause  alone. 
Hence  both  Howe  and  Clinton,  the  principal  commanders 
in  America  during  the  most  active  period  of  the  war,  be 
came  dissatisfied,  requested  their  recall  long  before  it  was 
granted,  and  finally  went  home  to  receive  the  censures 
of  their  countrymen  and  the  neglect  of  the  court. 

The   subject,    which    now    engaged   the    most   anxious  situation 
thoughts  of  Washington,  was  the   situation  and  prospects  pectsofth 
of  the  army.    We  have  seen  that  the  establishment  form-  army. 


190  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  44. 

CHAPTER   ed  at  Cambridge  was   to   continue  for  one   year,  and  the 
IX'        time  of  its  dissolution  was  near   at  hand.     He  had  often 

1776.  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  this  important  subject, 
and  pressed  upon  them  the  necessity  of  some  radical  al 
terations  in  the  system  hitherto  pursued.  By  the  expe 
rience  of  the  past  year  all  his  first  impressions  had  been 
confirmed,  and  all  his  fears  realized,  in  regard  to  the 
mischievous  policy  of  short  enlistments,  and  of  relying  on 
militia  to  act  against  veteran  troops.  Disobedience  of  or 
ders,  shameful  desertions,  running  away  from  the  enemy, 
plundering,  and  every  kind  of  irregularity  in  the  camp, 
had  been  the  fatal  consequences. 

Letter  to  "  To  bring  men  to  a  proper  degree  of  subordination," 

said  he,   "  is  not  the  work  of  a  day,  a  month,  or  even  a 

sept.  24.  year ;  and,  unhappily  for  us  and  the  cause  we  are  engag 
ed  in,  the  little  discipline  I  have  been  laboring  to  estab 
lish  in  the  army  under  my  immediate  command  is  in  a 
manner  done  away,  by  having  such  a  mixture  of  troops, 
as  have  been  called  together  within  these  few  months. 
Relaxed  and  unfit  as  our  rules  and  regulations  of  war 
are  for  the  government  of  an  army,  the  militia  (those 
properly  so  called,  for  of  these  we  have  two  sorts,  the 
six-months'  men,  and  those  sent  in  as  a  temporary  aid,) 
do  not  think  themselves  subject  to  them,  and  therefore 
take  liberties,  which  the  soldier  is  punished  for.  This 
creates  jealousy  ;  jealousy  begets  dissatisfaction  ;  and  this 
by  degrees  ripens  into  mutiny,  keeping  the  whole  army 
in  a  confused  and  disordered  state,  rendering  the  time  of 
those,  who  wish  to  see  regularity  and  good  order  prevail, 
more  unhappy  than  words  can  describe.  Besides  this, 
such  repeated  changes  take  place,  that  all  arrangement  is 
set  at  nought,  and  the  constant  fluctuation  of  things  de 
ranges  every  plan  as  fast  as  it  is  adopted." 

At  the  close  of  the  long  and  able  letter  to  Congress, 
from  which  this  extract  is  taken,  his  feelings  under  the 
trials  he  suffered,  and  in  contemplating  the  future,  are 
impressively  described. 

"  There  is  no  situation  upon  earth  less  enviable,  or  more 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  191 

• 

distressing,  than  that  person's,  who  is  at  the  head  of  troops  CHAPTER 

regardless   of   order   and  discipline,    and   unprovided   with  IX' 

almost  every  necessary.     In  a  word,  the  difficulties,  which  1776. 

have  for  ever   surrounded  me  since    I  have   been  in   the  A  thorough 

change  in 

service,  and  kept  my  mind  constantly  upon  the  stretch  ; 
the  wounds,  which  my  feelings  as  an  officer  have  re- 
ceived  by  a  thousand  things,  that  have  happened  contrary 
to  my  expectations  and  wishes ;  the  effect  of  my  own 
conduct,  and  present  appearance  of  things,  so  little  pleas 
ing  to  myself,  as  to  render  it  a  matter  of  no  surprise  to 
me  if  I  should  stand  capitally  censured  by  Congress ; 
added  to  a  consciousness  of  my  inability  to  govern  an 
army  composed  of  such  discordant  parts,  and  under  such 
a  variety  of  intricate  and  perplexing  circumstances ;  —  in 
duce  not  only  a  belief,  but  a  thorough  conviction  in  my 
mind,  that  it  will  be  impossible,  unless  there  is  a  thor 
ough  change  in  our  military  system,  for  me  to  conduct 
matters  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  satisfaction  to  the 
public,  which  is  all  the  recompense  I  aim  at,  or  ever 
wished  for." 

Moved  by  his  representations  and   appeals,    as   well   as  congress 

resolves  to 

by  their  own  sense  of  the  necessity  of  the  case,  Congress  organize  the 

arrny  anew. 

determined  to  re-organize  the  army,  on  a  plan  conformable 
in  its  essential  features  to  the  suggestions  of  the  Com 
mander-in-chief.  Not  that  the  jealousy  of  a  standing  army 
had  subsided,  but  the  declaration  of  independence  had  put 
the  war  upon  a  footing  different  from  that,  on  which  it 
was  before  supposed  to  stand ;  and  they,  who  for  a  long 
time  cherished  a  lingering  hope  of  reconciliation,  were  at 
length  convinced,  that  the  struggle  would  not  soon  ter 
minate,  and  that  it  must  be  met  by  all  the  means,  which 
the  wisdom,  patriotism,  and  resources  of  the  country  could 
supply.  As  it  was  a  contest  of  strength,  a  military  force, 
coherent  in  its  parts  and  durable  in  its  character,  was 
the  first  requisite.  To  the  resolute  and  discerning  this 
had  been  obvious  from  the  moment  the  sword  was  drawn. 
The  events  of  a  year  had  impressed  it  on  the  minds  of  all. 
The  new  army  was  to  consist  of  eighty-eight  battalions, 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[.Ex.  44. 


1776. 

Construc 
tion  of  the 
new  army. 


Original 
plan  of  the 
new  army 
modified  and 
unproved. 


apportioned  in  quotas  to  the  several  States  according  to 
their  ability.  The  largest  quota  was  fifteen  battalions, 
which  number  was  assigned  respectively  to  Virginia  and 
Massachusetts.  The  men  were  to  serve  during  the  war, 
this  great  point  being  at  last  gained.  To  encourage  en 
listments,  a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  and  one  hundred 
acres  of  land  was  offered  to  each  non-commissioned  officer 
and  private  ;  and  lands  in  certain  quantities  and  propor 
tions  were  likewise  promised  to  the  commissioned  officers. 
The  business  of  enlisting  the  troops  to  fill  up  the  quotas, 
and  of  providing  them  with  arms  and  clothing,  devolved 
upon  the  several  States  to  which  they  belonged.  The 
expense  of  clothing  was  to  be  deducted  from  the  soldiers' 
pay.  Colonels  and  all  lower  officers  were  to  be,  appointed 
by  the  States,  but  commissioned  by  Congress.  The  rules 
for  the  government  and  discipline  of  the  army  were  at 
the  same  time  revised  and  greatly  amended. 

Thus  matured,  the  plan  was  sent  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  and  was  soon  followed  by  a  committee  from  Con 
gress,  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  state  of  the  army. 
From  this  committee  the  views  of  Congress  were  more 
fully  ascertained  ;  but  General  Washington  perceived  de 
fects  in  the  scheme,  which  he  feared  would  retard,  if 
not  defeat,  its  operation.  The  pay  of  the  officers  had 
not  been  increased  ;  and  he  was  persuaded,  that  officers 
of  character  could  not  be  induced  to  retain  their  commis 
sions  on  the  old  pay.  The  mode  of  appointing  them  was 
defective,  it  being  left  to  the  State  governments,  which 
would  act  slowly,  without  adequate  knowledge,  and  often 
under  influences  not  salutary  to  the  interests  of  the  army. 
The  pay  of  the  privates  was  also  insufficient.  Congress 
partially  remedied  these  defects  in  conformity  to  his  ad 
vice,  by  raising  the  officers'  pay,  giving  a  suit  of  clothes 
annually  to  each  private,  and  requesting  the  States  to 
send  commissioners  to  the  army,  with  full  powers  to  ar 
range  with  the  Commander-in-chief  the  appointment  of  all 
the  officers.  With  the  jealousy  of  State  sovereignty,  and 
the  fear  of  a  standing  army,  this  was  all  that  could  be 


^r.44.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  193 

obtained  from  the  representatives  of  the  States.     And  per-    CHAPTER 
haps  it  was  enough,  considering  their  want  of  power  to        Ix> 
execute  their  resolves,  and  the  necessity  of  being  cautious     1776. 
to  pass  such  only  as  the  people  would  approve  and  obey. 
The  above  plan  was  modified  before  it  went  into  effect, 
by  allowing  men  to  enlist  for  three  years;  these  men  not 
receiving  the  bounty  in  land.     Hence  the  army  from  that 
time   was   composed   of    two   kinds   of    troops,    those   en 
gaged  for  the  war,  and  those  for  three  years.     At  length, 
also,  the    States  being    negligent   and   tardy  in  providing 
for  the  appointment  of  officers,  Congress  authorized  Gen 
eral  Washington  to  fill  up  the  vacancies. 

A  circular  letter  was  written  by  the  President  of   Con-  injurious 

.  effects  of  an 

gress  to  the  States,  urging  them  to  complete  their  quotas 


without  delay.  The  proper  steps  were  immediately  taken  ;  bounties. 
but  an  evil  soon  crept  into  the  system,  which  produced 
much  mischief  throughout  the  war.  To  hasten  enlist 
ments,  some  of  the  States  offered  bounties  in  addition  to 
those  given  by  Congress  ;  and  in  many  cases  the  towns 
to  which  quotas  were  assigned  by  the  State  governments, 
raised  the  bounties  still  higher,  differing  from  each  other 
in  the  amount.  Again,  when  the  militia  were  called  out 
on  a  sudden  emergency,  it  was  usual  to  offer  them  extra 
ordinary  rewards  for  a  short  term  of  service.  This  prac 
tice  was  injurious  on  many  accounts.  It  kept  back  men 
from  enlisting  by  the  hope  of  higher  bounties  ;  and,  when 
they  were  brought  together  in  the  field,  although  the 
Continental  pay  was  uniform,  yet  many  were  receiving 
more  from  incidental  bounties,  and  in  various  proportions, 
which  created  murmurings  and  jealousies  between  indi 
viduals,  companies,  and  regiments.  Nor  was  there  the 
salutary  check  of  interest  to  operate  as  a  restraint  upon 
the  States.  The  war  was  a  common  charge,  and,  when 
money  or  credit  could  be  applied  to  meet  the  present 
exigency,  it  was  a  small  sacrifice  to  be  bountiful  in  ac 
cumulating  a  debt,  which  the  continent  was  pledged  to 
pay.  There  could  be  no  other  remedy  than  a  supreme 
power  in  Congress,  which  did  not  exist  ;  and  the  evil  was 
25  T 


194  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  44. 

CHAPTER  at  all  times  a  source   of  irregularities   in  the  military   ar- 

Ix*  __  rangements,  and  of  vexation   to    the    Commander-in-chief. 

1776.  The  arduous  duties  of  General  Washington's  immediate 

Arduous  du-  command  were   now    increased   by  the  task  of  organizing 

ties  of  the  ,,,-,.  /•  -.1  •      • 

commander-  a  new  army,  and  holding  conferences  with  commissioners 
from  the  States  for  the  appointment  of  officers,  in  the 
midst  of  an  active  campaign,  while  the  enemy  were  press 
ing  upon  him  with  a  force  vastly  superior  in  discipline,  at 
times  superior  in  numbers,  and  abundantly  supplied  with 
provisions,  clothing,  tents,  and  all  the  munitions  of  war. 

British  Sir  William  Howe  was  soon  in  motion.  Having  pre- 

pared  his  plans  for  gaining  the  rear  of  the  American 


army,  by  which  he  hoped  either  to  cut  off  its  commu- 
12<  nication  with  the  country,  or  bring  on  a  general  action, 
he  first  sent  two  ships,  a  frigate,  and  tenders  up  the 
Hudson.  These  vessels  passed  the  batteries,  and  ran 
through  the  obstructions  in  the  river,  without  receiving 
any  apparent  damage  ;  and  thus  secured  a  free  passage  to 
the  Highlands,  thereby  preventing  any  supplies  from  com 
ing  to  the  American  army  by  water.  This  experiment 
having  succeeded  even  better  than  he  had  expected,  the 
British  commander,  on  the  12th  of  October,  embarked  his 
troops  on  the  East  River  on  board  flat-boats,  sloops,  and 
schooners,  passed  through  Hell  Gate  into  the  Sound,  and 
landed  the  same  day  at  Frog's  Point.  Two  brigades  of 
British  troops,  and  one  of  Hessians,  amounting  to  five 
thousand  men,  were  left  under  Earl  Percy  at  Haerlem  to 
cover  the  city  of  New  York.  General  Howe  remained 
five  days  at  Frog's  Point,  waiting,  as  he  says,  for  stores, 
provisions,  and  three  battalions  from  Staten  Island  ;  but, 
according  to  the  American  accounts,  the  strong  defences, 
guarded  by  detachments  from  Washington's  army,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  causeway  connecting  the  Point  with  the 
main  land,  discouraged  him  from  attempting  to  march 
into  the  country  at  that  place.  He  reembarked,  landed 
again  at  Pell's  Point,  and  advanced  to  the  high  grounds 
between  East  Chester  and  New  Rochelle.  Four  days  later 
he  was  joined  by  General  Knyphausen  with  the  second 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  195 

division  of  Hessians,  and  a   regiment  of  Waldeckers,  just  CHAPTER 

arrived  from  Europe.  lx> 

General  Washington  took  measures  to  counteract  these  1776. 

movements   and   the   designs  of  them.      He  arranged   his  American 

.  army  pre- 

army  in  four  divisions,  commanded  respectively  by  Major-  pares  to^ 
Generals   Lee,   Heath,   Sullivan,   and   Lincoln.      The    last  York  island, 
was  not  a  Continental  officer,  but  had  recently  come  for-    October  ie. 
ward  with  a  body  of  Massachusetts  militia.      It  was  de 
cided   in   a   council   of  war,  that   the   army  should   leave 
New  York  Island,  and  be  extended  into  the  country,  so 
as   to    outflank   General    Howe's   columns.      At    the  same 
time  it  was  agreed,  "  that  Fort  Washington  should  be  re 
tained   as   long   as  possible."      Two   thousand   men   were 
left  for  that  object. 

One  of  the  four  divisions  crossed  Kingsbridge,  and 
threw  up  breastworks  at  Valentine's  Hill.  The  others 
followed  and  formed  a  line  of  detached  camps,  with  in- 
trenchments,  on  the  heights  stretching  along  the  west 
side  of  the  River  Brunx,  from  Valentine's  Hill  to  White 
Plains.  This  disposition  was  necessary  in  order  to  protect 
the  baggage,  stores,  and  cannon,  which  were  removed 
with  great  difficulty  for  the  want  of  wagons  and  horses. 
General  Washington  proceeded '  with  the  advanced  divis 
ion  to  White  Plains,  where  he  fortified  a  camp  in  such 
a  manner,  as  to  afford  security  to  the  whole  army,  and 
where  he  intended  to  hazard  a  general  engagement,  if 
pushed  by  the  enemy.  The  camp  was  on  elevated  ground,  camp  at 
defended  in  front  by  two  lines  of  intrenchments  nearly  Plain!, 
parallel  to  each  other,  and  between  four  and  five  hun 
dred  yards  apart.  The  right  wing  rested  on  the  Brunx, 
which,  by  making  a  short  bend,  encompassed  the  flank 
and  part  of  the  rear.  The  left  wing  reached  to  a  pond, 
or  small  lake,  of  some  extent,  by  which  it  was  effectu 
ally  secured. 

As  Sir  William  Howe   marched  his  army  directly  for-  British  army 
ward  in   solid   columns,  without   detaching   any  consider-  white 
able  parties   towards  New   York  and  the    Hudson,  it  was 
evident   he    intended   to   seek   an   opportunity  to   force   a 


196  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [JCr.  44. 

CHAPTER   general  action.     As  soon  as  the  baggage  and  stores  were 

"•'        brought  up,  therefore,  Washington  drew  all  his  troops  into 

1776.     the   camp    at    White  Plains.      In   the    interim,   parties  of 

Americans  attacked  the  enemy's  outposts  at  different  points, 

and  spirited  skirmishes  took  place. 

Battle  of  Before  noon,  on  the  28th  of  October,  the  British  army 

ChatteYton's  * 

HUL  came  in  view,  and   displayed   itself  on   the  sides   of  the 

hills  in  front  of  Washington's  lines,  and  within  two  miles 

October  as.  °f  his  camp.  A  commanding  height,  called  Chatterton's 
Hill,  stood  half  a  mile  to  the  south  of  the  American 
right  flank,  and  was  separated  from  it  by  the  Brunx,  and 
low  marshy  ground.  A  militia  regiment  had  been  posted 
there,  which  was  joined  in  the  morning  by  Colonel  Has 
let,  with  his  Delaware  regiment,  and  afterwards  by  a  bat 
talion  of  Maryland  troops,  and  others,  mostly  militia,  to 
the  number  of  about  sixteen  hundred,  the  whole  being 
under  the  command  of  General  McDougall.  The  Brit 
ish  commander  made  it  his  first  object  to  dislodge  these 
troops.  For  this  purpose  a  battalion  of  Hessians,  a  brig 
ade  of  British  commanded  by  General  Leslie,  and  the 
Hessian  grenadiers  under  Colonel  Donop,  were  ordered  to 
cross  the  Brunx  and  attack  in  front ;  while  Colonel  Rahl, 
with  another  brigade  of  Hessians,  should  cross  farther 
down  the  river  and  advance  by  a  circuitous  march  upon 
the  American  right  flank.  They  forded  the  Brunx,  and 
formed  in  good  order  on  the  other  side  under  the  fire  of 
their  cannon,  though  not  without  being  galled  by  the 
troops  at  the  summit  of  the  hill.  They  then  ascended  the 
heights,  and,  after  a  short  but  severe  action,  drove  the 
Americans  from  their  works  ;  but,  contented  with  gaining 
the  post,  and  fearing  they  might  be  cut  off  by  venturing 
too  far  from  the  main  body,  they  desisted  from  pursuit. 
The  American  loss  has  been  variously  represented.  Ac 
cording  to  a  return  made  by  General  Howe  himself,  the 
prisoners  were  four  officers  and  thirty-five  privates.  The 
number  killed  was  not  known. 
Expected  at-  It  was  expected  that  this  advantage  would  be  followed 

tack  on  the      , 

camp.          by  an  immediate  attack  on  the  camp.     Such  indeed  was 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  197 

the   first   intention  of  General  Howe,    and   his   troops  lay   CHAPTER 

on  their  arms  all  that  night.     In  writing  to  Congress  the  _ 

next  morning,  General  Washington's  secretary  said  ;  "  Af 

ter  gaining   the   hill  (upon   which   they   are  intrenching), 

and   leaving   a  sufficient  number   of  men  and   artillery  to 

prevent  our  repossessing  it,  they  proceeded  to  advance  by 

our  left;  and,  as  far  as  I  can  discover,  their  posts  or  en 

campments   now  form   nearly  a  semicircle.     It  is   evident 

their  design  is  to  get  in  our  rear  according  to  their  orig 

inal  plan.     Every  measure  is  taking  to  prevent  them  ;  but 

the  removal  of  our  baggage  is  attended  with  infinite  diffi 

culty  and  delays.     Our  post,  from  its  situation,   is  not  so 

advantageous  as  could  be  wished,  and  was  only  intended 

as   temporary  and  occasional,    till  the   stores  belonging  to 

the  army,  which   had   been   deposited   here,  could   be  re 

moved.     The  enemy  coming  on  so  suddenly  has  distress 

ed  us  much.      They   are    now  close    at    hand,   and   most 

probably  will  in  a  little  time  commence  their  second  at 

tack  ;  we  expect  it  every  hour  ;  perhaps  it  is  beginning  ; 

I  have  just  heard  the  report   of  some  cannon."     Nothing 

more  occurred,   however,    than   slight   skirmishes  between 

the    advanced   parties.     On   reconnoitring   the  camp,  Gen 

eral   Howe    thought  it   too  strong   for  an   assault,  and  re 

solved  to  wait  for  a  reinforcement  from  Earl  Percy,  then 

at  Haerlem.     This  arrived  in  two  days,  and   the  31st  of 

October  was   fixed  on    for  the  attack;    but   a  heavy  rain 

caused  it  again  to  be  deferred. 

The  same  night  General  Washington  drew  all  his  troops  Army  takes 
to   another   position   on  the   hills  in   his   rear,   which   the 


delays  of  his   opponent  had  allowed   him   time  to  fortify,    October  si. 
and  which   could   be   more  easily  defended  than  his  first 
camp.     So   judiciously   was    this   movement   planned   and 
conducted,  that  it  was  carried  into  effect  without  loss   or 
molestation,    and   even   without   being   discovered   by   the 
British  army.     The  idea  of  a  battle  was  now  abandoned 
by  General  Howe  ;  he  despaired  of  being  able  to  dislodge 
the  Americans  from  this  strong  position  ;  and  it  was  soon  The  British 
ascertained,    that   he   was  withdrawing  his   army   towards 
the  Hudson  and  Kingsbridge. 


198  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^T.  44. 

CHAPTER  As  this  might  be  a  feint  to  entice  the  American  forces 

1X-  from  the  hilly  country,  Washington  remained  in  his  new 

1776-  camp  for  a  few   days,  till  it  was  found   that   the  enemy 

New  ar-    '  were  actually  retracing  their  steps.     It  was  then  foreseen, 

rangeraents  *  i  i  • 

of  the  army,  that  their  first  grand  manoeuvre  would  be  to  invest  Fort 
Washington  ;  and  their  next  to  pass  the  Hudson,  and  car 
ry  the  war  into  New  Jersey,  and  perhaps  make  a  push 
for  Philadelphia.  To  meet  these  changes  in  the  best  man 
ner  he  could,  he  ordered  all  the  troops  belonging  to  the 
States  west  of  the  Hudson,  five  thousand  in  number,  to 
cross  the  river  at  King's  Ferry,  all  the  crossing  places  be 
low  being  obstructed  by  British  vessels.  The  rest  of  the 
army,  composed  of  New  York  and  eastern  troops,  was 
separated  into  two  divisions.  One  of  these,  under  Gen- 

Generai        eral  Heath,   was  stationed   on  both   sides   of  the  river  in 

Heath 

the  Highlands,  to  defend  those  passes.    The  other,  amount 

ing  to  about   four    thousand   men,    of  whom    many   were 

militia,  whose  times  of  service  were  soon  to  expire,  was 

left  in  the  camp  near  White  Plains,  commanded  by  Gen- 

GeneraiLee.  eral   Lee,    with   discretionary  instructions   to   continue    on 

that  side  of  the  Hudson,  or  to  follow  the  Commander-in- 

chief  into  New  Jersey,  as  he  should  judge  expedient  when 

the  designs  of  the  enemy  were  unfolded.     Having  given 

these   orders,    General  Washington   inspected   the   posts  at 

Washington   the  Highlands,  and  then  repaired  to  Hackinsac,  at  which 

Hudson.        place  the  troops  that  had  crossed  the  river  assembled,  af 

ter  a  circuitous  march  of  more  than  sixty  miles. 

General  General  Howe   moved   his   whole   army   to   the   neigh- 

Howe  ar-  * 


korhood  of  Kingsbridge.  At  his  approach  the  Americans 
retired  from  Fort  Independence,  destroyed  the  bridge  over 
NOV.  12.  Haerlem  River,  and  withdrew  to  the  lines  near  Fort  Wash 
ington.  Thirty  flat-boats  had  passed  up  the  Hudson  un 
discovered  in  the  night,  and  entered  Haerlem  River,  which, 
joined  to  others  brought  in  from  the  East  River,  afforded 
ample  means  to  the  British  army  for  crossing  to  New 
York  Island.  It  was  resolved  to  make  the  assault  on  the 
fort  from  four  different  points.  The  British  adjutant- 
general  was  sent  to  Colonel  Magaw,  the  commander  in 


/ET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  199 

the   fort,    with   a  summons  to   surrender,   which    Colonel    CHAPTER 

Magaw  rejected,  saying  he   would  defend  himself  to  the  

last  extremity.  1776. 

The  next  morning,  November  16th,  General  Knyphau-  capture  of 
sen  advanced  with  a  body  of  Hessians  to-  the  north  of  ington. 
the  fort,  and  commenced  the  attack.  Earl  Percy  nearly  NOV.  ie. 
at  the  same  time  assailed  the  outer  lines  on  the  south  j 
and  two  parties  landed  at  some  distance  from  each  other, 
after  crossing  Haerlem  River,  and  forced  their  way  up 
the  steep  and  rugged  ascents  on  that  side.  The  lines  in 
every  part  were  defended  with  great  resolution  and  ob 
stinacy;  but,  after  a  resistance  of  four  or  five  hours,  the 
men  were  driven  into  the  fort,  and  Colonel  Magaw  was 
compelled  to  surrender  the  whole  garrison  prisoners  of 
war.  The  American  loss  was  about  fifty  killed,  and  two 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  eighteen  prisoners,  including 
officers  and  privates.  The  number  of  men  originally  left 
with  Colonel  Magaw  was  only  two  thousand;  but,  when 
the  attack  was  threatened,  General  Greene  sent  over  re 
inforcements  from  Fort  Lee. 

This  was  the  severest  blow  which  the  American  arms  Particulars 
had  yet  sustained,  and  it  happened  at  a  most  unpropitious  °ure ofFort 
time.  That  there  was  a  great  fault  somewhere,  has  never 
been  disputed.  To  whom  it  belongs,  has  been  made  a 
question.  The  project  of  holding  the  post,  after  the  Brit 
ish  began  to  retreat  from  White  Plains,  was  General 
Greene's  ;  and,  as  he  had  commanded  at  the  station  several 
weeks,  he  was  presumed  to  be  perfectly  acquainted  with 
the  condition  of  the  garrison  and  its  means  of  defence, 
and  deference  was  paid  to  his  judgment.  Eight  days  be 
fore  the  attack,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Greene ; 
"  If  we  cannot  prevent  vessels  from  passing  up,  and  the 
enemy  are  possessed  of  the  surrounding  country,  what 
valuable  purpose  can  it  answer  to  attempt  to  hold  a  post, 
from  which  the  expected  benefit  cannot  be  had?  I  am 
therefore  inclined  to  think,  that  it  will  not  be  prudent  to 
hazard  the  stores  and  men  at  Mount  Washington :  but,  as 
you  are  on  the  spot,  I  leave  it  to  you  to  give  such  orders, 


200  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  44. 

CHAPTER  as  to  evacuating  Mount  Washington,  as  you  may  judge 
IX<  best."  Nothing  more  decisive  could  be  said  without  giv- 
1776.  mg  a  positive  order,  which  he  was  always  reluctant  to 
do,  'when  he  had  confidence  in  an  officer  on  a  separate 
command.  His  opinion,  that  the  troops  ought  to  be  with 
drawn,  is  clearly  intimated.  General  Greene  replied ;  "I 
cannot  help  thinking  the  garrison  is  of  advantage ;  and  I 
cannot  conceive  it  to  be  in  any  great  danger.  The  men 
can  be  brought  off  at  any  time,  but  the  stores  may  not 
be  so  easily  removed.  Yet  I  think  they  may  be  got  off, 
if  matters  grow  desperate."  To  this  opinion  General 
Greene  adhered  to  the  last.  The  evening  before  the  as 
sault,  General  Washington  went  from  Hackinsac  to  Fort 
Lee  ;  and  while  crossing  the  river,  with  the  view  of  vis 
iting  the  garrison,  he  met  Generals  Greene  and  Putnam 
returning,  who  told  him  "  the  troops  were  in  high  spirits, 
and  would  make  a  good  defence."  He  went  back  with 
them  to  Fort  Lee.  The  summons  to  surrender  had  al 
ready  been  received  by  Colonel  Magaw  ;  the  attack  was 
expected  the  next  morning,  and  it  was  now  too  late  to 
withdraw  the  troops. 

wwhing-          In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  written  from  Hackinsac  three 

tohisbro-     days  after  the  surrender,  General  Washington  said;  "This 

post,  after  the  last  ships  went  past  it.  was    held   contrary 

Nov.  19.  .          .     .  f 

to  my  wishes  and  opinion,  as  I  conceived  it  to  be  a  haz 
ardous  one  ;  but,  it  having  been  determined  on  by  a  full 
council  of  general  officers,  and  a  resolution  of  Congress 
having  been  received,  strongly  expressive  of  their  desire, 
that  the  channel  of  the  river,  which  we  had  been  laboring 
to  stop  for  a  long  time  at  that  place,  might  be  obstructed, 
if  possible,  and  knowing  that  this  could  not  be  done,  un 
less  there  were  batteries  to  protect  the  obstruction,  I  did 
not  care  to  give  an  absolute  order  for  withdrawing  the 
garrison,  till  I  could  get  round  and  see  the  situation  of 
things,  and  then  it  became  too  late,  as  the  fort  was  in 
vested.  Upon  the  passing  of  the  last  ships,  I  had  given 
it  as  my  opinion  to  General  Greene,  under  whose  care  it 
was,  that  it  would  be  best  to  evacuate  the  place  ;  but,  as 


JET.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  201 

the  order  was  discretionary,  and  his  opinion  differed  from    CHAPTER 
mine,  it  unhappily  was  delayed  too  long." 

From  these  facts  it  seems  plain,  that  the  loss  of  the  1776. 
garrison,  in  the  manner  it  occurred,  was  the  consequence 
of  an  erroneous  judgment  on  the  part  of  General  Greene. 
How  far  the  Commander-in-chief  should  have  overruled 
his  opinion,  or  whether,  under  the  circumstances  of  the 
case,  he  ought  to  have  given  a  peremptory  order,  it  may 
perhaps  be  less  easy  to  decide. 

Sir  William  Howe  followed  up  his  successes.  A  de-  Fort  Lee 
tachment  of  six  thousand  men,  led  by  Earl  Cornwallis, 
landed  on  the  Jersey  side,  six  or  seven  miles  above  Fort 
Lee,  gained  the  high  grounds  with  artillery,  and  marched 
down  between  the  Hudson  and  Hackinsac  Rivers.  The 
whole  body  of  troops  with  Washington  not  being  equal  to 
this  force,  he  withdrew  the  garrison  from  Fort  Lee  to  the 
main  army  at  Hackinsac,  leaving  behind  the  heavy  can 
non,  many  tents,  and  a  large  quantity  of  baggage,  provision, 
and.  other  stores,  which  the  rapid  advance  of  the  enemy 
made  it  impossible  to  secure.  Being  now  in  a  level  coun 
try,  where  defence  was  difficult,  pent  up  between  rivers, 
and  pressed  by  a  force  double  his  own,  no  resource  re 
mained  but  a  rapid  retreat.  The  Jersey  shore,  from  New 
York  to  Brunswic,  was  open  to  the  British  vessels,  and 
a  landing  might  be  effected  at  any  place  without  oppo 
sition.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  that  he  should  move 
towards  the  Delaware,  pursuing  a  route  near  the  Rariton 
River,  that  he  might  be  in  the  way  to  prevent  General 
Howe  from  throwing  in  a  strong  detachment  between 
him  and  Philadelphia. 

While   on   the  march,   he  wrote   earnest  letters   to   the  Retreat 
i  governor  of  New  Jersey  and  to  Congress,   describing   his  New  jersey, 
situation,  and  requesting  the  support  of  all  the  militia  from 
New  Jersey   and   Pennsylvania,    that   could  be  called  into 
the  service.     When  he  arrived  at  Brunswic,  the  army  then 
with  him  amounted  to  less  than  four  thousand.     He  was 
closely    pursued   by  Cornwallis ;   but  the   retreat    was  ef 
fected,   without   loss,   to   Trenton,   where   he   crossed   the 
26 


202  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [J£T.  44. 

CHAPTER  Delaware,    and   took  a  stand  on  the  western  side  of  that 

"•  river,  securing  the  boats,  and  guarding  the  crossing-places 

1776.  from  Coryell's  Ferry  to  Bristol.     At  this  time  the  number 

Army  crow-  of  his  men,  fit  for  duty,  was  about  three  thousand.     The 

es  the  Dela-  *  ' 

ware.  enemy  did  not  attempt  to  pass  the  river.  For  the  present, 
December?.  General  Howe  was  contented  with  having  overrun  New 
Jersey  ;  and  he  covered  his  acquisition  by  a  chain  of  can 
tonments  at  Pennington,  Trenton,  Bordentown,  and  Bur 
lington.  In  these  positions,  the  two  armies  continued  with 
little  change  for  nearly  three  weeks. 

Enlistment         The  troops,    constituting   the   Flying    Camp  heretofore 
disapproved    mentioned,  were  all  enlisted  in  the  middle  States,  and  en- 

by  Washing 
ton,  gaged  for  a  year.     Their  term  of  service  expired  during 

the  march,  and  none,  except  a  small  part  of  those  from 
Pennsylvania,  could  be  prevailed  on  to  stay  longer.  The 
Board  of  War  suggested  a  plan  for  enlisting  prisoners,  and 
appealed  to  the  example  of  the  enemy.  General  Wash 
ington  opposed  the  measure,  as  not  accordant  with  the 
rules  of  honorable  warfare,  and  said  he  should  remonstrate 
on  the  subject  to  Sir  William  Howe.  He  moreover  thought 
it  impolitic.  In  times  of  danger,  such  recruits  would  al 
ways  be  the  most  backward,  fearing  the  punishment  they 
would  receive  if  captured,  and  communicating  their  fears 
to  the  other  soldiers.  Prisoners  would  likewise  be  tempted 
to  enlist  with  the  intention  to  desert  and  carry  intelligence 
to  the  enemy,  for  which  they  would  be  largely  rewarded. 
Under  no  circumstances,  therefore,  could  confidence  be 
placed  in  such  men;  and  the  chance  was,  that  they 
would  do  much  harm, 
conductor  From  the  time  the  army  separated  at  White  Plains, 

General  Lee 

ami  his  cap-  General  Lee  had  acted  a  very  extraordinary  part.  Wash 
ington  requested  him,  in  a  letter  written  at  Hackinsac,  to 
lead  his  division  into  New  Jersey,  and  join  the  army  on 
its  march.  This  was  soon  followed  by  a  positive  order, 
which  was  often  repeated.  General  Lee  sent  back  various 
excuses,  lingered  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  endeav 
ored  to  draw  away  two  thousand  of  General  Heath's  men 
from  the  Highlands,  contrary  to  the  instructions  given  by 


.  44.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


203 


General    Washington    to    the    latter;    and,    after   crossing    CHAPTER 
with  apparent  reluctance  into  Jersey,  his  progress  was  so        "* 
slow,  that,  in  three  weeks  from  the  time  he  first  received     1776 
orders  to  march,    he  had  only  reached    Morristown.     The 
truth  is,  that  he  had  schemes  of  his  own,  which  he  was 
disposed  to  effect  at  the  hazard   of  disobeying    the   Com 
mander-in-chief.     In  the  first  place,  he  hoped  to  make  a 
brilliant   stroke   upon   New  York,   when  it  should  be  ex 
hausted  of  troops  for  the  expedition  towards  the  Delaware  ; 
and  next,  after  crossing  the  Hudson,  he  still  fostered  the 
design  of  performing  some  signal  exploit  by  attacking  the 
enemy  in  their  rear.     But  his  ambitious  projects  and  hopes 
were  suddenly  cut  short.      While  on   his  march,  not  far 
from  Baskingridge,  he  lodged  one  night  at  a  private  house 
three  miles  from  his  army,  with  a  small  guard.     A  Tory 
in  the  neighborhood  gave  notice  of  his  situation   to   the 
enemy,  and  early  in  the  morning  the  house  was  surround-     Dec.  is. 
ed  by  a  party  of  light-horse,  commanded  by  Colonel  Har- 
court,  who  took  him  prisoner,  and  bore  him  off  in  triumph 
to   the   British  camp. 

This    event   created  a  strong  sensation   of   surprise  and  suspicion* 
regret  throughout  the  country.     The  military  talents,  ex-  motives  of 

.    .  /»    /-N  -IT          11-         •  General  Lee. 

perience,  and  activity  of  General  Lee  had  inspired  univer 
sal  confidence,  and  raised  high  expectations  in  the  minds 
of  the  people.  He  had  served  in  America  during  the  last 
war,  and  afterwards  with  distinguished  reputation  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  Europe.  His  recent  enterprise  and  suc 
cesses  at  the  south  had  confirmed  the  good  opinion  before 
entertained  of  his  abilities  and  skill.  His  capture,  there 
fore,  considering  the  circumstances,  appeared  inexplicable. 
Public  sentiment,  ever  prone  to  extremes,  took  a  direction 
unfavorable  to  his  character.  As  no  plausible  reason  could 
be  assigned  for  his  conduct  in  exposing  himself  so  incau 
tiously,  it  was  surmised  that  he  was  a  voluntary  prisoner, 
and  sought  this  method  of  joining  the  enemy  without 
incurring  the  odium  of  desertion.  But  there  was  no  just 
ground  for  such  a  suspicion.  As  a  soldier,  he  was  true 
to  the  interests  of  his  adopted  country;  as  a  friend  to 


204  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [J£T.  44. 

CHAPTER    American  freedom,  his  sincerity  may  be  questioned.     Har- 

K'        boring    the    most    bitter  resentment    against    the    British 

1776.     King   ^d   ministry,   for  reasons  not  fully  understood,  he 

wished    to    see    them    humbled ;    and   this   motive   alone 

would  have  impelled  him  to  embrace   any   cause  tending 

to  such  a  result. 

character  of      Violent   in  his   temper,   hasty    in   his  resolves,  reckless 

General  Lee. 

in  .adventure,  possessing  an  inordinate  self-confidence  and 
unbounded  ambition,  he  looked  upon  the  American  war 
as  presenting  an  opportunity  for  gratifying  at  the  same 
time  his  animosity  and  his  passion  for  glory.  He  entered 
heartily  into  the  measures  of  opposition  to  the  British 
arms,  and  in  the  first  year  of  the  contest  rendered  im 
portant  services ;  but,  believing  himself  superior  to  every 
other  officer  in  the  American  ranks,  impatient  of  control 
even  by  Congress  or  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  always 
pressing  on  the  verge  of  disobedience,  his  arrogance  had 
risen  to  a  pitch,  that  must  soon  have  led  to  mischievous 
consequences  to  himself,  and  perhaps  to  the  country,  if 
he  had  escaped  the  misfortune  of  captivity.  He  was  a 
man  of  genius,  well  educated,  and  a  skilful  writer ;  but 
eccentric  in  his  habits,  unsettled  in  his  principles,  often 
offensive  in  his  manners,  showing  little  deference  to  the 
opinions  and  feelings  of  others,  and  little  regard  to  the 
usages  of  society. 

strength  of  The  command  of  Lee's  division  devolved  on  General 
Sullivan,  who  marched  with  it  as  soon  as  possible  to  the 
main  army.  Four  regiments  under  General  Gates  also 
arrived  from  Ticonderoga,  being  relieved  at  that  place  by 
the  retreat  of  General  Carleton  to  Canada  for  winter- 
quarters.  These  were  all  the  regular  forces,  which  Gen 
eral  Washington  could  draw  to  his  support.  Heath  was 
ordered  to  advance  with  a  part  of  his  division  from  the 
Highlands ;  but  the  taking  of  Rhode  Island  by  the  British, 
and  the  threatening  appearance  of  the  enemy's  vessels  in 
the  Sound,  made  it  imprudent  to  weaken  that  post,  or  to 
call  away  any  of  the  eastern  troops,  and  the  order  was 
countermanded.  Three  regiments  on  their  march  from 


«T.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  205 

Ticonderoga  were  ordered  to  halt  at  Morristown,  that,  in  CHAPTER 

conjunction  with  a  body  of  militia  there  assembled,  they  — ¥1 — 
might  inspirit  the   inhabitants  and   protect  the  country  in 
that  quarter. 

As  soon  as  the  ice  should  become  sufficiently  strong,  it  congress  ad- 

journs  to 

was   expected   the    enemy   would   pass  the  Delaware,  and  Baltimore, 
bring  all    their    force  to   bear  upon    Philadelphia.      Antici 
pating  this  event,  Congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore.     Gen 
eral  Putnam  took   the   command   of  the  militia  in   Phila-  General  Pat- 

nam 

delphia,  being  instructed  to  throw  up  a  line  of  intrench- 
ments  and  redoubts  from  the  Delaware  to  the  Schuylkill, 
and  prepare  for  an  obstinate  defence. 

This  was  the  gloomiest  period  of  the  war.  The  cam-  Gloomy 
paign  had  been  little  else,  than  a  series  of  disasters  and  fri™. 
retreats.  The  enemy  had  gained  possession  of  Rhode  Isl 
and,  Long  Island,  the  city  of  New  York,  Staten  Island, 
and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Jerseys,  and  seemed  on  the 
point  of  extending  their  conquests  into  Pennsylvania.  By 
the  fatal  scheme  of  short  enlistments,  and  by  sickness, 
the  effective  force  with  General  Washington  had  dwin 
dled  away,  till  it  hardly  deserved  the  name  of  an  army. 
A  proclamation  was  published  jointly  by  Lord  Howe  and 
General  Howe,  offering  pardon  in  the  King's  name  to  all, 
who  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  come  under 
his  protection  within  sixty  days.  Many  persons,  among 
whom  were  men  of  wealth  and  consideration,  accepted 
these  terms,  and  went  over  to  the  enemy.  Others,  es 
pecially  in  New  Jersey,  took  the  oath,  but  remained  at 
their  homes.  In  short,  so  great  was  the  panic  and  so 
dark  the  prospect,  that  a  general  despondency  pervaded 
the  continent. 

In  the  midst   of  these  scenes   of  trial    and    discourage-  washing- 
ment.    Washington    stood    firm.     Whatever    his    apprehen-  ownd 

.       .     .  •*          •       i  •       spirit  under 

sions  may  have  been,  no  misgivings  were  manifest  in  his  his  reverses, 
conduct  or  his  counsels.     From  his  letters,  written  at  this 
time  on   the  western   bank   of  the  Delaware,   it  does  not 
appear  that  he  yielded  for  a  moment  to  a  sense  of  imme 
diate  danger,  or  to   a  doubt  of  ultimate  success.  "  On  the 

u 


206 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  44. 


CHAPTER  contrary,  they  breathe  the  same  determined  spirit,  and  are 
Ix>  marked  by  the  same  confidence,  calmness,  and  forethought, 
1776.  which  distinguish  them  on  all  other  occasions.  When 
asked  what  he  would  do,  if  Philadelphia  should  be  taken, 
he  is  reported  to  have  said ;  "  We  will  retreat  beyond  the 
Susquehanna  River ;  and  thence,  if  necessary,  to  the  Al- 
legany  Mountains."  Knowing,  as  he  did,  the  temper  of 
the  people,  the  deep  rooted  cause  of  the  controversy,  and 
the  actual  resources  of  the  confederacy,  he  was  not  dis 
heartened  by  temporary  misfortunes,  being  persuaded  that 
perseverance  would  at  last  overcome  every  obstacle.  While 
even  the  shadow  of  an  army  could  be  kept  in  the  field, 
the  war  must  be  carried  on  at  an  enormous  expense  by 
the  British  government,  which  the  wealthiest  nation  could 
not  long  sustain. 

Deeply  impressed  with  this  conviction,  and  making  it 
both  the  groundwork  of  his  policy  and  his  rule  of  action, 
he  applied  all  his  energies  to  a  renovation  of  the  army, 
boldly  exposing  to  Congress  the  errors  of  their  former  sys 
tems,  and  earnestly  exhorting  them  to  a  more  effectual 
exercise  of  their  authority  in  giving  support  and  vigor  to 
the  military  establishment.  On  the  20th  of  December  he 
wrote  as  follows  to  the  President  of  Congress. 

"  My  feelings  as  an  officer  and  a  man  have  been  such 
as  to  force  me  to  say,  that  no  person  ever  had  a  greater 
choice  of  difficulties  to  contend  with  than  I  have.  It  is 
needless  to  add,  that  short  enlistments,  and  a  mistaken 
dependence  upon  militia,  have  been  the  origin  of  all  our 
misfortunes,  and  the  great  accumulation  of  our  debt.  We 
find,  Sir,  that  the  enemy  are  daily  gathering  strength  from 
the  disaffected.  This  strength,  like  a  snowball,  by  rolling, 
will  increase,  unless  some  means  can  be  devised  to  check 
effectually  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  arms.  Militia  may 
possibly  do  it  for  a  little  while ;  but  in  a  little  while, 
also,  and  the  militia  of  those  States,  which  have  been  fre 
quently  called  upon,  will  not  turn  out  at  all ;  or,  if  they  do, 
it  will  be  with  so  much  reluctance  and  sloth,  as  to  amount 
to  the  same  thing  Instance  New  Jersey !  Witness  Penn- 


Letter  of  ex 
hortation  to 
Congress. 

Dec.  20. 


^Ex.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  207 

sylvania !     Could  any  thing  but  the  River  Delaware  have    CHAPTER 
saved  Philadelphia?     Can  any  thing  (the  exigency  of  the        **• 
case  indeed  may  justify  it)  be  more  destructive  to  the  re-     1776. 
cruiting    service,    than   giving    ten    dollars'   bounty  for  six 
weeks'  service  of  the  militia  who  come  in,  you  cannot  tell 
how,  go,  you  cannot  tell  when,  and  act,  you  cannot  tell 
where,  consume  your  provisions,  exhaust  your  stores,  and 
leave  you  at  last  at  a  critical  moment? 

"  These.    Sir,    are    the  men  I  am   to   depend   upon  ten  urges  an  in- 

.  . '.        .         .         .  ...  .,,     crease  of  the 

days  hence ;  this  is  the  basis  on  which  your  cause  will  army, 
and  must  for  ever  depend,  till  you  get  a  large  standing 
army  sufficient  of  itself  to  oppose  the  enemy.  I  therefore 
beg  leave  to  give  it  as  my  humble  opinion,  that  eighty- 
eight  battalions  are  by  no  means  equal  to  the  opposition 
you  are  to  make,  and  that  a  moment's  time  is  not  to  be 
lost  in  raising  a  greater  number,  not  less,  in  my  opinion 
and  the  opinion  of  my  officers,  than  a  hundred  and  ten. 
It  may  be  urged,  that  it  will  be  found  difficult  enough  to 
complete  the  first  number.  This  may  be  true,  and  yet 
the  officers  of  a  hundred  and  ten  battalions  will  recruit 
many  more  men,  than  those  of  eighty-eight.  In  my  judg 
ment  this  is  not  a  time  to  stand  upon  expense ;  our  funds 
are  not  the  only  object  of  consideration.  The  State  of  New 
York  have  added  one  battalion  (I  wish  they  had  made  it 
two)  to  their  quota.  If  any  good  officers  will  offer  to 
raise  men  upon  Continental  pay  and  establishment  in  this 
quarter,  I  shall  encourage  them  to  do  so,  and  regiment 
them  when  they  have  done  it.  If  Congress  disapprove  of 
this  proceeding,  they  will  please  to  signify  it,  as  I  mean 
it  for  the  best.  It  may  be  thought  that  I  am  going  a 
good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty,  to  adopt  these 
measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character  to  lose,  an 
estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty  at 
stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse." 

This  representation,  and  others  of  like  import,  had  their  congress 

,  ~,  ,T          .  .  , .  adopt  his 

due    eiiect.       .Notwithstanding   the    extreme    sensitiveness  counsels, 

and  invest 

hitherto    shown   by  Congress,  in   regard   to  a  military  as-  him  with 

D.    .     ;  J  dictatorial 

cendency,  the   present   crisis   was  such,    as   to  silence  the 


208  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  44. 

CHAPTER  opposition,  if  not  to  change  the  sentiments,  of  the  mem- 
.  g*  bers  who  had  looked  with  distrust  upon  every  measure 
1776.  tending  to  strengthen  the  military  arm.  General  Wash 
ington  was  at  once  invested  with  extraordinary  powers. 
Dec.  27.  By  a  formal  resolve  he  was  authorized  to  raise  sixteen 
battalions  of  infantry,  in  addition  to  the  eighty-eight  al 
ready  voted  by  Congress,  and  appoint  the  officers ;  to  raise 
and  equip  three  thousand  light-horse,  three  regiments  of 
artillery,  and  a  corps  of  engineers ;  to  call  upon  any  of 
the  States  for  such  aids  of  militia  as  he  should  judge 
necessary ;  to  form  magazines  of  provisions ;  to  displace 
and  appoint  all  officers  under  the  rank  of  brigadiers,  and 
fill  up  vacancies  in  every  part  of  the  army ;  to  take 
whatever  he  should  want  for  the  use  of  the  army,  allow 
ing  the  inhabitants  a  reasonable  price  for  the  same  j  and 
to  arrest  and  confine  persons,  who  refused  to  receive  the 
Continental  currency,  or  who  were  otherwise  disaffected 
to  the  American  cause,  and  to  report  them  for  trial  to  the 
States  of  which  they  were  citizens.  These  powers  con 
stituted  him  in  all  respects  a  military  Dictator.  They 
were  to  continue  six  months ;  and  in  his  exercise  of  them 
he  fully  justified  the  confidence  of  Congress,  as  expressed 
in  the  preamble  to  the  resolve,  in  which  it  is  said  they 
were  granted  in  consequence  of  a  perfect  reliance  on  his 
wisdom,  vigor,  and  uprightness, 
cautious  use  In  this  case,  as  in  all  others  where  power  was  intrust- 

ofhispow-  ii-  11  •  •  !•  •    M 

ere.  ed  to  him,  whether  acting  in  a  military  or  civil  capacity, 

he  was  cautious  to  exercise  it  no  farther  than  to  effect 
the  single  end  for  which  it  was  designed.  Fearless  in 
the  discharge  of  duty,  and  never  shrinking  from  responsi 
bility,  he  was  at  the  same  time  free  from  the  vanity, 
which  too  often  besets  men  in  high  stations,  of  gaining 
v  personal  consequence  by  making  himself  felt  as  the  cen 
tre  and  moving  spring  of  the  operations  over  which  he 
had  control.  No  man  was  more  vigilant  in  seeing  that 
every  thing  was  properly  done ;  but  he  was  willing  that 
others  should  be  the  agents,  or  the  contrivers,  and  that 
every  one  should  have  the  credit  and  the  praise  of  his 


JEr.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  209 

worthy  deeds.     In   the   present   instance,    therefore,  when    CHAPTER 
Congress  or  the  governments  of  the  States  voluntarily  re 
lieved  him  from  a  part  of  his  task,  which  they  sometimes     1776. 
did  while   he   possessed   the   dictatorship,    so   far  was    he 
from  thinking  it  an  encroachment  on  his  authority  or  an 
interference,  that  he  expressed  satisfaction  and  thanks.* 
To  the  main  point,  however,  of  reforming  and  recruit- 


ing  the  army,    he    gave   his  immediate  and   earnest  atten-  v'g<>r  l°  re- 

J  J  t  cruiting  the 

tion.     In  advancing  this  object,  he  employed  the  powers  army- 
with  which  he  was  invested  to  their  fullest  extent.     The 
mode  of  appointing   officers  was   one  of  the  most  serious 
defects  in    the    system   recently    established   by   Congress. 
Some   of  the  States   had  neglected   to  complete    their  ap- 

*  After  he  had  been  invested  with  the  above  dictatorial  office,  the 
Council  of  Safety  of  New  York  apologized  to  him  for  certain  measures 
they  had  taken  in  regard  to  the  troops  of  that  State,  which  they  after 
wards  discovered  to  have  been  an  invasion  of  the  powers  properly  be 
longing  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  Washington  replied  ;  "  I  should  be 
unhappy  in  the  belief,  that  any  part  of  my.  letter  to  you  could  be  con 
strued  into  the  slightest  hint,  that  you  wish  to  interfere  in  the  military 
line.  Heaven  knows  that  I  greatly  want  the  aid  of  every  good  man,  and 
that  there  are  not  such  enviable  pleasures  attending  my  situation,  as  to 
make  me  too  jealous  of  its  prerogatives.  Rather  than  complain  of  your 
late  efforts  in  the  military  way,  you  deserve  the  thanks  of  us  all,  and 
I  feel  myself  happy  in  this  opportunity  of  returning  you  mine  in  the 
greatest  truth  and  sincerity." 

The  resolves  of  Congress,  conferring  the  above  powers,  were  trans 
mitted  to  Washington  by  the  Committee,  who  remained  in  Philadelphia 
when  the  Congress  adjourned  to  Baltimore,  namely,  Robert  Morris, 
Clymer,  and  Walton.  In  their  letter  they  said  ;  —  "  We  find  by  these 
resolves,  that  your  Excellency's  hands  will  be  strengthened  with  very 
ample  powers;  and  a  new  reformation  of  the  army  seems  to  have  its 
origin  therein.  Happy  it  is  for  this  country,  that  the  General  of  their 
forces  can  safely  be  intrusted  with  the  most  unlimited  power,  and 
neither  personal  security,  liberty,  nor  property,  be  in  the  least  degree 
endangered  thereby." 

To  no  one,  who  has  been  conspicuous  in  history,  could  the  words  of 
Ennius,  as  quoted  by  Cicero  in  illustration  of  the  character  of  Fabius 
Maximus,  be  more  appropriately  applied  than  to  Washington. 

"  Unus  qui  nobis  cunctando  restituit  rem  ; 
Non  ponebat  enim  rumores  ante  salutem  ; 
Ergo  magisque  magisque  viri  nunc  gloria  claret." 

27 


210 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr. 


CHAPTER 
IX. 

1776. 


Hi*  rule  for 
the  selection 
of  officers. 


Plans  an  at 
tack  on  the 
enemy  at 
Trenton, 


pointments  ;  and  generally  these  were  made  with  so  little 
judgment,  and  with  such  a  disregard  of  military  rules, 
that  officers  without  worth  or  experience  had  been  put 
over  the  heads  of  those,  who  were  accustomed  to  service, 
and  had  given  proofs  of  their  valor  and  ability.  By  his 
power 'to  displace,  and  to  fill  up  vacancies,  Washington 
rectified  these  errors  as  far  as  prudence  would  permit. 
The  appointments  for  the  sixteen  additional  battalions  of 
infantry,  and  the  new  regiments  of  light-horse,  artillery, 
and  engineers,  being  wholly  in  his  hands,  he  took  care 
to  provide  for  meritorious  officers,  who  had  been  over 
looked  by  the  States ;  thus  removing  their  disgust,  secur 
ing  a  valuable  accession  to  the  army,  and  inducing  many 
privates  to  reerilist,  who  had  participated  in  the  dissatis 
faction  of  their  officers.  His  rule  in  this  respect  is  indi 
cated  in  a  letter  of  instructions  to  Colonel  Baylor,  who 
was  to  command  a  regiment  of  light-horse. 

"As  nothing  contributes  so  much  to  the  constitution  of 
a  good  regiment,"  said  he,  "  as  a  good  corps  of  officers, 
and  no  method  is  so  likely  to  obtain  these,  as  leaving  the 
choice  in  a  great  measure  to  the  gentleman,  who  is  to 
reap  the  honors  or  share  the  disgrace  of  their  behavior,  I 
shall  vest  you  with  the  power  of  nominating  the  officers  of 
your  regiment,  except  the  field-officers ;  claiming  to  myself 
a  negative  upon  a  part  or  the  whole,  if  I  have  reason  to 
suspect  an  improper  choice.  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you 
to  be  circumspect  in  your  choice  of  officers.  Take  none 
but  gentlemen ;  let  no  local  attachments  influence  you  ; 
do  not  suffer  your  good  nature,  when  an  application  is 
made,  to  say  yes,  when  you  ought  to  say  no  ;  remember 
that  it  is  a  public,  not  a  private  cause,  that  is  to  be  in 
jured  or  benefited  by  your  choice ;  recollect,  also,  that 
no  instance  has  yet  happened  of  good  or  bad  behavior  in 
a  corps  in  our  service,  that  has  not  originated  with  the 
officers.  Do  not  take  old  men,  nor  yet  fill  your  corps 
with  boys,  especially  for  captains." 

Before  these  measures  for  arranging  the  army  were  ma 
tured,  other  events  of  great  importance  occurred,  which 


.  44.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


211 


gave  a  new  face  to  affairs.  From  the  moment  Washing-  CHAPTER 
ton  crossed  the  Delaware,  his  thoughts  were  turned  upon  IX' 
devising  some  method  to  retrieve  hi§  losses,  or  at  least  to  1776. 
impede  the  progress  and  derange  the  plans  of  the  enemy. 
For  several  days  it  was  uncertain  what  course  General 
Howe  would  pursue.  The  river  continued  free  from  ice 
longer  than  was  expected.  He  kept  his  detachments  can 
toned  at  the  places  where  they  had  first  been  lodged,  the 
strongest  being  at  Brunswic,  ready  to  move  in  any  direc 
tion  at  a  short  notice.  Meantime  the  American  force 
gained  accessions  by  Lee's  division,  the  regiments  from 
Ticonderoga,  and  the  militia  from  Philadelphia  and  the 
eastern  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  who  turned  out  with  spirit 
and  in  considerable  numbers.  These  latter  troops  were  in 
two  bodies,  one  at  Bristol  under  General  Cadwalader,  the 
other  nearly  opposite  the  town  of  Trenton,  commanded  by 
General  Ewing.  The  Continental  regiments  were  still 
retained  in  their  original  position  higher  up  the  river. 

At  length  General  Washington  resolved  to  hazard  the  Position  of 
bold  experiment  of  recrossing  the  Delaware,  and  attacking  mfesW° 
the  enemy  on  their  own  ground.  At  Trenton  were  three 
regiments  of  Hessians,  amounting  to  about  fifteen  hun 
dred  men,  and  a  troop  of  British  light-horse.  Small  de 
tachments  were  stationed  at  Bordentown,  Burlington,  Black 
Horse,  and  Mount  Holly.  These  latter  posts  were  to  be 
assaulted  by  Cadwalader,  who  was  to  cross  near  Bristol, 
while  Washington  should  cross  above  Trenton,  and  Ewing 
a  little  below,  and  unite  in  the  attack  upon  the  Hessians 
in  that  place.  The  night  of  the  25th  of  December  was 
fixed  on  for  making  the  attempt. 

At   dusk,   the    Continental  troops    selected   for   the   ser-  Battle  or 
vice,  and  commanded  by    General  Washington    in  person,  7     ton* 
amounting  to  two  thousand  four  hundred  men,  with  twenty 
pieces  of    artillery,   began  to  cross  at  McKonkey's  Ferry, 
nine  miles  above  Trenton,  and  it  was  supposed  they  would 
all  be  passed  over  by  twelve  o'clock ;  but  the  floating  ice 
retarded    the    boats    so    much,    that   it   was    almost    four 
o'clock  in  the  morning  before  the  whole  body,  with  the 


Dec.  28. 


212 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  44. 


CHAPTER    artillery,  was    landed   on  the   opposite   bank  of  the  river 
ready  to  march.      The  troops  were  then  formed   in    two 


1776, 


Prisoners 
captured  at 
Trenton. 


divisions.  One  of  these,  commanded  by  General  Sullivan, 
marched  in  the  road  near  the  river ;  and  the  other,  led 
by  General  Greene,  moved  down  a  road  farther  to  the 
left,  called  the  Pennington  road.  General  Washington 
was  with  this  division.  The  roads  entered  the  town  at 
different  points,  and  as  the  distance  by  each  was  nearly 
the  same,  it  was  intended  that  the  attacks  should  begin 
simultaneously.  At  eight  o'clock  the  left  division  fell  in 
with  the  enemy's  advanced  guard,  and  almost  at  the 
same  instant  a  firing  was  heard  on  the  right,  which  show 
ed  that  the  other  division  had  arrived.  They  both  pushed 
forward  into  the  town,  meeting  with  little  opposition,  ex 
cept  from  two  or  three  pieces  of  artillery,  which  Were 
soon  taken.  The  Hessians,  being  driven  from  the  town 
and  hard  pressed,  made  a  show  of  retreating  towards 
Princeton,  but  were  checked  by  a  body  of  troops  sent 
to  intercept  them.  Finding  themselves  surrounded,  and 
seeing  no  other  way  of  escape,  they  all  surrendered  pris 
oners  of  war. 

The  number  of  prisoners  was  twenty-three  officers  and 
eight  hundred  and  eighty-six  privates.  Others  were  found 
concealed  in  houses,  making  in  the  whole  about  a  thou 
sand.  The  British  light-horse,  and  four  or  five  hundred 
Hessians,  escaped  at  the  beginning  of  the  action  over  the 
bridge  across  the  Assanpink,  and  fled  to  Bordentown.  Six 
brass  fieldpieces  and  a  thousand  stand  of  arms  were 
the  trophies  of  victory.  Colonel  Rahl,  the  Hessian  com 
mander  and  a  gallant  officer,  was  mortally  wounded.  Six 
Dther  officers  and  between  twenty  and  thirty  men  were 
killed.  The  American  loss  was  two  privates  killed  and 
two  others  frozen  to  death.  Captain  William  Washington, 
distinguished  as  an  officer  of  cavalry  at  a  later  period  of 
the  war,  and  Lieutenant  Monroe,  afterwards  President  of 
the  United  States,  were  wounded  in  a  brave  and  suc 
cessful  assault  upon  the  enemy's  artillery.  The  fact,  that 
two  men  died  by  suffering  from  cold,  is  a  proof  of  the 


^x.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  213 

intense   severity  of  the  weather.  It   snowed   and   hailed  CHAPTER 
during  the  whole  march.  IX' 

The  ice  had  formed  so  fast  in  the  river  below  Tren-     1776. 

ton,  that  it  was  impracticable  for  the  troops  under    Cad-  Recrossea 

the  Dela- 

walader  and  Ewing  to  pass  over  at  the  times  agreed  ware  to  ws 
upon.  Cadwalader  succeeded  in  landing  a  battalion  of 
infantry  ;  but  the  ice  on  the  margin  of  the  stream  was 
in  such  a  condition,  as  to  render  it  impossible  to  land  the 
artillery,  and  they  all  returned.  If  Ewing  had  crossed, 
as  was  proposed,  and  taken  possession  of  the  bridge  on 
the  south  side  of  the  town,  the  party  that  fled  would 
have  been  intercepted  and  captured.  And  there  was  the 
fairest  prospect  that  Cadwalader  would  have  been  equally 
fortunate  against  the  detachments  below,  or  have  driven 
them-  towards  Trenton,  where  they  would  have  met  a 
victorious  army.  This  part  of  the  plan  having  failed, 
and  the  enemy  being  in  force  at  Princeton  and  Brunswic, 
it  was  thought  advisable  by  General  Washington  not  to 
hazard  any  thing  further,  especially  as  his  men  were  ex 
hausted  with  fatigue.  He  recrossed  the  Delaware  with 
his  prisoners  the  same  day,  and  gained  his  encampment 
on  the  other  side. 

The  British  and  Hessian  troops  posted  at  Bordentown,  Passes  over 
and  in  the    vicinity  of   that  place,  immediately   retreated  ware  again, 

.  and  takes  up 

to  Princeton,  so  that  the  whole  line  of  the  enemy's  can-  his  quarters 

7  *  at  Trenton. 

tonments  along  the  Delaware  was  broken  up  and  driven 

Dec.  30. 

back.  As  soon  as  his  troops  were  refreshed,  General 
Washington  again  passed  over  the  Delaware,  and  took 
up  his  quarters  at  Trenton,  resolved  to  pursue  the  enemy, 
or  adopt  such  other  measures  as  his  situation  would  jus 
tify.  Meanwhile  General  Cadwalader  succeeded  in  cross 
ing  over  with  eighteen  hundred  Pennsylvania  militia,  who 
were  followed  by  as  many  more  under  General  Mifflin, 
all  of  whom  formed  a  junction  with  the  main  army  at 
Trenton. 

At  this  critical  moment  the  term  of  service  of  several  The  term  of 
regiments  expired,  the  dissolution  of  the  old  army  occur-  man'y  of  the 

-,  /.     ,  ,  ,     '  troops  ex- 

Ting  on  the  last  day  of  the  year ;    and,    worn  down  with 


214 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[>£T.  44. 


CHAPTER 
IX. 

1777. 


Lord  Corn- 
willis  ar 
rives  at 
Trenton. 

January  2. 


Washington 
resolves  to 
march  to 
Princeton. 


the  extraordinary  hardships  of  the  campaign,  the  men 
seemed  at  first  determined  to  go  off  in  a  body,  and  re 
turn  to  their  homes.  By  much  persuasion,  however,  and 
the  exertions  of  their  officers,  seconded  by  a  bounty  of 
ten  dollars  to  each  man,  more  than  half  of  them  agreed 
to  remain  six  weeks  longer. 

It  was  not  presumed  that  Sir  William  Howe  would  long 
permit  the  Americans  quietly  to  possess  the  advantages 
they  had  gained,  or  delay  to  retaliate  for  the  disasters  his 
army  had  suffered.  He  was  now  in  New  York ;  and, 
when  the  intelligence  of  the  late  events  reached  that  city, 
he  ordered  Lord  Cornwallis,  then  on  the  eve  of  embark 
ing  for  Europe,  to  suspend  his  departure,  and  take  the 
command  in  the  Jerseys.  This  officer  hastened  to  Prince 
ton,  followed  by  additional  forces  from  Brunswic.  In  the 
morning  of  the  2d  of  January,  it  was  ascertained  that 
the  enemy's  battalions  were  marching  towards  Trenton, 
and  General  Washington  prepared  to  meet  an  attack.  To 
harass  them  on  their  march,  and  retard  their  progress,  he 
sent  out  strong  parties  on  the  road  to  Princeton,  with  or 
ders  to  skirmish  at  every  advantageous  position.  These 
orders  were  faithfully  obeyed,  and  the  head  of  the  ene 
my's  columns  did  not  reach  Trenton  till  four  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon.  The  American  army  then  retired  to  the 
high  ground  beyond  the  Assanpink.  The  bridge  was  de 
fended  by  artillery,  and  a  sharp  cannonade  was  kept  up, 
particularly  at  that  point,  and  et  the  fords  above  the 
bridge,  which  the  enemy  attempted  to  pass.  At  dusk  the 
firing  ceased,  and  Lord  Cornwallis  encamped  his  troops 
near  the  village,  intending  to  renew  the  combat  in  the 
morning,  when  his  reinforcements  should  arrive.  The 
Americans  encamped  on  the  ground  they  occupied  after 
crossing  the  Assanpink,  and  the  fires  kindled  by  the  two 
armies  were  in  full  view  of  each  other. 

To  all  appearance  a  general  action  must  be  fought  the 
next  day,  and  this  with  fearful  odds,  as  the  British  were 
superior  in  numbers,  and  immeasurably  so  in  the  disci 
pline  and  experience  of  their  men  ;  for  more  than  half 


2Er.  44.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  215 

of  the  American  army  consisted  of  militia,  who  had  never  CHAPTER 
seen  a  battle,  and  had  been  but  a  few  days  in  the  service.  IX* 
At  the  beginning  of  the  evening  General  Washington  1777- 
assembled  his  officers  in  council  and  a  bold  resolution 
was  adopted.  From  the  number  of  Lord  Cornwallis's 
troops  it  was  rightly  conjectured,  that  he  could  not  have 
left  many  in  the  rear ;  and  it  was  decided  to  move  by 
a  concealed  march  on  the  east  side  of  the  Assanpink  to 
Princeton.  If  no  obstacles  were  met  with  on  the  way, 
it  was  possible  that  the  army  might  push  onward  to 
Brunswic,  surprise  the  enemy  there,  and  capture  the 
stores,  before  Lord  Cornwallis  could  return.  To  secure 
his  baggage  and  prevent  it  from  encumbering  the  army, 
General  Washington  ordered  it  to  be  silently  removed  to 
Burlington,  and  at  twelve  o'clock  at  night  commenced 
his  march.  That  the  suspicion  of  the  enemy  might  not 
be  awakened,  the  fires  were  kept  burning,  and  the  guards 
were  ordered  to  remain  at  the  bridge  and  the  fords,  till 
the  approach  of  daylight,  when  they  were  to  follow. 
Men  were  employed  during  the  night  digging  an  in- 
trenchment  so  near  the  enemy's  sentries,  that  they  could 
be  heard  at  their  work. 

Pursuing  a  circuitous  route,  General  Washington  reached  Battle  of 
Princeton  a  little  after  sunrise.  Three  British  regiments 
were  found  there,  being  the  seventeenth,  fortieth,  and 
fifty-fifth,  commanded  by  Colonel  Mawhood,  two  of  which 
were  designed  to  reinforce  Lord  Cornwallis  that  morning 
at  Trenton.  These  two  were  already  on  their  march. 
The  American  vanguard  first  engaged  the  seventeenth, 
and  a  short  but  very  severe  conflict  ensued.  The  regi 
ment  was  thrown  into  disorder,  and  the  fragments  dis 
persed.  Some  accounts  say,  that  they  broke  through  the 
American  ranks  ;  others  that  they  fled.  At  any  rate,  after 
a  brave  resistance,  they  escaped  from  the  field,  and  re 
gained  the  road  to  Trenton.  The  rencounter  was  likewise 
sustained  with  spirit  by  the  fifty-fifth  regiment,  which 
finally  retreated  towards  Brunswic,  as  did  also  the  for 
tieth,  which  took  little  part  in  the  action.  The  British 


216 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


44. 


CHAPTER 
IX. 

1777. 

Results  of 
the  battle. 


General 
Mercer. 


Cornwallis 
returns  from 
Trenton. . 


Washington 
marches  to 
Pluckemin. 


loss  was  more  than  one  hundred  killed,  and  about  three 
hundred  prisoners. 

But  the  victory  was  by  no  means  a  bloodless  one  to 
the  Americans.  General  Mercer  was  mortally  wounded ; 
and  Colonel  Haslet,  Colonel  Potter,  and  other  officers  of 
subordinate  rank,  were  killed.  General  Mercer  was  a 
Scotchman  by  birth,  and  in  his  youth  had  been  in  the 
battle  of  Culloden.  He  served  in  America  with  distinc 
tion  during  the  last  French  war,  and  afterwards  settled 
in  Virginia.  He  was  a  brave  and  worthy  man,  an  inti 
mate  friend  of  the  Commander-in-chief,  much  respected 
for  his  talents,  military  character,  and  private  worth,  and 
his  death  was  deeply  lamented.  Colonel  Haslet  had  dis 
tinguished  himself  for  bravery  and  good  conduct  in  the 
battles  of  Long  Island  and  Chatterton's  Hill,  and  in  sev 
eral  hazardous  enterprises.  Throughout  the  action,  Gen 
eral  Washington  exposed  his  person  in  the  hottest  parts 
of  the  combat,  giving  orders  and  animating  the  troops. 
At  the  request  of  the  prisoners,  Captain  Leslie,  a  British 
officer  much  beloved  by  them,  and  killed  in  the  action, 
was  buried  with  military  honors  in  the  American  camp. 

When  daylight  appeared,  and  it  was  discovered  that  the 
Americans  were  gone,  Lord  Cornwallis  easily  penetrated 
the  plans  of  Washington,  and  his  conjecture  was  confirmed 
by  the  firing  heard  in  the  direction  of  Princeton.  Alarmed 
for  the  safety  of  Brunswic,  he  immediately  retreated,  and 
his  van  had  almost  reached  Princeton,  when  the  rear  of 
the  American  army  left  it.  Washington  pursued  the  two 
fugitive  regiments  as  far  as  Kingston,  where  he  turned 
short  to  the  left,  and  arrived  the  same  evening  at  Plucke 
min,  having  twice  crossed  the  Millstone  River,  and  caused 
the  bridge  at  Kingston  to  be  taken  up,  in  order  to  retard 
the  march  of  the  enemy.  Considering  the  exhausted  state 
of  his  men,  who  had  not  slept  for  thirty-six  hours,  and 
the  near  approach  of  Cornwallis  with  a  superior  army  of 
fresh  troops,  he  thought  it  prudent  to  abandon  his  design 
upon  Brunswic,  contenting  himself  with  his  success  at 
Princeton,  and  with  having  drawn  the  enemy  from  all 
their  posts  on  the  Delaware. 


Ax.  44.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  217 

At  Pluckemin  he  remained  no  longer  than  to  give  his  CHAPTER 
troops  rest  and  refreshment,  and  then  advanced  to  Morris- 
town,  where  his  winter-quarters  were  finally   established.      1777. 

This  was   not  in  all  respects   so  favorable  a  situation   as  Retires  to 


winter-quar- 


,,.,,.  .  -T/^., 

he  desired  ;  but  it  was  in  a  mountainous  region,  difficult  ters  at 
of  access  to  the  enemy,  and  surrounded  by  a  fertile  coun 
try  affording  abundant  supplies.  He  did  not  sit  down 
idle,  however,  nor  trust  to  the  barriers  of  nature  for  his 
protection.  Unprovided  as  his  men  were  with  almost  ev 
ery  thing  necessary  for  a  winter  campaign,  he  sent  out 
detachments  to  assail  and  harass  General  Howe's  troops  ; 
and  with  such  vigor  and  address  were  these  expeditions 
conducted,  that  in  a  short  time  not  a  single  British  or 
Hessian  regiment  remained  in  the  Jerseys,  except  at  Bruns- 
wic  and  Amboy,  between  which  places  and  New  York 
was  an  open  communication  by  water. 

Such  were  the  splendid  results  of  General  Washington's  Effects  of 

,  ,  •          .  -  the  late 

plans  and  operations  from  the  time  he  determined  to  re-  operations.  _ 

cross  the  Delaware.     When  his  army  was  thought  to  be 

on   the   verge   of  annihilation,   and   the   whole    world  re 

garded  American    liberty  as   struggling   in  the  last   stage 

of  its  existence,  he  commenced  and  pursued  an  offensive 

warfare  against  a  hitherto  victorious  army,  strong  in  num 

bers  and  confident   in  its  strength,   and,  within  the  brief 

space  of  three  weeks,  dislodged  it  from  every  post  it  had 

taken   along    the   Delaware    River,   relieved    Philadelphia 

from  danger,  and  recovered  almost  the  whole  province  of 

New  Jersey.     The   glory  of  these  achievements  was  ren 

dered  doubly  conspicuous  by  their  immediate  effects.     The 

despondency,  which  had  weighed  heavily  upon  the  minds 

of  the  people,  was  dispelled  as  by  a  charm,  the'  martial 

spirit  wasj  revived,  and  a  new  animation  infused  into  the 

public   counsels. 

The  classical  and  eloquent  Italian  historian  of  the  war,  Tribute  of 
Charles  Botta,  after  describing  these  transactions,  adds; 
"  Achievements  so  astonishing  gained  for  the  American 
commander  a  very  great  reputation,  and  were  regarded 
with  wonder  by  all  nations,  as  well  as  by  the  Americans. 
28  w 


218  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jEx.  44. 

CHAPTER  Every  one  applauded  the  prudence,  the  firmness,  and  the 
IX>  daring  of  General  Washington.  All  declared  him  the 
1 7  7  7  •  savior  of  his  country ;  all  proclaimed  him  equal  to  the 
most  renowned  commanders  of  antiquity,  and  especially 
distinguished  him  by  the  name  of  the  AMERICAN  FABIUS. 
His  name  was  in  the  mouths  of  all*  men,  and  celebrated 
by  the  pens  of  the  most  eminent  writers.  The  greatest 
personages  in  Europe  bestowed  upon  him  praise  and  con 
gratulation.  Thus  the  American  General  wanted  neither 
a  noble  cause  to  defend,  nor  an  opportunity  for  acquiring 
glory,  nor  the  genius  to  avail  himself  of  it,  nor  a  whole 
generation  of  men  competent  and  well  disposed  to  render 
him  homage."  * 

*  Storia  della  Guerra  dell'  Independenza  degli  Stati  Uniti  d'  America, 
Tom.  II.  Lib.  7. 


.  44.1  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  .219 


CHAPTER   X. 

General  Washington's  Proclamation.  —  His  Preparations  for  the  next  Cam 
paign.  —  Exchange  of  Prisoners.  —  Condition  of  the  American  Prisoners 
in  New  York.  —  Military  Operations  in  New  Jersey.  —  The  Army  crosses 
the  Delaware  and  encamps  near  Germantown.  —  Washington's  first  In 
terview  with  Lafayette.  —  Sir  William  Howe  lands  at  the  Head  of  Elk. 
—  Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine.  —  N6w  Powers  conferred  on  Washington  by 
Congress.  —  Battle  of  Germantown.  —  Skirmishes  at  Whitemarsh.  —  Suf 
ferings  of  the  Army.  —  Winter  Encampment  at  Valley  Forge.  —  Spurious 
Letters  written  and  circulated  in  the  Name  of  Washington.  —  Con  way's 
Cabal.  —  Persons  concerned  in  it.  —  Honorable  and  generous  Conduct  of 
Lafayette  in  Relation  to  this  Afiair. 

HEAD-QUARTERS    being    at    Morristown,    the    central    or   CHAPTER 
main  division  of  the  army  was  encamped  for   the  winter  _    Xt 
near  that   place   in   huts   temporarily   constructed   for   the     1777. 
purpose.     Cantonments   were  likewise  established  at    vari-  Position  of 
ous  points  from   Princeton   on   the   right,   where   General 
Putnam  commanded,  to  the  Highlands  on  the  left,  which 
post  continued  under  the  charge  of  General  Heath.    Skir 
mishes  often   happened   between   the   American  advanced 
troops  and  the  enemy's  foraging  parties.     For  six  months, 
however,  no  enterprise  of  magnitude  was   undertaken  on 
either  side. 

Sir  William  Howe's  proclamation,  as  we  have  seen,  had  General 
produced  considerable  effect  in  the  Jerseys.     Not  only  the  prociama- 
disaffected,  but  many  well  disposed  citizens,  finding  them-  effectl 
selves  in  the  power  of  the  enemy,  had  sought  protection 
for  their  families  and  their  property  by  taking  an  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  King.    Their  hopes  had  been  fatally  dis 
appointed.    With  such  license  had  the  British  and  Hessian 
troops  overrun  the  country,  that  they  plundered,  burnt,  and 
destroyed  whatever  came  in  their  way,  and  in  some  instances 
committed  the  greatest  outrages  upon  the  inhabitants,  with 
out  discriminating   between  friends   and  foes.     In  one   re- 


220 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


[-fflr.  44. 


washing. 


tion. 


January  26. 


CHAPTER   spect  this  conduct  was  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  the  pa- 

x'        triots.    It  roused  the  indignation  of  the  people,  and,  goad- 

177  7»    ed  by   the  deep  feeling  of  their  wrongs,  the  militia  flew 

to  arms  with  an  alacrity  and  determination  not  surpassed 

on  any   former   occasion.     A  large   number   of  substantial 

farmers,  however,   more   pacific   in  their  dispositions,  who 

had  taken  advantage  of  the  proclamation,  professed   scru 

ples   in  regard   to   their   oath.      They  looked   upon   their 

pledge  as  binding  them  at  least  to  a  passive  neutrality. 

To  remove  this  difficulty,  and  draw  a  proper  line  of 
distinction  between  friends  arvd  enemies,  General  Wash- 
ington  issued  a  counter  proclamation,  commanding  all  per 
sons,  who  had  received  protections  from  the  British  com 
missioners,  to  repair  to  head-quarters  or  to  some  general 
officer  of  the  army,  to  deliver  up  such  protections,  and  take 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  ;  "  nevertheless 
granting  full  liberty  to  all  such,  as  preferred  the  interests 
and  protection  of  Great  Britain  to  the  freedom  and  hap 
piness  of  their  country,  forthwith  to  withdraw  themselves 
and  their  families  within  the  enemy's  lines."  Thirty  days 
were  allowed  for  complying  with  this  order,  at  the  end 
of  which  period,  those,  who  had  neglected  or  refused  to 
comply,  were  to  be  deemed  as  adherents  to  the  King  of 
Great  Britain,  and  treated  as  enemies  to  the  American 
States. 

Strange  as  it  may  be  thought,  the  publishing  of  this 
proclamation  was  considered  an  undue  exercise  of  power. 
Even  in  Congress  it  was  censured  by  some  of  the  mem 
bers.  The  legislature  of  New  Jersey  more  than  hinted, 
that  it  was  an  encroachment  on  their  prerogatives.  An 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  was  said  to  be 
absurd  before  the  confederation  was  formed,  and  the  pow 
er  of  requiring  such  an  oath  was  claimed  exclusively  for 
each  State.  Hence  the  opposition  arose,  not  from  an  im 
partial  view  of  the  abstract  merits  of  the  act,  but  from 
the  jealousy  of  State  sovereignty.  Fully  convinced,  how 
ever,  of  the  necessity,  reasonableness,  and  equity  of  the 
measure,  Washington  adhered  to  it,  and  instructed  his 


Proclama 
tion  disap 
proved  by 
some  per 
sons. 


^x.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  221 

officers  accordingly,   willing,  as  in  all  other  cases,  to  risk    CHAPTER 
his  own  popularity  in  promoting  the  public  interests. 

His  first  care,  after  putting  the  troops  in  winter-quarters,  1777. 
was  drawn  to  the  completion  of  the  army  for  the  next  condition  of 
campaign ;  and  he  wrote  circular  letters  to  the  governors 
of  the  middle  and  eastern  States,  urging  them  in  the 
strongest  terms  to  adopt  prompt  and  effectual  methods  for 
raising  recruits  and  filling  up  their  regiments.  His  effi 
cient  strength  through  the  winter  was  so  small,  that  pru 
dence  required  him  to  use  the  expedient,  to  which  he 
was  often  driven,  of  magnifying  his  numbers  to  the  pub 
lic,  lest  the  enemy,  becoming  acquainted  with  his  weak 
ness,  should  make  a  sudden  and  rapid  movement  upon 
him,  and  obtain  an  easy  victory.  This  deception,  so  es 
sential  to  his  safety,  operated  unfavorably ;  since  it  gave 
the  impression  that  his  army  was  much  larger  than  it 
really  was,  and  diminished  the  efforts  gf  the  States  to 
provide  seasonable  reinforcements.  It  was  only  in  the 
midst  of  a  campaign,  when  the  enemy  were  in  motion, 
that  the  people  thought  of  danger ;  and  then  it  was  often 
too  late  to  make  proper  exertions  for  increasing  the  army. 

To  stimulate  the  activity  of  the  States,  by  forcible  and  An  addition- 

.,  -,  .  ,  -ii-i  al  number  of 

reiterated  representations  to  the  governors  and   legislatures,  general  O/B- 

,  .,  „     cere  appoint- 

by  argument,  persuasion,  and  appeals  to  every  motive   of  ed. 

pride,  honor,  and  patriotism,  was  the  task  which  he  was 
obliged  to  repeat  every  winter  ;  and  this  was  a  source  of 
unceasing  anxiety  from  the  time  the  troops  went  into 
quarters,  till  they  again  took  the  field  to  combat  the  en 
emy.  Congress,  embarrassed  by  the  novelty  of  their  du 
ties  and  the  indefinite  nature  of  their  powers,  deliberated 
with  caution,  and  were  seldom  ready  to  act  in  military 
affairs,  till  incited  by  the  counsels  or  earnest  entreaties  of 
the  Commander-in-chief.  For  several  months  he  had  urg 
ed  upon  them  the  necessity  of  a  larger  number  of  gen 
eral  officers  in  the  army,  and  in  February  five  additional 
major-generals  and  ten  brigadiers  were  appointed. 

On  this  subject   he  always   spoke   with  delicacy  in  his  objectiou- 

1    .  ,  .  .     .  able  mode  of 

letters,  rarely  expressing   an   opinion   as   to   the   qualifier-  appointing 

w*  officers- 


222 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  45. 


CHAPTER  tions  of  individuals,  and  avoiding  equally  the  appearance 
of  partiality  and  of  a  wish  to  interfere  in  any  degree  with 
the  appointing  power.  Various  considerations  produced  de 
lays  and  sometimes  contentions  in  Congress  respecting 
military  appointments.  Local  predilections  interposed  the 
chief  obstacles.  The  claims  of  the  respective  States  were 
to  be  regarded,  according  to  which  the  general  officers 
were  to  be  taken  from  each  in  proportion  to  the  number 
of  troops  it  furnished.  By  this  rule  the  best  officers  in 
the  country  could  not  be  selected,  if  it  happened  that 
more  than  one  or  two  resided  in  the  same  State.  More 
over  there  were  frequent  disagreements  among  the  dele 
gates  of  a  particular  State,  in  regard  to  the  comparative 
merits  of  the  candidates  of  such  State,  especially  when 
the  pretensions  of  each  were  supported  by  the  influence 
of  friends  or  parties.  This  mode  of  appointing  officers  not 
only  brought  sojne  into  the  service,  who  were  incompe 
tent  to  their  high  station,  but  created  dissensions  in  the 
army  about  rank,  and  added  to  the  many  troubles  that 
harassed  the  Commander-in-chief. 

Soon  after  General  Howe  arrived  at  Staten  Island  from 
Halifax,  a  correspondence  was  opened  between  him  and 
General  Washington  respecting  the  exchange  of  prisoners  ; 
and  it  was  mutually  agreed,  that  officers  should  be  given 
for  officers  of  equal  rank,  soldier  for  soldier,  and  citizen 
for  citizen.  Exchanges  were  effected  upon  this  basis  till 
the  capture  of  General  Lee.  The  British  commander  chose 
to  consider  that  officer  in  the  light  of  a  pleserter  from  the 
King's  service,  although  he  had  resigned  his  commission 
before  he  joined  the  American  army ;  and,  in  conformity 
with  this  view  of  his  character,  he  was  kept  in  more  rig 
orous  confinement  than  other  prisoners  of  war.  It  was 
also  understood,  that  he  was  to  be  tried  by  a  court-martial. 
When  these  facts  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Congress, 
they  thought  it  necessary,  in  support  of  their  own  digni 
ty,  and  for  the  protection  of  their  officers  who  might  fall 
into  the  enemy's  hands,  to  adopt  energetic  and  decisive 
measures*  and  immediately  resolved  on  severe  retaliation. 


Exchange  of 
prisoners. 


Air.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  223 

They  decreed,  that  Colonel  Campbell,  a  British  prisoner  CHAPTER 
in  Massachusetts,  and  five  Hessian  field-officers  taken  at 
Trenton,  should  be  subjected  to  precisely  the  same  treat 
ment  as  General  Lee.  The  consequence  was,  that  Col 
onel  Campbell  was  confined  in  a  common  jail,  and  the 
Hessian  officers,  who  had  been  sent  to  Virginia,  were  de 
prived  of  the  privileges  usually  granted  to  prisoners  of  war. 

General  Washington  at  once  saw  the  injurious  tendency  Washington  ' 
of  this  hasty  and  premature  act  of  retaliation,  and  remon-  retauatumT 
strated  strenuously  against  it.  "  In  point  of  policy,"  said  March  i. 
he,  in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  "  under  the 
present  situation  of  our  affairs,  this  doctrine  cannot  be 
supported.  The  balance  of  prisoners  is  greatly  against 
us ;  and  a  general  regard  to  the  happiness  of  the  whole 
should  mark  our  conduct.  Can  we  imagine,  that  our  en 
emies  will  not  mete  the  same  punishments,  the  same  in 
dignities,  the  same  cruelties,  to  those  belonging  to  us,  in 
their  possession,  that  we  impose  on  theirs  in  our  power  ? 
Why  should  we  suppose  them  to  possess  more  humanity 
than  we  have  ourselves?  Or  why  should  an  ineffectual 
attempt  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  one  brave,  unfortunate 
man,  involve  many  more  in  the  same  calamities  ?  How 
ever  disagreeable  the  fact  may  be,  the  enemy  at  this  time 
have  in  their  power,  and  subject  to  their  call,  near  three 
hundred  officers  belonging  to  the  army  of  the  United 
States.  In  this  number  there  are  some  of  high  rank  ;  and 
most  of  them  are  men  of  bravery  and  merit.  The  quota 
of  theirs  in  our  hands  bears  no  proportion,  being  not  more 
than  fifty  at  most.  Under  these  circumstances,  we  should 
certainly  do  no  act  to  draw  upon  the  gentlemen  belong 
ing  to  us,  and  who  have  already  suffered  a  long  captivi 
ty,  greater  punishments  than  they  have  experienced  and 
now  experience.  If  we  should,  what  will  their  feelings 
be,  and  those  of  their  numerous  and  extensive  connex 
ions  ?  Suppose  the  treatment  prescribed  for  the  Hessians 
should  be  pursued,  will  it  not  establish  what  the  enemy 
have  been  aiming  to  effect  by  every  artifice  and  the  gross 
est  misrepresentations,  I  mean,  an  opinion  of  our  enmity 


224 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  45. 


CHAPTER 
X. 


1777. 


Sufferings 
of  the  pris 
oners  in 
New  York. 


Letter  to 
General 
Howe  on  the 
treatment  of 
prisoners. 

April  9. 


towards  them,  and  of  the  cruel  conduct  they  experience 
when  they  fall  into  our  hands,  a  prejudice  which  we  on 
our  part  have  heretofore  thought  it  politic  to  suppress, 
and  to  root  out  by  every  act  of  lenity  and  kindness  ?  It 
certainly  will.  The  Hessians  would  hear  of  the  punish 
ment  with  all  the  circumstances  of  heightened  exaggera 
tion,  would  feel  the  injury,  without  investigating  the 
cause,  or  reasoning  upon  the  justice  or  necessity  of  it. 
The  mischiefs,  which  may  and  must  inevitably  flow  from 
the  execution  of  the  resolves,  appear  to  be  endless  and 
innumerable." 

On  the  other  hand  the  American  prisoners,  who  had 
been  taken  at  Fort  Washington  and  confined  in  New 
York  during  the  winter,  had  endured  such  sufferings  as 
to  excite  universal  indignation,  and  reflect  reproach  on  the 
British  commander.  This  is  not  the  place  to  investigate 
the  causes  ;  but  the  fact  is  indisputable.  A  large  propor 
tion  of  them  sunk  under  their  sufferings  and  died  ;  and, 
when  others  were  sent  out  for  exchange  in  the  spring, 
they  were  so  much  emaciated  and  broken  down,  so  totally 
unfit  for  service,  that  General  Washington  refused  to  re 
turn  for  them  an  equal  number  of  healthy  British  or 
Hessian  prisoners.  Sir  William  Howe  said  this  refusal 
was  a  violation  of  the  rule  for  exchange,  which  had  been 
agreed  upon  between  them  ;  and,  although  he  could  not 
deny  the  facts,  yet  he  declared  the  prisoners  had  been 
treated  as  well  as  his  circumstances  would  permit,  and 
been  provided  with  every  thing  necessary  for  their  com 
fort.  General  Washington  replied  j 

"You  must  be  sensible,  that  our  engagement,  as  well 
as  all  others  of  the  kind,  though  in  the  letter  it  expresses 
only  an  equality  of  rank  and  number,  as  the  rule  of  ex 
change,  yet  necessarily  implies  a  regard  to  the  general 
principles  of  mutual  compensation  and  advantage.  This 
is  inherent  in  its  nature,  is  the  voice  of  reason ;  and  no 
stipulation,  as  to  the  condition  in  which  prisoners  should 
be  returned,  was  requisite.  Humanity  dictated,  that  their 
treatment  should  be  such,  as  their  health  and  comfort 


J&r.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  225 

demanded ;  and,  where  her  laws  have  been  duly  re-  CHAPTER 
spected,  their  condition  has  been  generally  good.  Nor 
is  this  the  language  of  humanity  alone;  justice  declares 
the  same.  The  object  of  every  cartel,  or  similar  agree 
ment,  is  the  benefit  of  the  prisoners  themselves,  and  that 
of  the  contending  powers.  On  this  footing,  it  equally 
exacts,  that  they  should  be  well  treated,  as  well  as  that 
they  should  be  exchanged.  The  reverse  is,  therefore,  an 
evident  infraction,  arid  ought  to  subject  the  party,  on 
vnom  it  is  chargeable,  to  all  the  damage  and  ill  conse 
quences  resulting  from  it.  Nor  can  it  be  expected,  that 
those  unfitted  for  future  service  by  acts  of  severity,  in 
direct  violation  of  a  compact,  are  proper  subjects  for  an 
exchange.  In  such  case,  to  return  others  not  in  the  same 
predicament,  would  be  to  give  without  receiving  an  equiv 
alent  ;  and  would  afford  the  greatest  encouragement  to 
cruelty  and  inhumanity.  The  argument,  drawn  from  the 
mere  circumstance  of  the  prisoners  having  been  received, 
is  of  no  validity.  Though,  from  their  wretched  situation, 
they  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  deemed  proper  for  an 
exchange,  yet  our  humanity  required,  that  they  should 
be  permitted  to  return  among  us. 

"  It  may,  perhaps,  be  fairly  doubted,  whether  an  appre 
hension  of  their  death,  or  that  of  a  great  part  of  them, 
did  not  contribute  somewhat  to  their  being  sent  out  when 
they  were.  Such  an  event,  whilst  they  remained  with 
you,  would  have  been  truly  interesting ;  because  it  would 
have  destroyed  every  shadow  of  claim  for  a  return  of 
the  prisoners  in  our  hands;  and  therefore  policy,  concur 
ring  with  humanity,  dictated  that  the  measure  should  be 
adopted.  Happy  had  it  been,  if  the  expedient  had  been 
thought  of  before  these  ill-fated  men  were  reduced  to 
such  extremity.  It  is  confessed,  however,  on  all  sides, 
that,  after  their  delivery,  they  still  continued  your  pris 
oners,  and  would  be  so  till  regularly  exchanged. 

"  I  acknowledge,  that  I  should,    and   I    have   been   al 
ways  willing,  notwithstanding  this  concession,   to  account 
for  every  man,    who   was  in   a  proper    condition   and   fit 
29 


226 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  45 


1777. 


Conduct  of 

General 

Howe. 


CHAPTER  to  be  exchanged  at  the  time  he  came  out,  so  far  as  the 
proportion  of  prisoners  with  us  would  extend.  With  what 
propriety,  or  upon  what  foundation  of  justice,  can  more 
be  demanded?  This  has  been  proposed,  or,  what  is  the 
same,  was  most  clearly  implied  in  the  first  article  or  ob 
jection  made  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Harrison,  and  illiber 
ally  rejected  since,  '  as  inconsistent  with  any  degree  of 
reason  or  common  sense.'  Painful  as  it  is,  I  am  com 
pelled  to  consider  it  as  a  fact  not  to  be  questioned,  that 
the  usage  of  our  prisoners,  whilst  in  your  possession,  of 
the  privates  at  least,  was  such  as  could  not  be  justified. 
This  was  proclaimed  by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  all 
who  came  out  ;  their  appearance  sanctioned  the  assertion  ; 
and  melancholy  experience,  in  the  speedy  death  of  a  large 
part  of  them,  stamped  it  with  infallible  certainty." 

These  difficulties  interrupted  for  some  time  the  exchange 
of  prisoners.  It  should  nevertheless  be  said,  to  the  credit 
of  Sir  William  Howe,  that  the  retaliatory  act  of  Congress 
did  not  influence  his  conduct  towards  the  American  pris 
oners  ;  and  it  should  also  be  added,  that  a  want  of  hu 
manity  was  never  alleged  to  be  a  trait  of  his  character. 
The  sufferings  of  the  unfortunate  men  in  New  York 
were  probably  to  be  attributed  more  to  his  inattention, 
than  to  any  direct  order;  but  this  apology,  if  indeed  it 
can  be  called  an  apology,  is  far  from  amounting  to  a  jus 
tification.  He  wrote  a  state  of  the  affair  to  the  British 
government,  particularly  respecting  General  Lee  ;  and  the 
ministry  decided  that  he  should  thenceforward  be  retained 
as  a  prisoner  of  war,  although  they  had  previously  transmit 
ted  an  order  requiring  him  to  be  sent  to  England.  This 
change  of  purpose  was  dictated  by  policy,  General  Howe 
having  intimated  that  any  evil,  which  might  befall  the 
Hessian  officers  in  consequence  of  the  detention  of  Gen 
eral  Lee,  would  have  a  bad  effect  on  the  troops  of  that 
nation  serving  in  America. 

The  winter  passed  away,  and  the  spring  was  far  ad 
vanced  before  the  British  commander  gave  any  indications 
of  his  designs  for  the  campaign.  His  reinforcements  from 


Mr.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  227 

Europe  arrived  later,  and  in  smaller  numbers,  than  he  an-    CHAPTER 
ticipated;  and  he  was  obliged  to  curtail  the  plans,  which         Xt 
he  had  suggested  to  the  ministry  the  preceding  autumn.        1777. 

That  he  might  not  seem   to  be  idle,  he    sent   up   the  Military 
Sound  a  detachment  of  two  thousand  men  under  Gover-  Daibu?y 
nor  Tryon,  who  landed  in  Connecticut,  marched  into  the 
country,    and   destroyed    the    public    stores    at   Danbury. 
They  were  bravely  met  by  the  militia  and  a  few   Con 
tinental  troops,  who  harassed  them  on  their    march,    and 
pursued  them    back    to  their  boats.      In    the   rencounters 
with   the   enemy   on   their   retreat,    General    Wooster  and 
General  Arnold  were  wounded.     The  former  died  of  his 
wounds. 

At  length  General  Howe  enlarged  his  force  at  Bruns-  British  force 
wic,  and  began  to  build  a  bridge  there,  so  constructed  as  New'jerse?. 
to  be  laid  on  flat-boats,  which  it  was  supposed  he  intend 
ed  to  transport  over  land*  to  the  Delaware,  and  use  in 
crossing  that  river.  Meantime  General  Washington  col 
lected  at  Morristown  the  troops,  which  had  been  enlisted 
into  the  new  army  in  Virginia  and  the  middle  States,  and 
ordered  those  from  the  eastward  to  assemble  at  Peekskill 
on  the  Hudson.  The  want  of  arms,  hitherto  severely 
felt,  was  opportunely  supplied  by  the  arrival  of  two  vessels 
from  France,  containing  twenty-four  thousand  muskets. 

Near   the*  end   of  May   he   drew   his   main  army   to   a  skirmishing 
very  strong  position  at  Middlebrook,  only  nine  miles  from  twoTarmiS! 
Brunswic,  and  prepared  to  contest  the  passage  of  the  ene-       June. 
my,   should  they  attempt  to  move  towards  the  Delaware. 
On    the    13th    of   June,    the    British  army  marched   from 
Brunswic,  commanded   by    Sir  William  Howe  in  person, 
and  stretched  itself  several  miles    into  the   country,   well 
fortified  on  the  right  at  Brunswic,   and  secured   in   front 
by  the  Rariton,  and  on  the  left  by  the  Millstone.     This 
position  was  occupied  six  days.      The  object  of  this  ma 
noeuvre  was  to  bring   on   a   general    action.     Washington 
was   too   cautious,   however,   to   be   tempted   into   such   a 
snare  at  a   great   disadvantage    with  his  raw   troops,   but 
he  determined  to  defend  his  ground   in  any  event.     Not 


228  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [.£T.  46. 

CHAPTER  choosing  to  run  the  hazard  of  an  attack,  General  Howe 
x>  returned  with  his  whole  army  to  Brunswic,  and  in  a  short 
i77?.  time  evacuated  that  place  and  retreated  to  Amboy.  Three 
regiments,  detached  under  General  Greene,  fell  upon  his 
rear,  pursued  him  as  far  as  Piscataway,  and  did  consider 
able  execution.  Washington  then  advanced  towards  the 
enemy  with  his  main  force  to  duibbletown.  Finding 
him  thus  drawn  from  his  strong  post,  Sir  William  Howe 
marched  suddenly  into  the  country  with  all  his  troops 
seven  or  eight  miles  to  Westfield,  evidently  seeking  to 
turn  the  American  left,  and  gain  the  high  grounds.  To 
counteract  this  attempt,  Washington  retired  again  to  Mid- 
dlebrook ;  and  the  only  result  of  these  movements  ,was 
some  smart  skirmishing  between  the  advanced  parties  of 
the  two  armies,  with  little  loss  on  either  side.  Thus  foiled 
in  all  his  manoeuvres  for  bringing  on  a  general  engagement, 
Sir  William  Howe  crossed  over  'to  Staten  Island,  using  for 
that  purpose  the  floating  bridge  constructed  at  Brunswic, 
and  entirely  evacuated  the  Jerseys. 

Designs  of         The  very  next  day  Washington  received  the  first  intel- 

the  enemy 

uncertain,  ligencc,  that  Burgoyne  was  approaching  Ticonderoga  with 
a  formidable  army.  For  some  time  it  had  also  been  re 
ported  by  spies  and  deserters,  that  a  fleet  of  large  vessels 
and  transports  was  preparing  in  the  harbor  of  New  York, 
with  the  apparent  object  of  an  expedition  by  water.  *At 
first  it  was  not  doubted,  that  this  armament  was  destin 
ed  against  Philadelphia.  But  the  news  from  the  north 
cast  a  cloud  of  uncertainty  over  all  the  enemy's  schemes. 
It  now  seemed  more  probable,  that  concerted  operations 
between  Howe  and  Burgoyne  were  in  view,  and  that  the 
former  would  speedily  ascend  the  Hudson  to  form  a  junc 
tion  with  the  latter.  The  fitting  out  of  the  fleet,  it  was 
supposed,  might  have  the  double  aim  of  a  feint  to  de 
ceive  the  Americans  into  a  belief  that  some  distant  oper 
ation  by  sea  was  intended,  and  of  actually  preparing  to 
transport  troops  up  the  Hudson.  It  was  likewise  conjec 
tured,  that  an  attack  on  New  England  was  meditated, 
with  the  view  of  creating  a  diversion  in  favor  of  Bur- 


^T  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  229 

goyne ;    and  this  was  in  fact   a   part   of  Howe's    original    CHAPTER 
plan,  which  he  abandoned  in  consequence  of  the  deficien-         x* 
cy  of  his  reinforcements  from  Europe.  1777. 

This  state  of  things  was  peculiarly  embarrassing  to  Wash-  Burgoyne'. 

expedition. 

mgton.  While  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  watch  every 
point,  it  was  still  more  so,  that  he  should  be  at  hand  to 
meet  the  blow  wherever  it  should  be  struck.  The  great 
object,  at  which  the  British  had  been  aiming  from  the 
beginning  of  the  war,  namely,  a  possession  of  Hudson's 
River  and  the  communication  with  Canada,  thus  separat 
ing  the  eastern  and  southern  States,  was  so  important,  that 
he  could  not  doubt  this  to  be  the  special  intent  of  Bur- 
goyne's  expedition ;  and  yet  he  had  seen  so  many  evi 
dences  of  General  Howe's  designs  upon  Philadelphia,  that 
he  was  unable  to  relinquish  his  conviction  of  their  reality. 
The  immediate  danger,  however,  was  on  the  Hudson,  to 
guard  against  which  he  despatched  two  regiments  to  Peeks- 
kill,  and  prepared  to  follow  with  his  whole  army. 

This  movement  required  caution  and  delay ;  for,  should  The  army 
he  withdraw  his  force  too  soon  from  the  centre  of  Jersey,  Hudson,  and 
Sir  William  Howe  might  land  his  troops  at  South  Am-  totheDei*- 
boy,  and  march  to  Philadelphia  before  he  could  be  over 
taken.  But,  when  it  was  known,  that  the  enemy  had 
actually  embarked  on  board  the  fleet,  Washington  moved 
slowly  towards  the  Highlands  by  way  of  Morristown  and 
Ramapo,  advancing  as  far  as  the  Clove,  and  at  the  same 
time  detaching  Lord  Stirling  with  a  division  to  Peekskill. 
At  this  juncture  the  fleet  dropped  down  to  the  Hook  and 
went  to  sea.  Waiting  no  longer  than  to  be  convinced  of 
the  absolute  departure  of  the  fleet,  he  immediately  be 
gan  to  retrace  his  steps.  The  two  divisions  under  Sulli 
van  and  Stirling,  which  had  crossed  the  Hudson  to  Peeks- 
kill,  were  recalled,  and  the  army  pursued  various  routes 
to  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  There  he  resolved  to  stay 
till  he  should  receive  further  intelligence  of  the  British 
fleet ;  for  it  was  still  possible  that  it  might  return  to  New 
York,  and  ascend  the  Hudson. 

News  soon   came,   however,   that  it   had   been   seen   at 

x 


230 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[VEr.  45. 


CHAPTER 
X. 

1777. 

Array 
inarches  to 
German- 
town. 


Washing- 
ton's  first 
meeting 
with  Lafay 
ette. 


Lafayette's 
appointment 
to  a  com 
mand  in  the 
American 
army. 

July  81. 


the  Capes  of  the  Delaware,  and  its  destination  was  then 
thought  to  be  no  longer  doubtful.  The  army  marched  to 
Germantown,  where  it  would  be  in  readiness  to  defend 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  General  himself  hastened 
forward  to  Chester.  He  there  learned  that  the  fleet  had 
left  the  Capes  and  steered  eastward.  All  his  calculations 
were  again  baffled  ;  for  it  was  naturally  inferred  from  the 
course  taken  by  the  fleet,  that  General  Howe  would  either 
go  directly  back  to  New  York,  or  to  some  place  on  the 
coast  of  New  England,  and  cooperate  with  Burgoyne.  Till 
this  point  was  settled  by  certain  information,  nothing  could 
be  done.  The  army  continued  at  Germantown,  prepared 
to  march  at  a  moment's  warning,  except  Sullivan's  divis 
ion  and  some  other  regiments,  which  were  ordered  to 
take  post  in  New  Jersey. 

During  this  suspense  General  Washington  passed  two 
or  three  days  in  Philadelphia,  holding  conferences  with 
committees  and  members  of  Congress.  It  was  here  that 
he  had  his  first  interview  with  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 
The  enthusiastic  zeal  with  which  that  young  nobleman 
had  embraced  the  American  cause,  his  romantic  adven 
tures  in  leaving  his  own  country  and  crossing  the  Atlan 
tic,  and  the  incidents  which  befell  him  on  his  arrival, 
are  well  known  ;  and  the  part  he  acted  during  the  war, 
his  influence  in  gaining  effectual  aid  from  the  French 
government,  his  deep  and  lasting  attachment  to  Washing 
ton,  the  ardor  and  consistency  with  which  he  adhered  to 
the  interests  of  his  adopted  country  to  the  end  of  his 
life,  and  the  affection  which  the  people  of  that  country 
have  ever  manifested  for  his  person  and  character,  all  con 
spire  to  make  the  day  on  which  he  entered  the  service 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  the  revolution. 

When  Lafayette  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  he  put  his  let 
ters  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lovell,  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  called  the  next  day  at  the 
Hall  of  Congress,  and  Mr.  Lovell  came  out  to  him  and 
said,  that  so  many  foreigners  had  offered  themselves  for 
employment,  that  Congress  was  embarrassed  with  their 


!£.T.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  231 

applications,   and   he  was  sorry  to  inform  him   there  was    CHAPTER 
very   little    hope  of  his  success.     Lafayette    suspected   his         x' 
papers  had  not  been  read,  and  he  immediately  sat  down     1777. 
and  wrote  a  note  to  the  President  of  Congress,  in  which 
he  desired  to  be  permitted  to  serve  in  the  American  army 
on   two  conditions  ;  first,  that  he  should  receive  no  pay  ; 
secondly,  that  he   should  act  as  a  volunteer.     These   terms 
were   so  different  from  those   demanded   by  other  foreign 
ers,  and  presented  so  few  obstacles  on  the   ground  of  an 
interference  with  American  officers,  that  they  were  at  once 
accepted.     His  rank,  zeal,  perseverance,  and  disinterested 
ness   overcame    every  objection,    and   he    was   appointed  a 
major-general  in  the  American  army,  more  than  a  month 
before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty. 

Washington   was  expected  shortly  in   Philadelphia,  and  Terms  of  m- 

•  tercourse 

the   younar   general   concluded   to    await   his  arrival    before  between 

.  Washington 

he  went   to   head-quarters.     The   first  introduction  was  at  andLafav 

ette 

a  dinner  party,  where  several  members  of  Congress  were 
present.  When  they  were  about  to  separate,  Washington 
took  Lafayette  aside,  spoke  to  him  very  kindly,  compli 
mented  him  upon  the  noble  spirit  he  had  shown,  and  the 
sacrifices  he  had  made,  in  favor  of  the  American  cause, 
and  then  told  him  that  he  should  be  pleased  if  he  would 
make  the  quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  his  home,  es 
tablish  himself  there  whenever  he  thought  proper,  and  con 
sider  himself  at  all  times  as  one  of  his  family  ;  adding, 
in  a  tone  of  pleasantry,  that  he  could  not  promise  him 
the  luxuries  of  a  court,  or  even  the  conveniences,  which 
his  former  habits  might  have  rendered  essential  to  his  com 
fort,  but,  since  he  had  become  an  American  soldier,  he 
would  doubtless  contrive  to  accommodate  himself  to  the 
character  he  had  assumed,  and  submit  with  a  good  grace 
to  the  customs,  manners,  and  privations  of  a  republican 
army.  If  Lafayette  was  made  happy  by  his  success  with 
Congress,  his  joy  was  redoubled  by  this  nattering  proof 
of  friendship  and  regard  on  the  part  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  His  horses  and  equipage  were  immediately  sent 
to  camp ;  and  ever  afterwards,  even  when  he  had  the 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  45. 

CHAPTER   command  of  a  division,  he  kept  up  his  intimacy  at  head- 
x         quarters,  and  enjoyed  all  the  advantages  of  a  member  of 
1777>     the  General's   family.     The  day  after   the    dinner,   Wash 
ington  inspected  the  fortifications  in  the  Delaware  River, 
and  invited  Lafayette  to  accompany  him. 
Army  For  several  days  nothing  was  heard  of  the  fleet,  till  it 

marches  to  _  ,  .  . 

Wilmington,  was  seen  again  near  the  coast  about  sixteen  leagues  south 
of  the  Capes  of  Delaware.  This  was  a  proof,  that  it  was 
really  bound  to  the  southward  ;  and,  as  ten  days  passed 
without  any  other  intelligence,  the  opinion  began  to  pre 
vail,  that  it  was  gone  to  Charleston.  So  thoroughly  was 
this  belief  impressed  upon  Washington  and  his  officers, 
that  a  council  decided  it  to  be  expedient  to  march  to 
wards  the  Hudson,  and  either  act  against  Burgoyne,  or 
attack  New  York.  This  decision  was  approved  by  Con 
gress  ;  but,  the  very  day  on  which  the  army  was  to  march, 
an  express  arrived  with  intelligence,  that  the  fleet  was 
coming  up  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  had  already  ascend 
ed  two  hundred  miles  from  its  mouth.  All  uncertainty 
was  now  at  an  end.  No  one  doubted  the  designs  of  Sir 
William  Howe  against  Philadelphia,  though,  as  Washing 
ton  said,  the  route  he  had  chosen  was  "  a  very  strange 
one."  The  detachments  were  recalled  from  New  Jersey, 
where  Sullivan  had  employed  them  in  an  unsuccessful  en 
terprise  against  Staten  Island,  and  the  whole  army  march 
ed  to  Wilmington. 

British  land  The  reconnoitring  parties  soon  reported  the  enemy  to 
»f  Eik.  '  have  landed  below  the  Head  of  Elk.  The  American 
troops  were  posted  at  Red  Clay  Creek,  a  few  miles  be 
yond  Wilmington,  the  pickets  being  advanced  to  Chris 
tiana  Bridge.  There  was  constant  skirmishing  between 
the  light  parties  of  the  opposing  armies,  in  which  the 
Americans  behaved  with  spirit,  gained  some  advantages, 
and  took  about  sixty  prisoners.  When  General  Howe  had 
landed  all  his  men,  artillery,  and  baggage,  his  movements 
indicated  an  intention  to  outflank  the  American  right ; 
and  Washington  retired  from  his  position  at  Red  Clay 
Creek,  crossed  the  Brandywine,  and  took  possession  of  the 


JEr.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  233 

high  ground  near  Chad's  Ford.     His  right  wing,  so  post-    CHAPTER 
ed  as  to  guard  the  fords  above,  was  commanded  by  Gen-  _  —  _ 
eral  Sullivan  ;    and  the  Pennsylvania   militia,  under   Gen 
eral  Armstrong,  was  stationed  on  the  left  about  two  miles 
below. 
At  the  same  time  the  British  advanced  to  Kennet  Square, 


seven  miles  from  Chad's  Ford.  At  daybreak,  on  the  morn-  wine. 
ing  of  the  llth  of  September,  Sir  William  Howe  put  his  sept.  n. 
army  in  motion  in  two  divisions  ;  one,  under  Knyphausen, 
taking  the  direct  road  to  Chad's  Ford  ;  the  other,  led  by 
Lord  Cornwallis,  moving  along  the  Lancaster  road,  which 
ran  for  several  miles  nearly  parallel  with  the  Brandywine 
River.  Sir  William  Howe  was  with  this  division.  As 
soon  as  Knyphausen's  advanced  parties  approached  near 
Chad's  Ford,  they  were  attacked  by  General  Maxwell  with 
a  body  of  light  troops,  and  a  very  sharp  rencounter  ensu 
ed;  but  the  enemy's  columns  pressed  forward,  and  Max 
well  was  compelled  to  retire.  From  this  time  Knyphau 
sen  kept  up  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery,  which  was  returned 
across  the  river  ;  but  he  made  no  serious  attempt  to  pass 
the  ford.  Parties  went  over  and  skirmished,  and  there 
was  brisk  firing  at  different  points,  without  much  execu 
tion  on  either  side.  It  was  the  plan  of  the  Hessian  gen 
eral  to  amuse  the  Americans  in  front,  till  Cornwallis  should 
have  time  to  gain  their  right  flank  and  rear. 

This  design   was   early   suspected   by  Washington,   and  Movements 

3  3  ofComwal- 

he  waited  with  extreme  anxiety  for  intelligence  from  the  i«. 
patroles,  who  had  been  sent  to  watch  the  roads  leading 
to  the  fords,  which  were  all  guarded  as  high  up  as  the 
fork  of  the  Brandywine,  six  or  seven  miles  above  Chad's 
Ford.  At  length,  between  eleven  and  twelve  o'clock, 
a  message  came  from  General  Sullivan,  stating  that  a 
large  body  of  the  enemy  had  been  discovered  marching 
towards  the  upper  fords.  Washington  ordered  Sullivan  to 
push  over  the  river  and  meet  that  division,  while  he  cross 
ed  and  attacked  Knyphausen  in  front.  Before  this  order 
could  be  executed,  counter  information  was  received.  This 
contradiction  and  uncertainty  caused  the  order  to  be  sus- 
30  x* 


234  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEx.  45. 

CHAPTER  pended.  A  little  after  two  o'clock,  however,  all  doubt 
**  was  removed.  Having  taken  a  wide  circuit  of  seventeen 
1777.  miles  and  crossed  two  branches  of  the  Brandywine  above 
the  fork,  Cornwallis  had  gained  the  heights  near  Birming 
ham  meeting-house,  within  two  miles  of  Sullivan's  right 
flank.  Sullivan  marched  with  the  three  divisions  under 
his  command,  being  his  own,  Stephen's,  and  Stirling's, 
and  began  to  form  his  troops  for  action  ;  but,  before  the 
arrangement  could  be  completed,  Cornwallis  opened  the 
attack  with  such  impetuosity,  that  after  a  short  resistance 
the  right  of  the  American  line  was  broken,  the  remain 
der  thrown  into  confusion,  and  the  whole  forced  to  a 
precipitate  retreat.  Some  of  them  rallied,  and  took  an 
other  stand,  where  they  maintained  a  short  and  spirited 
conflict,  till  again  driven  by  a  greatly  superior  force  from 
their  ground. 

Reauitofthe  The  firing  in  this  quarter  was  the  signal  for  Knyphau- 
sen  to  cross  the  river,  and  assault  the  American  intrench- 
ments  at  Chad's  Ford.  He  was  met  by  General  Wayne, 
who  defended  the  post  with  his  usual  gallantry ;  but,  at 
the  head  of  a  single  division  only,  he  was  in  no  condition 
to  withstand  half  the  British  army.  General  Greene  with 
another  division  had  removed  to  a  central  point  between 
Chad's  Ford  and  Sullivan's  scene  of  action,  where  he 
could  give  support  to  either  party  as  circumstances  might 
require.  Covering  Sullivan's  retreat,  and  seizing  a  pass 
about  a  mile  from  Dilworth,  he  checked  the  pursuit  of 
the  enemy,  and  sustained  a  warm  engagement  till  dark. 
The  firing  then  ceased.  The  British  remained  on  the  field 
of  battle,  and  the  Americans  retreated  in  much  disorder  by 
different  routes  to  Chester,  where  they  all  arrived  in  the 
course  of  the  night.  * 

*  Deborre,  a  French  general  of  thirty-five  years'  service,  commanded 
in  Sullivan's  division  the  brigade,  which  first  broke  and  gave  way. 
Congress  voted  an  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  at  which  he  took  umbrage 
and  resigned  his  commission.  In  his  letter  to  Congress,  he  complained 
of  hard  usage,  averring  that  he  did  all  in  his  power  to  rally  his  men, 
being  wounded  in  the  attempt,  and  said,  if  the  American  troops  would 


S.T.  45,]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  235 

The  numbers    engaged   in  this  action    have  never  been    CHAPTER 
accurately    ascertained.      Chief  Justice  Marshall   estimates         Xt 
the    British   army,    when  it  landed,   at  eighteen  thousand     1777. 
men,  healthy  and   well  supplied    with  all  the  implements  Numbers 
of  war.     He  supposes  the  American  army,  including  mili-  ^faction! 
tia,  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  ;  but,  from  sickness  and 
other  causes,  he  thinks  the  effective   strength  on  the  day 
of  battle  was  not  more    than   eleven  thousand.      Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe  reported  his  loss  to  be  ninety  killed,  four  hun 
dred    and    eighty-eight    wounded,    and  six  missing.      He 
stated  that  about  three  hundred    Americans    were   killed, 
six   hundred    wounded,    and    four  hundred  taken.      This 
could  be  only  a  conjectural  estimate,  since  General  Wash 
ington  made  no  return  of  his.  loss   to  Congress  ;    such   a 
return  being  impracticable  in  the  disconnected  and  moving 
condition  of  his  army.     The  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  while  Laikyette 
dismounted    and    endeavoring    to    rally    the    troops,  %was 
wounded  in  the  leg,  which  caused  him  to  retire  from  ac 
tive  service  for  two  months. 

The  expediency  of   fighting  this  battle  with  a  force  so  Motives  for 


much  inferior,  and  under  many  disadvantages,  has  been 
questioned  by  foreign  writers.  If  the  subject  be  viewed 
in  a  military  light  only,  there  may  perhaps  be  just  grounds 
for  criticism.  But  it  should  be  differently  regarded.  Gen 
eral  Washington  knew  the  expectation  of  the  country  and 
of  Congress  ;  and  he  was  persuaded,  that  a  defeat  would 
be  less  injurious  in  its  effects  on  the  public  mind,  than 
the  permitting  of  the  enemy  to  march  to  Philadelphia 
without  opposition.  He  doubtless  hoped  to  make  a  better 
resistance  ;  which  he  would  have  done,  if  he  had  not 
been  -deceived  by  contradictory  ir'  "r7ence  in  the  time 
of  battle,  •  against  which  u<  foresiLVi  could  guard.  Al 
though  some  of  his  troops  behaved  ill,  yet  others,  and 

run  away,  it  was  unjust  to  censure  him  for  the  consequences.  There 
was  some  truth  perhaps  in  this  remonstrance;  but  Deborre,  by  his  ig 
norance  of  the  character  and  habits  of  the  American  people,  had  ren 
dered  himself  very  unpopular  in  the  army,  and  Congress  accepted  his 
resignation  without  reluctance. 


236 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  45. 


CHAPTER 
X. 

1777. 

Washington 
retreats  to 
Philadel 
phia. 

Sept.  12. 


Invested 
with  new 
powers. 


Recrosses 
the  Schuyl- 
kill,  and  re 
tires  to  the 
Yellow 
Springs. 


Sept.  16. 


the  larger  part,  fought  with  signal  bravery,  and  inspired 
him  and  themselves  with  a  confidence,  which  could  have 
been  produced  only  by  the  trial. 

The  day  after  the  action  he  retreated  to  Philadelphia, 
and  encamped  near  Germantown.  So  far  from  being  dis 
mayed  by  the  late  disaster,  Congress  were  inspirited  to 
new  exertions,  and  resolved  to  strengthen  the  army  and 
bring  together  all  the  means  of  defence  in  their  power. 
Fifteen  hundred  Continental  troops  were  ordered  down 
from  General  Putnam's  command  on  the  Hudson,  and  the 
militia  in  Pennsylvania  and  the  adjoining  States  were 
summoned  to  join  the  main  army  with  all  possible  de 
spatch.  Anticipating  the  necessity  of  removing  from  Phil 
adelphia,  Congress  again  invested  General  Washington 
with  extraordinary  powers.  He  was  authorized  to  suspend 
officers,  who  should  misbehave,  and  fill  up  vacancies ;  to 
take  provisions  and  other  articles  for  the  subsistence  and 
comfort  of  the  army  within  seventy  miles  of  head-quarters, 
paying  or  giving  certificates  for  the  same  ;  and  to  remove, 
or  secure  for  the  benefit  of  the  owners,  all  goods  and 
effects,  which  might  be  serviceable  to  the  enemy.  This 
last  clause  was  of  special  importance  j  as  a  great  number 
of  disaffected  persons  in  and  around  Philadelphia  would 
take  no  pains  to  withdraw  their  property,  preferring  that 
it  should  fall  into  the  hands  and  contribute  to  the  sup 
plies  of  the  enemy. 

'  After  allowing  his  men  one  day  for  rest  and  refresh 
ment,  Washington  returned  across  the  Schuylkill,  and 
took  the  Lancaster  road  leading  to  the  left  of  the  British 
army,  fully  determined  to  offer  battle.  This  bold  step, 
taken  before  the  enemy  had  left  the  field  of  action  at  the 
Brandywine,  was  a  proof  that  the  late  repulse  had  in  no 
degree  unsettled  his  own  resolution,  or  damped  the  ardor 
of  his  troops.  The  two  armies  met  twenty-three  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  and  an  engagement  was  actually  begun 
between  the  advanced  parties,  when  a  heavy  rain  came 
on  and  rendered  both  armies  totally  unfit  to  pursue  the 
contest.  Washington  retired  to  the  Yellow  Springs,  but 


AiT.45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  237 

was  not  followed  by  the  British  ;    and  he  finally  passed    CHAPTER 
over   the    Schuylkill   at   Parker's   Ford.     The  account  of         x 
these  movements  is  best  related  in  his  own  words.  1777. 

"  The  enemy,"    he  says,    "  by  a  variety  of  perplexing  Particular* 
manoeuvres    through   a  country   from  which   I  could   not  movements, 
derive  the  least  intelligence    (being  to  a  man  disaffected),     sept.  23. 
contrived  to  pass  the  Schuylkill  last  night  at  the  Fatland 
and  other  fords  in  the  neighborhood  of  it.     They  marched 
immediately  towards  Philadelphia,  and  I  imagine  their  ad 
vanced  parties  will  be  near  that  city  to-night.     They  had 
so  far  got  the  start  before  I  received  certain  intelligence 
that  any  considerable  number  had  crossed,  that  I  found  it 
in   vain   to    think   of   overtaking    their   rear,  with    troops 
harassed   as  ours  had   been  with  constant   marching  since 
the  battle  of  Brandywine. 

"  When  I  last  recrossed  the  Schuylkill,  it  was  with  a 
firm  intent  of  giving  the  enemy  battle  wherever  I  should 
meet  them ;  and  accordingly  I  advanced  as  far  as  the 
Warren  Tavern  upon  the  Lancaster  road,  near  which  place 
the  two  armies  were  upon  the  point  of  coming  to  a  gen 
eral  engagement,  but  were  prevented  by  a  most  violent 
flood  of  rain,  which  continued  all  the  day  and  following 
night.  When  it  held  up,  we  had  the  mortification  to  find 
that  our  ammunition,  which  had  been  completed  to  forty 
rounds  a  man,  was  entirely  ruined  ;  and  in  that  situation 
we  had  nothing  left  for  it,  but  to  find  out  a  strong  piece 
of  ground,  which  we  could  easily  maintain  till  we  could 
get  the  arms  put  in  order,  and  a  recruit  of  ammunition. 
Before  this  could  be  fully  effected,  the  enemy  marched 
from  their  position  near  the  White  Horse  Tavern,  down 
the  road  leading  to  the  Swedes7  Ford.  I  immediately 
crossed  the  Schuylkill  above  them,  and  threw  myself  full 
in  their  front,  hoping  to  meet  them  on  their  passage,  or 
soon  after  they  had  passed  the  river.  The  day  before 
yesterday  they  were  again  in  motion,  and  marched  rapidly 
up  the  road  leading  towards  Reading.  This  induced  me 
to  believe  that  they  had  two  objects  in  view  ;  one  to  get 
round  the  right  of  the  army,  the  other  perhaps  to  detach 


238 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  45. 


1777. 


Congress  ad 
journ  to 
Lancaster 
and  York- 
town. 


Battle  of 
German- 
town. 

October  4. 


parties  to  Reading,  where  we  had  considerable  quantities 
of  military  stores.  To  frustrate  those  intentions,  I  moved 
the  army  up  on  this  side  of  the  river  to  this  place,  de 
termined  to  keep  pace  with  them ;  but  early  this  morn 
ing  I  received  intelligence,  that  they  had  crossed  the  fords 
below.  Why  I  did  not  follow  immediately,  I  have  men 
tioned  in  the  former  part  of  my  letter  ;  but  the  strongest 
reason  against  being  able  to  make  a  forced  march  is  the 
want  of  shoes.  Messieurs  Carroll,  Chase,  and  Penn,  who 
were  some  days  with  the  army,  can  inform  Congress  in 
how  deplorable  a  situation  the  troops  are,  for  want  of 
that  necessary  article.  At  least  one  thousand  men  are 
barefooted,  and  have  performed  the  marches  in. that  con 
dition." 

Congress  adjourned  first  to  Lancaster,  and  then  to  York- 
town  in  Pennsylvania,  where  they  continued  eight  months, 
till  Philadelphia  was  evacuated  by  the  enemy.  Immedi 
ately  after  the  British  entered  the  city,  Lord  Howe  went 
out  of  the  Chesapeake  with  his  fleet  and  came  round  into 
the  Delaware,  intending  to  force  the  strong  defences  in 
that  river,  and  ascend  to  Philadelphia.  To  aid  in  this 
undertaking  a  detachment  of  British  troops  was  stationed 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  in  New  Jersey.  The  larger 
part  of  the  army  was  encamped  at  Germantown,  the  re 
mainder  being  in  the  city. 

In  this  divided  state  of  Sir  William  Howe's  forces, 
Washington  conceived  the  plan  of  attacking  him  by  sur 
prise.  The  British  encampment  extended  across  the  vil 
lage  of  Germantown,  and  at  right  angles  with  the  main 
road.  The  American  army  was  near  Skippack  Creek,  about 
fourteen  miles  distant.  At  seven  o'clock,  in  the  evening 
of  the  3d  of  October,  the  march  began,  and  by  the  order 
of  battle  the  troops  were  to  approach  the  enemy  by  four 
routes,  it  being  expected  that  the  whole  would  arrive 
nearly  at  the  same  time.  The  divisions  of  Sullivan  and 
Wayne,  flanked  by  Conway's  brigade,  were  to  enter  the 
town  by  the  road  leading  to  the  enemy's  centre  ;  while 
Armstrong,  with  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  to  take  the 


jET.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

road  on  the  right  near  the   Schuylkill,  and  gain  their  left    CHAPTER 
and  rear.     The  divisions  of  Greene  and  Stephen,  flanked        x' 
by  McDougall's   brigade,  were    to   make   a   circuit  on   the     1777. 
American   left,  and   attack  the    British    right  wing,   while 
the    Maryland   and   Jersey   militia,  under    Smallwood   and 
Forman,  were    to   move  down   by   a  road   still  farther   to 
the  left,   and   fall    upon  their  right   flank  and   rear.     The 
plan  was  extremely  well  concerted,  and    the  surprise  was 
complete.      The  attack  commenced  between  daybreak  and 
sunrise.     At  first  the  action  was  very  warm  in  the  centre, 
and   afterwards    on    the    American   left,    and   every    thing 
seemed  to  promise  success ;  but   the  Americans  were  ulti 
mately  obliged  to  retreat,  and  leave  the  enemy  in  posses 
sion  of  the  ground.     Washington  speaks  of  this  event  as 
follows,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother. 

"  After  the 'enemy  had  crossed  the  Schuylkill,  we  took  washing. 
the  first  favorable  opportunity  of  attacking  them.  This  count  of  the 
was  attempted  by  a  night's  march  of  fourteen  miles  to 
surprise  them,  which  we  effectually  did,  so  far  as  to  reach 
their  guards  before  they  had  notice  of  our  coming  ;  and, 
if  it  had  not  been  for  a  thick  fog,  which  rendered  it  so 
dark  at  times  that  we  were  not  able  to  distinguish  friend 
from  foe  at  the  distance  of  thirty  yards,  we  should,  I 
believe,  have  made  a  decisive  and  glorious  day  of  it.  But 
Providence  designed  it  otherwise  ;  for,  after  we  had  driven 
the  enemy  a  mile  or  two,  after  they  were  in  the  utmost 
confusion,  and  flying  before  us  in  most  places,  after  we 
were  upon  the  point,  as  it  appeared  to  everybody,  of 
grasping  a  complete  victory,  our  own  troops  took  fright 
and  fled  with  precipitation  and  disorder.  How  to  account 
for  this,  I  know  not ;  unless,  as  I  before  observed,  the 
fog  represented  their  own  friends  to  them  for  a  reinforce 
ment  of  the  enemy,  as  we  attacked  in  different  quarters 
at  the  same  time,  and  were  about  closing  the  wings  of 
our  army  when  this  happened.  One  thing,  indeed,  con 
tributed  not  a  little  to  our  misfortune,  and  that  was  a 
want  of  ammunition  on  the  right  wing,  which  began  the 
engagement,  and  in  the  course  of  two  hours  and  forty 


240 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


|>ET.  45. 


Loss  in  the 
action. 


CHAPTER  minutes,  which  time  it  lasted,  had,  many  of  them,  ex- 
x>  pended  the  forty  rounds,  that  they  took  into  the  field. 
1777.  After  the  engagement  we  removed  to  a  place  about  twen 
ty  miles  from  the  enemy,  to  collect  our  forces  together, 
to  take  care  of  our  wounded,  get  furnished  with  necessa 
ries  again,  and  be  in  a  better  posture,  either  for  offensive 
or  defensive  operations.  We  are  now  advancing  towards 
the  enemy  again,  being  at  this  time  within  twelve  miles 
of  them. 

"  Our  loss  in  the  late  action  was,  in  killed,  wounded, 
and  missing,  about  one  thousand  men,  but,  of  the  miss 
ing,  many,  I  dare  say,  took  advantage  of  the  times,  and 
deserted.  General  Nash  of  North  Carolina  was  wounded, 
and  died  two  or  three  days  after.  Many  valuable  offi 
cers  of  ours  were  also  wounded,  and  some  killed.  In  a 
word,  it  was  a  bloody  day.  Would  to  Heaven  I  could 
add,  that  it  had  been  a  more  fortunate  one  for  us." 

General  Howe  reported  his  loss  to  be  seventy-one  kill 
ed,  four  hundred  and  fifty  wounded,  and  fourteen  miss 
ing.  The  American  loss,  as  stated  by  Dr.  Gordon  on  the 
authority  of  the  Board  of  War,  was  one  hundred  and  fifty 
killed,  five  hundred  and  twenty-one  wounded,  and  about 
four  hundred  prisoners.  In  the  midst  of  the  action,  six 
companies  of  the  fortieth  British  regiment,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Mulgrave,  took  possession  of  Chew's  House,  a  strong 
stone  building,  which  they  barricaded  and  defended  with 
so  much  obstinacy,  as  to  retard  for  some  time  the  ad 
vance  of  the  second  line  of  the  Americans,  intended  to 
support  the  centre;  and,  during  this  delay,  Sullivan's  di 
vision,  which  had  been  closely  engaged  in  front,  having 
mostly  expended  its  ammunition,  began  to  retreat,  and, 
falling  back  upon  the  second  line,  threw  it  into  disorder. 
This  circumstance,  added  to  the  dense  fog,  is  supposed  to 
have  contributed  much  to  the  unfortunate  issue  of  the 
day. 

But  the  battle  of  Germantown  was  not  without  its  good 
effects.  It  revived  the  hopes  of  the  country  by  proving, 
that,  notwithstanding  the  recent  successes  of  the  enemy, 


Affair  at 

Chew's 

House. 


Bffect8of 
che  battle. 


^T.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  241 

neither  the  spirit,  resolution,  and  valor  of  the  troops,  nor  CHAPTER 
the  energy  and  confidence  of  the  Commander,  had  suffer-  ** 
ed  any  diminution.  They  were  as  prompt  and  eager  to  1777. 
meet  their  adversaries  in  battle,  as  at  the  beginning  of 
the  campaign.  Considered  in  its  political  relations,  the 
event  was  not  less  important.  When  the  American  Com 
missioners  in  Paris  had  their  first  interview  with  Count 
de  Vergennes  to  converse  on  a  treaty  of  alliance,  after 
complimenting  them  on  the  favorable  prospects  in  Ameri 
ca,  and  the  conduct  of  the  American  troops,  he  added, 
"  that  nothing  struck  him  so  much  as  General  Washing 
ton's  attacking  and  giving  battle  to  General  Howe's  ar 
my  ;  that  to  bring  an  army,  raised  within  a  year,  to  this, 
promised  every  thing."  It  has  been  commonly  supposed, 
that  Burgoyne's  defeat  was  the  turning  point  with  the 
French  government  in  joining  the  United  States  against 
England,  and  probably  it  was  ;  but  the  above  fact,  re 
corded  by  one  of  the  Commissioners  at  the  time,  shows 
that  the  operations  of  Washington's  army  had  their  due 
weight  in  the  scale. 

The   British  fleet  having   entered  the    Delaware,    every  operations 

,  in  the  Dela- 

exertion  was  made  to  remove  the  obstructions  in  the  river,  ware. 
and  drive  the  Americans  from  their  fortified  posts.  By 
the  activity  of  the  small  naval  armament  under  Commo 
dore  Hazelwood,  and  the  brave  defence  of  Red  Bank  and 
Fort  Miiflin,  these  efforts  were  resisted  for  more  than  six 
weeks,  when  a  vastly  superior  force,  both  by  land  and 
water,  compelled  an  evacuation  of  those  places,  and  open 
ed  a  passage  for  the  enemy's  shipping  to  Philadelphia. 

Washington  returned  to  his  former  station  after  the  bat-  Detachment 
tie  of   Germantown,    and   in   a  few  days  encamped   in  a  jersey  under 
strong  position  at  Whitemarsh,  fourteen  miles  from  Phila-  Greene, 
delphia.     General  Greene  was  ordered  with  a  detachment    November, 
into  New  Jersey  to  operate  against  Cornwallis,  who  had 
passed    over    with  a  large   body   of   troops  to    aid    in  re 
ducing  Fort  Mercer  at  Red  Bank.     The  Marquis  de    La 
fayette  was   a  volunteer  under  Greene,  and   distinguished 
himself  in  a  skirmish  with  the  enemy  at  Gloucester  Point, 
31  Y 


242  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^T.  45. 

CHAPTER    although    his  wound    was    not   yet   entirely  healed.      No 

*•        event  of  importance  occurred.     The   British  recrossed  the 

1777.     river  to  Philadelphia,  and  Greene  joined  the  main  army 

at   Whitemarsh.      A  reinforcement    likewise   arrived   from 

the  north,  consisting  of  Morgan's  rifle  corps  and  part  of 

the  New  Hampshire   and   Massachusetts  troops  ;    the    sur 

render  of  Burgoyne,  and  the  relinquishment  by  the  British 

of  their  temporary  acquisitions  in  the  Highlands,  rendering 

their  services  no  longer  necessary  in  that  quarter. 

skirmish  Sir  William  Howe,  having  received  an  accession  to  his 

at  White- 


strength  by  several  regiments  from  New  York,  thought  a 
December  s.  good  opportunity  presented  itself  for  trying  his  fortune 
in  another  battle,  if  he  could  find  the  Americans  in  such 
a  condition  as  to  attack  them  to  advantage.  He  marched 
out  of  the  city  with  twelve  thousand  men,  in  the  evening 
of  the  4th  of  December,  and  the  next  morning  took  post 
at  Chesnut  Hill,  about  three  miles  from  the  right  of  the 
American  encampment.  Washington  sent  out  light  troops 
to  skirmish,  but  resolved  to  wait  for  the  general  attack 
on  the  ground  he  had  chosen.  This  was  an  adventure, 
which  General  Howe  was  not  inclined  to  hazard.  After 
manoeuvring  three  days  in  the  front  and  on  the  flanks 
of  the  American  lines,  seeking  for  an  advantage  which 
his  opponent  was  careful  not  to  give,  he  retreated  sud 
denly  to  Philadelphia,  having  lost  in  the  different  ren 
counters  twenty  men  killed,  sixty-three  wounded,  and 
thirty-three  missing. 

preparations  The  season  being  far  advanced,  and  the  troops  worn 
quarters.  down  by  the  hard  service  of  the  campaign,  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  make  immediate  preparations  for  winter  quar 
ters.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  suffering  extremely  for 
the  want  of  clothes  and  shoes  ;  and  even  the  supplies 
of  provision  and  forage  were  obtained  with  difficulty.  So 
great  was  the  disaffection  of  the  inhabitants,  particularly 
after  the  British  entered  Philadelphia,  that  the  larger  por 
tion  of  them  refused  to  sell  their  produce  to  the  American 
contractors,  some  perhaps  through  fear  of  the  enemy,  oth 
ers  from  a  sincere  attachment  to  the  royal  cause  ;  and 


JET.  45.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  243 

even  the  well  affected  were  unwilling    to  part   with  their   CHAPTER 
property    upon    so    feeble    a    security    as    the    certificates 
given  on  the  authority  of  Congress.     With  his  usual  deli-     1777. 
cacy   and   caution,  Washington   was   reluctant  to  exercise 
the   powers  with  which   he  was  intrusted   to  obtain  sup 
plies  from  the  people   by  forcible    means.      The   soundest 
policy   forbade   this   practice,   as  long  as  it  could  possibly 
be  avoided.     It   alienated   friends,   and   added  a  new  mo 
tive  for  disaffection. 

"  I  confess,"    said   he,    in  writing   to  the    President   of  washing- 
Congress,   "I  have  felt  myself   greatly    embarrassed   with  cacyinthe 

exercise  of 

respect  to  a  vigorous  exercise  of  military  power.  An  ill-  military 
placed  humanity,  perhaps,  and  a  reluctance  to  give  dis 
tress,  may  have  restrained  me  too  far ;  but  these  were 
not  all.  I  have  been  well  aware  of  the  prevalent  jealousy 
of  military  power,  and  that  this  has  been  considered  as 
an  evil  much  to  be  apprehended,  even  by  the  best  and 
most  sensible  among  us.  Under  this  idea,  I  have  been 
cautious,  and  wished  to  avoid  as  much  as  possible  any 
act  that  might  increase  it.  However,  Congress  may  be 
assured,  that  no  exertions  of  mine,  as  far  as  circum 
stances  will  admit,  shall  be  wanting  to  provide  our  own 
troops  with  supplies  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  prevent  the 
enemy  from  getting  them  on  the  other.  At  the  same 
time  they  must  be  apprized,  that  many  obstacles  have 
arisen  to  render  the  former  more  precarious  and  difficult 
than  they  usually  were,  from  the  change  in  the  com 
missary's  department,  at  a  very  critical  and  interesting 
period.  I  should  be  happy,  if  the  civil  authority  in  the 
several  States,  through  the  recommendations  of  Congress, 
or  their  own  mere  will,  seeing  the  necessity  of  supporting 
the  army,  would  always  adopt  the  most  spirited  measures, 
suited  to  the  end.  The  people  at  large  are  governed 
much  by  custom.  To  acts  of  legislation  or  civil  authority 
they  have  ever  been  taught  to  yield  a  willing  obedience, 
without  reasoning  about  their  propriety  ;  on  those  of  mili 
tary  power,  whether  immediate  or  derived  originally  from 
another  source,  they  have  ever  looked  with  a  jealous  or 
suspicious  eye." 


244 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[2Er.  45. 


1777. 

Coercive 
measures 
for  procur 
ing  supplies 
impolitic. 


Different 
opinions  of 
the  officers 
respecting 
winter 
quarters. 


And  again,  "  It  will  never  answer  to  procure  supplies 
of  clothing  or  provision  by  coercive  measures.  The  small 
seizures  made  of  the  former  a  few  days  ago,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  most  pressing  and  absolute  necessity,  when 
that,  or  to  dissolve,  was  the  alternative,  excited  the  great 
est  alarm  and  uneasiness  even  among  our  best  and  warm 
est  friends.  Such  procedures  may  give  a  momentary 
relief;  but,  if  repeated,  will  prove  of  the  most  pernicious 
consequence.  Besides  spreading  disaffection,  jealousy,  ar\d 
fear  among  the  people,  they  never  fail,  even  in  the  most 
veteran  troops  under  the  most  rigid  and  exact  discipline, 
to  raise  in  the  soldiery  a  disposition  to  licentiousness,  to 
plunder  and  robbery,  difficult  to  suppress  afterwards,  and 
which  has  proved  not  only  ruinous  to  the  inhabitants, 
but,  in  many  instances,  to  armies  themselves.  I  regret 
tfye  occasion  that  compelled  us  to  the  measure  the  other 
day ;  and  shall  consider  it  among  the  greatest  of  our 
misfortunes,  if  we  should  be  under  the  necessity  of  prac 
tising  it  again." 

These  sentiments  were  not  more  the  dictates  of  pol 
icy,  than  of  wisdom  and  humanity.  He  adhered  to  them 
through  the  war,  arid  in  no  case  resorted  to  coercive 
measures  for  procuring  supplies,  till  every  other  method 
had  proved  unavailing.  And,  in  the  deference  he  paid 
to  the  rights  of  property,  he  was  equally  scrupulous, 
whether  it  belonged  to  persons  suspected  of  disaffection, 
or  to  avowed  and  active  friends.  While  the  former  com 
mitted  no  positive  acts  of  hostility,  but  remained  quietly 
at  their  homes,  he  considered  them  amenable  to  the  civil 
authorities  alone  for  their  opinions  and  conduct,  and  not 
within  the  pale  of  military  coercion. 

The  officers  differed  widely  in  regard  to  the  best  mode 
of  disposing  of  the  army  for  the  winter.  Some  advised 
that  it  should  be  quartered  at  Wilmington ;  others  recom 
mended  the  valley  of  Tredyfm,  a  few  miles  west  of  the 
Schuylkill,  as  the  place  of  cantonment ;  while  others  pre 
ferred  a  line  of  detached  posts  extending  from  Lancaster 
to  Reading.  The  matter  was  largely  discussed  in  a  coun- 


JEr.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  245 

cil  of  war,  and  elaborate  arguments  in  writing  were  given    CHAPTER 
for  each  of  these  dispositions. 

The  opinions  of  the  officers  were  so  various  and  con-     1777. 
tradictorv,   that  the  Commander  was  finally  obliged  to  act 

J> 


mentatVal- 

accordmg  to  his  own  judgment,  and  on  his  own  responsi-  ley  Forge. 
biiity.  He  decided  to  establish  a  fortified  encampment  Dec.  is. 
at  Valley  Forge,  about  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia. 
The  ground  was  covered  with  woods,  and  bounded  on 
one  side  by  the  Schuylkill,  and  on  the  others  by  ridges 
of  hills.  He  examined  the  site  in  person,  and  designated 
the  particular  parts  in  which  each  regiment  was  to  be 
quartered.  The  army  marched  to  this  place,  and,  on  the 
18th  of  December,  orders  were  issued  for  building  huts. 
Trees  were  felled  for  this  purpose,  and  the  huts  were 
constructed  with  logs,  the  dimensions  of  each  being  six 
teen  feet  by  fourteen.  One  hut  was  assigned  to  twelve 
privates,  and  one  to  a  smaller  number  of  officers,  accord 
ing  to  their  rank.  A  general  officer  was  the  sole  tenant 
of  a  hut.  These  structures  were  arranged  in  parallel 
lines  where  the  shape  of  the  ground  would  admit,  and, 
when  the  encampment  was  completed,  it  had  the  appear 
ance  of  a  town  with  streets  and  avenues.  Troops  from 
the  same  State  inhabited  the  same  street  or  quarter.  The 
whole  encampment  was  surrounded  on  the  land  side  by 
intrenchments  ;  and  a  bridge  was  thrown  across  the  river 
to  open  a  communication  with  the  country  in  that  direc 
tion.  Here  the  army  remained  till  the  following  June. 
A  detachment  was  also  stationed  at  Wilmington,  to  pro 
tect  the  State  of  Delaware  from  the  incursions  of  the 
enemy's  foraging  parties. 

The  command  of  the  American  armies,  and  the  respon 
sibilities  attending  that  high  office,  were  not  the  only 
causes  of  vexation,  which  at  this  time  harassed  the  mind 
of  Washington..  Attempts  were  made  by  his  public  ad 
versaries,  and  by  secret  foes  wearing  the  mask  of  friend 
ship,  to  destroy  his  influence  and  ruin  his  character. 

A  pamphlet  was  published  in  London,  containing  a  se 
ries  of  letters,  purporting  to  have  been  written  by  him  in 


246  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  [^T.  45. 

CHAPTER  the  summer  of  1776,  and  with   his  signature   attached  to 

x'  them.     It  was  stated  in  the  preface,  that,  when  Fort  Lee 

1777.  was  evacuated,  General  Washington's  servant  was  left  be- 

spuriousiet-  hind  indisposed;    that  in  his  possession  was  a  small  port- 

ters  publish-  .      . 

ed  in  the  manteau  belonging  to  the  General,  in  which,  among  other 
Washington,  things  of  trifling  value,  were  the  drafts  of  several  private 
letters  to  Mrs.  Washington,  Mr.  Lund  Washington,  and 
Mr.  Custis ;  and  that  these  had  been  transmitted  to  Eng 
land  by  an  officer  into  whose  hands  they  had  fallen.  This 
fiction  was  contrived  to  deceive  the  public  into  a  belief 
of  the  genuineness  of  the  letters,  although  i#  reality  not 
one  of  General  Washington's  servants,  nor  a  single  arti 
cle  of  his  baggage,  was  taken  by  the  enemy  in  the  whole 
course  of  the  war.  Bat  the  tenor  of  the  letters  was  the 
most  insidious  part  of  the  fabrication.  Washington  is  rep 
resented  as  expressing  sentiments  totally  at  variance  with 
his  conduct,  and  as  deprecating  the  misguided  zeal  and 
rashness  of  Congress  in  declaring  independence,  and  push 
ing  the  opposition  to  Great  Britain  to  so  perilous  an  ex 
tremity.  The  letters  were  reprinted  in  New  York,  and 
industriously  circulated  in  various  forms  through  the  agen 
cy  of  disaffected  persons.  The  disguise  was  too  flimsy 
to  cover  so  nefarious  a  purpose.  Whatever  credit  they 
may  have  gained  in  England,  they  could  have  no  influ 
ence  on  his  countrymen,  who  understood  his  character. 
tneleTetters  The  author  of  these  spurious  epistles  was  never  public- 
unknown.  iy  known.  They  were  written  with  considerable  art,  and 
by  a  person  acquainted  with  many  particulars  of  General 
Washington's  family  concerns.  It  is  probable,  also,  that 
parts  of  intercepted  letters  actually  written  by  him  were 
interwoven.  He  never  thought  the  subject  worthy  of  his 
notice,  till  near  the  end  of  his  presidency,  when  a  new  edi 
tion  of  these  same  forgeries  was  palmed  upon  the  public  to 
gratify  the  spleen  of  a  malignant  party  spirit,  and  to  effect 
a  purpose  even  more  infamous  than  the  one  contemplated 
by  their  original  author.  He  then  declared  them,  in  a 
letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  to  be  spurious  and  false. 
Conway's  Whilst  the  enemies  of  his  country  were  thus  employed 


/Ex.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  247 

in   scattering    the    seeds   of  detraction  and   falsehood,  the    CHAPTER 
agents  of  faction  were  secretly  at  work,  both  in  the  army         ** 
and  in  Congress,  to  disparage  and   undermine  his  reputa-     1777. 
tion.      This  conspiracy  has    been  called  Conway's  Cabal, 
from  the  name  of  the  individual  who  acted  the  most  con 
spicuous  part.     The  other  prominent  leaders  were  General 


iu  the  cabal. 

Gates  and  General  Mifflin.  The  causes  and  origin  of  the 
disaffection  of  these  officers  to  the  Commander-in-chief 
have  not  been  explained.  When  they  joined  the  service, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  they  professed  to  be  his 
friends,  and  probably  were  such.  It  was  mainly  at  his 
instance,  that  General  Gates  received  his  first  appointment. 
Being  an  Englishman  by  birth,  some  of  the  members  of 
Congress  had  scruples  on  the  subject,  thinking  their  cause 
would  be  safest  in  the  charge  of  native  Americans,  both 
on  account  of  their  influence  over  the  people,  and  of  the 
ardor  and  sincerity  of  their  patriotism.  These  scruples 
were  waved,  however,  in  favor  of  Gates  and  Charles  Lee, 
and  in  each  case  at  the  solicitation  of  "Washington,  who 
had  confidence  in  their  attachment  to  American  liberty, 
and  believed  important  aid  might  be  derived  from  their 
military  skill  and  experience. 

The  first  symptoms  of  discontent  are  supposed  to  have  supposed 
been  manifested  at  Cambridge.  Gates  was  adjutant-general  ° 
of  the  army,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier.  Mifflin  went 
there  as  aid-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in-chief,  by  whom, 
under  the  authority  of  Congress,  he  was  appointed  quar 
termaster-general,  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  After  the  or 
ganization  of  the  first  Continental  army,  Gates  applied  for 
the  command  of  a  brigade,  and  Mifflin  of  a  regiment. 
These  requests  were  declined  by  Washington,  on  the 
ground,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  duties  of  their  offices 
required  their  whole  attention,  and,  in  the  next,  that  such 
an  indulgence  would  interfere  with  the  just  claims  of 
other  officers.  This  refusal  is  thought  to  have  given  an 
offence,  that  was  not  forgotten.  It  is  certain,  that,  after 
the  army  marched  from  Cambridge,  General  Gates  made 
interest  with  Congress  to  be  employed  at  a  distance  from 


248 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  45. 


1777, 


General 
Conway. 


Washington's  immediate  command,  and  continued  to  do 
so ;  and  the  correspondence  with  him  on  the  part  of 
Gates,  made  necessary  by  his  official  relation  to  the  Com 
mander-in-chief,  so  far  from  being  cordial  and  friendly, 
was  marked  with  "  an  air  of  design,  a  want  of  candor  in 
many  instances,  and  even  of  politeness."  These  are  the 
words  of  Washington,  contained  -in  a  letter  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  Congress  three  years  after  the  army  left  Cam 
bridge,  and  they  are  verified  by  the  correspondence  since 
published. 

Conway,  by  birth  an  Irishman,  had  been  in  the  French 
service  from  his  youth,  and  founded  his  claim  to  consid 
eration  on  the  circumstance  of  his  being  an  officer  of  thirty 
years'  experience.  He  joined  the  army  at  Morristown,  hav 
ing  the  rank  of  brigadier,  by  the  appointment  of  Congress. 
Of  all  the  men  in  the  world  he  was  the  last  to  concili 
ate  the  favor  of  Washington.  Boastful,  presumptuous,  and 
intriguirig,  bent  on  pushing  his  fortune,  and  looking  only 
to  personal  aggrandizement,  he  was  unprincipled  in  regard 
to  the  means  and  reckless  of  consequences.  Abundant 
proofs  of  these  traits  of  character  and  of  sinister  aims  were 
exhibited  during  the  campaign  ;  and,  when  it  was  rumor 
ed  that  Conway  was  to  be  promoted,  Washington  wrote 
to  a  member  of  Congress  a  letter  of  strong  remonstrance 
against  it,  assigning  his  reasons  without  reserve.  The 
success  of  the  northern  army,  in  the  capture  of  Burgoyne, 
was  the  signal  for  the  malecontents  to  assume  a  bolder 
attitude  in  prosecuting  their  machinations.  Anonymous 
letters  were  sent  to  the  President  of  Congress  and  the 
Governor  of  Virginia,  filled  with  insinuations,  complaints, 
and  exaggerated  statements,  and  ascribing  all  the  misfor 
tunes  of  the  campaign  to  the  incapacity,  or  ill-timed  Fa 
bian  policy,  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  It  was  affirmed, 
with  as  much  effrontery  as  falsehood,  that  his  force  had 
been  three  or  four  times  as  large  as  that  opposed  to  him  ; 
and  no  pains  were  spared  to  make  it  appear,  that  all  his 
plans  and  operations  evinced  a  want  of  military  knowl 
edge,  judgment,  and  decision. 


JET.  45]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

These    artifices,  though    practised    in   secret  for  a  time,  CHAPTER 
were  well  known  to  Washington.     His  scrutinizing  obser-         x- 

vation    easily    penetrated  the  designs  of  those,  who   acted  1777. 
under  the  cloak  of  a  pretended   attachment  ;    and  his  real 


friends,  moved  not  less  by  a  sense  of  duty  to  their  coun-  partorcon- 

way's  letter 

try,  than  of  justice  to  him,  took  care  to  put  him  on  his  to  Gates. 
guard,  and  to  acquaint  him  with  the  intrigues  of  the  ca 
bal,  as  far  as  they  could  be  ascertained  from  overt  acts, 
or  inferred  from  less  obvious  indications.  The  affair  was 
at  length  brought  to  his  notice  in  a  definite  shape.  When 
Colonel  Wilkinson,  one  of  Gates's  aids-de-camp,  was  on 
his  way  from  Saratoga  to  Congress,  as  bearer  of  despatches 
announcing  the  capitulation  of  Burgoyne,  he  stopped  at 
the  quarters  of  Lord  Stirling,  who  was  then  at  Reading. 
In  a  free  conversation  while  there,  Wilkinson  repeated 
part  of  a  letter,  which  Gates  had  received  from  Conway, 
containing  strictures  on  the  management  of  the  army  un 
der  Washington,  accompanied  with  disparaging  reflections. 
Prompted  by  patriotism  and  friendship,  Lord  Stirling  com 
municated  to  him  an  extract  from  the  letter  as  repeated 
by  Wilkinson.  A  correspondence  on  the  subject  followed 
between  Washington,  Gates,  and  Conway.  The  genuine 
ness  of  the  extract  was  denied,  but  the  letter  itself  was 
never  produced.  Two  or  three  persons  afterwards  saw  it 
in  confidence,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Laurens,  President 
of  Congress  ;  and,  although  the  words  proved  not  to  be 
exactly  the  same,  yet  the  tenor  and  spirit  of  the  letter 
were  accurately  reported.  The  transaction,  and  the  inci 
dents  springing  from  it,  could  not  long  be  concealed  from 
the  officers  of  the  army.  Rumors  respecting  them  went 
abroad,  and  the  public  sentiment  was  expressed  in  a  tone 
so  unequivocal  and  decided,  as  to  discourage  the  instiga 
tors  ;  and  their  schemes  were  abandoned,  before  they 
had  produced  any  of  the  fatal  mischiefs,  which  must 
inevitably  have  followed,  if  their  ambitious  hopes  had 
been  realized. 

There  is  no  reason  to  suppose,  that  any  of  the  officers  A  party  in 


were  directly  implicated  in  the  cabal,   except   Gates,    Mif-  fa 


250 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  45. 


CHAPTER  flin,  and  Conway.  That  a  considerable  party  in  Congress 
x>  favored  the  projects  of  these  men  is  evident  from  the 
1777.  proceedings  of  that  body  for  several  months.  After  the 
capitulation  at  Saratoga,  Gates  forwarded  the  official  ac 
count  of  the  event  to  Congress,  without  communicating 
the  intelligence  in  any  shape  to  the  Commander-in-chief, 
which  his  duty  as  an  officer  and  the  common  rules  of 
courtesy  required  him  to  do  ;  and  Congress  never  intimat 
ed  their  dissatisfaction  with  this  breach  of  decorum,  and 
marked  disrespect  to  the  commander  of  their  armies,  whose 
authority  they  were  bound  to  support.  Nearly  at  the 
same  time  Congress  instituted  a  new  Board  of  War,  to 
which  were  granted  large  powers,  and  of  which  Gates 
and  Miffiin  were  appointed  members,  Gates  being  placed 
at  its  head. 

projected  One  of  the  first  acts  of  this  board  was  a  projected  ex- 

to  Canada,  pedition  to  Canada,  planned  by  Gates,  and  approved  by 
Congress,  without  consulting  Washington  in  the  least  of 
its  particulars.  The  first  intimation  he  had  of  it  was  in 
a  letter  from  the  Board  of  War,  enclosing  another  to 
Lafayette,  informing  him  of  his  being  appointed  to  the 
command  of  the  expedition.  It  was  the  design  of  this 
stroke  of  policy  to  bring  over  Lafayette  to  the  interests 
of  the  faction.  They  had  little  knowledge  of  his  charac 
ter.  He  was  not  to  be  deceived  nor  cajoled.  He  carried 
the  letter  to  Washington,  told  him  that  he  saw  through 
the  artifice,  and  should  decline.  Washington  replied,  that 
he  knew  not  the  object  of  the  expedition,  nor  how  it  was 
to  be  carried  into  effect,  but  the  appointment  was  an  hon 
orable  one,  which  would  place  him  in  a  conspicuous  sta 
tion,  where  he  would  in  any  event  acquit  himself  with 
credit ;  for,  if  the  enterprise  should  fail,  he  was  persuaded 
his  conduct  would  be  such  as  to  save  him  from  faults 
and  screen  him  from  censure,  and  the  responsibility  would 
rest  with  its  projectors.  Yielding  to  this  advice,  he  ac 
ceded  to  the  proposal,  went  to  Albany,  where  he  had 
been  promised  that  troops  and  every  thing  necessary  should 
be  provided,  and,  after  waiting  there  three  months,  his 


&T.  45.]  LIFEOFWASH1NGTON.  25 1 

patience  being  exhausted   and    all   his  hopes  defeated,   as  CHAPTEK 
the    Board   of    War   did   nothing   to   fulfil    their    promise         x> 

or   promote    the    expedition,    he   returned    to    the   camp  at  1777. 
Valley  Forge.  * 

And   it    might  here  be  recorded  to    the    honor   of  La-  Magnant- 

.,  •  /•     •      •         -i     i  •  •  •  mous  con- 

fayette,  if   indeed  his  whole  career  in  America  was   not  duct  of  La- 

.,  fayette. 

a  noble  monument  to  his  honor,  his  generosity,  and  un 
wavering  fidelity  to  every  trust  reposed  in  him,  that  from 
the  very  first  he  resisted  every  attempt  that  was  made 
by  the  flatteries  of  Conway,  and  the  artifices  of  others, 
to  bring  him  into  the  league.  In  the  earliest  stage  of 
the  cabal,  before  it  had  been  whispered  to  the  public,  he 
wrote  to  Washington,  stating  his  opinion  of  Conway,  and 
his  fears  for  the  unhappy  consequences  that  might  flow 
from  his  conduct.  "  I  need  not  tell  you,"  said  he,  "  how  Dec.  so 
sorry  I  am  at  what  has  happened  ;  it  is  a  necessary  result 
of  my  tender  and  respectful  friendship  for  you,  which  is 
as  true  and  candid  as  the  other  sentiments  of  my  heart, 
and  much  stronger  than  so  new  an  acquaintance  might 
seem  to  admit.  But  another  reason  for  my  concern  is 
my  ardent  and  perhaps  enthusiastic  wish  for  the  happi- 


*  Before  Lafayette  commenced  his  journey  to  Albany,  he  rode  to 
Yorktown,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  with  the  Board  of 
War.  As  soon  as  he  arrived,  he  called  on  General  Gates,  whom  he 
found  surrounded  by  his  friends  seated  at  a  dinner-table.  They  greet 
ed  him  with  much  cordiality.  He  joined  them  at  the  table,  the  wine 
passed  round,  and  several  toasts  were  given.  Determined  not  to  act 
under  disguise,  and  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of  letting  his  senti 
ments  be  known,  he  called  to  them,  just  as  they  were  about  to  rise, 
and  observed  that  one  toast  had  been  omitted,  which  he  would  propose. 
The  glasses  were  filled,  and  he  gave  as  a  toast,  "  The  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  .American  armies."  It  is  needless  to  say,  that  it  was  coldly 
received  ;  and  it  is  possible,  that  this  early  and  bold  avowal  of  his  pre 
dilections  had  some  influence  in  damping  the  ardor,  with  which  the 
leaders  of  the  faction  had  planned  this  abortive  Canada  expedition. 
Conway  was  appointed  second  in  command  ;  but  Lafayette  insisted  that 
the  Baron  de  Kalb,  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  should  be  one  of  the 
officers,  which  was  granted,  but  not  without  evident  reluctance.  Baron 
de  Kalb,  being  higher  in  rank  than  Conway,  was  thus  the  second  in 
command,  and  Conway  the  third. 


252  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  [JEx.  45. 

CHAPTER   ness  and  liberty  of  this  country.     I  see  plainly  that  Amer- 

. *' ica  can  defend  herself,  if  proper  measures  are  taken ;    but 

1777.  I  begin  to  fear  that  she  may  be  lost  by  herself  and  her 
own  sons."  And  again  in  conclusion  he  added ;  "  My 
desire  of  deserving  your  approbation  is  strong  ;  and,  when 
ever  you  shall  employ  me,  you  can  be  certain  of  my  try 
ing  every  exertion  in  my  power  to  succeed.  I  am  now 
bound  to  your  fate,  and  I  shall  follow  it  and  sustain  it, 
as  well  by  my  sword  as  by  all  the  means  in  my  power." 
To  this  pledge  he  was  ever  true.  * 
Washington  Standing  firm  in  his  integrity,  Washington  took  no 

takes  no  .  •_"«••,. 

pains  to        pains   to   counteract    these    machinations   of  his   enemies, 

counteract  11-  ,.,.  . 

the  schemes    and,  whatever  may  have  been  his  regret   and   indignation 
«»e8-  at  such  evidences    of   ingratitude  and  perfidy,  he  did  not 

allow  them  to  disturb  his  equanimity,  or  to  turn  him  in 
the  least  degree  from  his  lofty  purpose  of  serving  his 
country  in  the  sphere  allotted  to  him  with  the  disinterest 
edness,  diligence,  and  ardor,  that  characterized  his  public 
life  in  every  vicissitude  of  events.  In  a  letter  to  Presi 
dent  Laurens,  who  had  enclosed  to  him  an  anonymous 
communication  of  a  very  insidious  tendency,  which  he 

*  The  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  Lafayette  to  Baron 
Steuben,  while  the  faction  was  at  its  height,  affords  an  additional  proof 
of  his  warm  and  generous  friendship  for  Washington.  It  was  dated 
at  Albany,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1778.  Baron  Steuben  had  recently 
arrived  in  the  country. 

"Permit  me,"  said  Lafayette,  "to  express  my  satisfaction  at  your 
having  seen  General  Washington.  No  enemies  to  that  great  man 
can  be  found,  except  among  the  enemies  to  his  country  ;  nor  is  it 
possible  for  any  man  of  a  noble  spirit  to  refrain  from  loving  the  ex 
cellent  qualities  of  his  heart.  I  think  I  know  him  as  well  as  any 
person,  and  such  is  the  idea  which  I  have  formed  of  him.  His  hon 
esty,  his  frankness,  his  sensibility,  his  virtue,  to  the  full  extent  in 
which  this  word  can  be  understood,  are  above  all  praise.  It  is  not 
for  me  to  judge  of  his  military  talents ;  but,  according  to  my  imper 
fect  knowledge  of  these  matters,  his  advice  in  council  has  always 
appeared  to  me  the  best,  although  his  modesty  prevents  him  sometimes 
from  sustaining  it;  and  his  predictions  have  generally  been  fulfilled.  I 
am  the  more  happy  in  giving  you  this  opinion  of  my  friend,  with  all 
the  sincerity  which  I  feel,  because  some  persons  may  perhaps  attempt 
to  deceive  you  on  this  point" 


JEr.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  253 

had  received,  and  which  the  writer  designed  for  Congress,  CHAPTER 

Washington   wrote   as  follows.  *• 

"I  cannot  sufficiently  express  the  obligation   I  feel   to  1778. 

you,   for  your  friendship  and  politeness  upon  an  occasion  Letter  to  the 

:         '  ,       T  xr  President  of 

in   which   I  am  so  deeply   interested.      I   was  not   unap-  congress, 
prized,  that  a  malignant    faction    had  been  for  some  time  January  a. 
forming  to  my  prejudice ;   which,  conscious   as   I   am  of 
having  ever  done  all  in  my  power  to  answer  the  impor 
tant    purposes    of  the  trust  reposed   in  me,  could  not   but 
give  me  some  pain  on  a  personal  account.     But  my  chief 
concern     arises    from   an   apprehension   of    the   dangerous 
consequences,  which  intesjtine  dissensions   may  produce  to 
the  common  cause. 

"As  I  have  no  other  view  than  to  promote  the  pub 
lic  good,  and  am  unambitious  of  honors  not  founded  in 
the  approbation  of  my  country,  I  would  not  desire  in 
the  least  degree  to  suppress  a  free  spirit  of  inquiry  into 
any  part  of  my  conduct,  that  even  faction  itself  may 
deem  reprehensible.  The  anonymous  paper  handed  to 
you  exhibits  many  serious  charges,  and  it  is  my  wish 
that  it  should  be  submitted  to  Congress.  This  I  am  the 
more  inclined  to,  as  the  suppression  or  concealment  may 
possibly  involve  you  in  embarrassments  hereafter,  since 
it  is  uncertain  how  many  or  who  may  be  privy  to  the 
contents. 

"  My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage  of  me. 
They  know  the  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and  that  mo 
tives  of  policy  deprive  me  of  the  defence  I  might  other 
wise  make  against  their  insidious  attacks.  They  know  I 
cannot  combat  their  insinuations,  however  injurious,  with 
out  disclosing  secrets,  which  it  is  of  the  utmost  moment 
to  conceal.  But  why  should  I  expect  to  be  exempt  from 
censure,  the  unfailing  lot  of  an  elevated  station  ?  Merit 
and  talents,  with  which  I  can  have  no  pretensions  of  ri- 
valship,  have  ever  been  subject  to  it.  My  heart  tells  me, 
that  it  has  been  my  unremitted  aim  to  do  the  best  that 
circumstances  would  permit ;  yet  I  may  have  been  very 
often  mistaken  in  my  judgment  of  the  means,  and  may 
in  many  instances  deserve  the  imputation  of  error." 


254 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[ -Ex.  45. 


1778. 

Objects  of 
those  con 
cerned  in  the 
cabal. 


Con  way  re 
pents  of  his 
error,  and 
returns  to 
France. 


To  what  extent  the  members  of  Congress  were  con 
cerned  in  this  alfair,  it  would  be  difficult  now  to  decide. 
Names  have  been  mentioned,  but  without  such  a  clear 
statement  of  facts  as  to  fix  a  direct  charge  upon  any 
individual.  The  proceedings  of  Congress  show,  that  the 
faction  had  supporters  in  that  body  ;  but  who  they  were, 
or  what  precise  objects  they  had  in  view,  cannot  now  be 
ascertained  from  the*testimony  hitherto  made  public.  The 
first  aim  of  the  cabal  was,  no  doubt,  to  disgust  Wash 
ington  and  cause  him  to  resign.  It  is  probable,  that 
Gates's  immediate  coadjutors  in  the  army  looked  to  him 
as  the  successor,  and  that  Gates  flattered  himself  with 
this  illusive  dream.  The  dissatisfied  members  of  Con 
gress,  it  is  more  likely,  had  their  eyes  upon  Charles  Lee, 
who  was  soon  to  be  exchanged. 

Conway  was  the  victim  of  his  ambition  and  intrigues. 
Being  wounded  by  an  American  officer  in  a  duel,  he 
wrote  to  General  Washington  while  he  thought  himself 
near  his  end,  expressing  sorrow  for  his  past  conduct. 
"  My  career  will  soon  be  over,"  said  he  ;  "  therefore  justice 
and  truth  prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  sentiments.  You 
are  in  my  eyes  the  great  and  good  man.  May  you  long 
enjoy  the  love,  veneration,  and  esteem  of  these  States, 
whose  liberties  you  have  asserted  by  your  virtues."  This 
confession,  dictated  at  a  solemn  moment  by  a  corroding 
conscience,  although  it  may  be  deemed  an  apology  for 
personal  injuries,  cannot  atone  for  the  guilt  of  having 
endeavored,  in  a  time  of  public  danger  and  distress,  to 
kindle  the  flame  of  discord  in  a  country,  whose  liberties 
he  had  offered  to  vindicate,  and  whose  cause  he  was  pre 
tending  to  serve.  He  unexpectedly  recovered  of  his 
wound,  and  returned  to  France,  leaving  a  name  which 
few  will  envy,  and  an  example  which  no  one  will  be  am 
bitious  to  imitate,  who  reflects  how  soon  a  crime  may  be 
followed  by  a  just  retribution. 


.  45.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  255 


CHAPTER    XI. 

Sufferings  of  the  Army  at  Valley  Forge.  —  New  Arrangements  concerted 
with  a  Committee  of  Congress.  —  Half-pay  granted  to  the  Officers  for  a 
Term  of  Years.  —  Proceedings  in  Regard  to  Lord  North's  conciliatory  Bills. 
—  Arrival  of  the  French  Treaties  of  Alliance  and  Commerce.  —  Compar 
ative  Strength  of  the  British  and  American  Armies.  —  Discussions  re 
specting  an  Attack  on  Philadelphia.  —  Plans  of  the  Enemy.  —  Evacuation 
of  Philadelphia.  —  The  Army  crosses  the  Delaware.  —  Battle  of  Mon- 
mouth.  —  Arrest  and  Trial  of  General  Lee.  —  Arrival  of  the  French  Fleet 
under  Count  d'Estaing.  —  Plans  for  combined  Operations  between  the 
Fleet  and  the  American  Army.  —  Failure  of  an  Attempt  against  the  En 
emy  at  Rhode  Island.  —  Cantonments  of  the  Army  for  the  Winter.  —  Ex 
change  of  Prisoners.  —  Congress.  —  Project  of  an  Expedition  to  Canada 

THE  winter  at   Valley  Forge  is   memorable   in  the  his-    CHAPTER 
tory   of  the    war.     Owing  to  changes   in    the  quartermas-  — — — - 

•t  *y  *y  Q 

ter's  and  commissary's  departments,  according  to  a  scheme 
planned  by  Congress  contrary  to  the  judgment  of  Wash-  Distresses 
ington,  the  army  had  been  wretchedly  supplied,  and  at  no 
time  were  the  sufferings  of  the  troops  so  great,  as  they 
were  for  a  few  weeks  after  they  went  into  winter  quarters. 
Hardly  were  the  huts  begun,  when  information  was  re 
ceived,  that  a  party  of  the  enemy  had  left  Philadelphia, 
with  the  apparent  design  of  foraging  and  drawing  subsist 
ence  from  the  country.  Several  regiments  were  ordered 
to  be  in  readiness  to  march,  when  it  was  discovered  that 
they  had  no  provisions,  and  that  a  dangerous  mutiny  was 
on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  The  only  remedy  was  to 
send  parties  abroad  to  collect,  wherever  they  could  find  it, 
as  much  provision  as  would  satisfy  the  pressing  wants  of 
the  soldiers. 

The  same  wants  recurred  at  different  times  through  the  Bufferings 

_  —,  ,      *-,.      .   .  for  the  want 

winter.      On   one    occasion    General    Washington    wrote  ;  of  supplies. 
"  For  some  days  there  has  been  little  less  than  a  famine 
in  camp.     A  part  of  the  army  have  been  a  week  without 
any  kind   of  flesh,  and  the   rest  three  or  four  days.     Na- 


256  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  45. 

CHAPTER  ked  and  starving  as  they  are,  we  cannot  enough  admire 
__._^L_  the  incomparable  patience  and  fidelity  of  the  soldiery,  that 
1778.  they  have  not  been  ere  this  excited  by  their  sufferings 
to  a  general  mutiny  and  dispersion.  Strong  symptoms, 
however,  of  discontent  have  appeared  in  particular  in 
stances;  and  nothing  but  the  most  active  efforts  every 
where  can  long  avert  so  shocking  a  catastrophe."  Such 
was  the  scarcity  of  blankets,  that  many  of  the  men  were 
obliged  to  sit  up  all  night  by  the  fires,  without  covering 
to  protect  them  while  taking  the  common  refreshment  of 
sleep;  and  in  numerous  instances  they  were  so  scantily 
clad,  that  they  could  not  leave  their  huts.  Although  the 
officers  were  better  provided,  yet  none  was  exempt  from 
exposures,  privations,  and  hardships.* 

ISecom"  Notwithstanding  this  deplorable  condition  of  the  army, 
fnac"tivhft£f  there  were  not  wanting  those,  who  complained  of  its  in- 
.  activity,  and  insisted  on  a  winter  campaign.  When  the 
encampment  was  begun  at  Valley  Forge,  the  whole  num 
ber  of  men  in  the  field  was  eleven  thousand  and  ninety- 
eight,  of  whom  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight  were  unfit  for  duty,  "  being  barefoot  and  otherwise 
naked."  In  making  this  statement  to  Congress,  and  al 
luding  to  a  memorial  of  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania, 
Washington  said  ;  "  We  find  gentlemen,  without  knowing 
whether  the  army  was  really  going  into  winter  quarters  or 
not,  reprobating  the  measure  as  much  as  if  they  thought 
the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or  stones,  and  equally 
insensible  of  frost  and  snow;  and  moreover,  as  if  they 
conceived  it  easily  practicable  for  an  inferior  army,  under 
the  disadvantages  I  have  described  ours  to  be,  which  are 
by  no  means  exaggerated,  to  confine  a  superior  one,  in 
all  respects  well  appointed  and  provided  for  a  winter's 
campaign,  within  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  to  cover 

*  Mrs.  Washington  joined  her  husband  at  Valley  Forge  in  Febru 
ary.  Writing  a  month  afterwards  to  Mrs.  Mercy  Warren,  the  histo 
rian  of  the  revolution,  she  said  ;  "  The  General's  apartment  is  very 
small ;  he  has  had  a  log  cabin  built  to  dine  in,  which  has  made  our 
quarters  much  more  tolerable  than  they  were  at  first." 


Ex  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  257 

from  depredation  and  waste  the  States  of  Pennsylvania  CHAPTER 
and  New  Jersey.  But  what  makes  this  matter  still  more  _ 
extraordinary  in  my  eye  is,  that  these  very  gentlemen,  —  1778. 
who  were  well  apprized  of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops 
from  ocular  demonstration,  who  thought  their  own  soldiers 
worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  advised  me  near  a  month 
ago  to  postpone  the  execution  of  a  plan  I  was  about  to 
adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  resolve  of  Congress,  for  seiz 
ing  clothes,  under  strong  assurances  that  an  ample  supply 
would  be  collected  in  ten  days  agreeably  to  a  decree  of 
the  State  (not  one  article  of  which,  by  the  by,  is  yet 
come  to  hand),  —  should  think  a  winter's  campaign,  and 
the  covering  of  these  States  from  the  invasion  of  an  ene 
my,  so  easy  and  practicable  a  business.  I  can  assure 
those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a  much  easier  and  less  dis 
tressing  thing  to  draw  remonstrances  in  a  comfortable 
room  by  a  good  fireside,  than  to  occupy  a  cold,  bleak  hill, 
and  sleep  under  frost  and  snow,  without  clothes  or  blan 
kets.  However,  although  they  seem  to  have  little  feel 
ing  for  the  naked  and  distressed  soldiers,  I  feel  super 
abundantly  for  them,  and,  from  my  soul,  I  pity  those 
miseries,  which  it  is  neither  in  my  power  to  relieve  nor 
prevent." 

After  the  immediate  wants  of  the  army  in  camp  were 


provided  for,  he  next  employed  his  thoughts  in  devising  army. 
a  new  and  improved  system  for  the  future.  The  expe 
rience  of  three  campaigns  had  proved  the  necessity  of 
radical  and  extensive  changes  in  the  plans  hitherto  pur 
sued,  both  in  regard  to  the  organization  and  discipline  of 
the  army,  and  to  the  methods  of  obtaining  supplies.  He 
deemed  the  subject  to  be  of  the  utmost  importance,  and 
one  upon  the  due  adjustment  of  which  would  depend  not 
only  the  efficiency,  but  even  the  existence,  of  a  Conti 
nental  military  force.  That  he  might  act  upon  the  sound 
est  principles,  and  with  all  the  aids  that  could  be  collect 
ed  from  the  knowledge  and  reflections  of  others,  he  re 
quested  the  general  officers  to  state  their  sentiments  in 
writing.  The  result  was  a  series  of  elaborate  essays,  con- 
33  A£* 


258  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEx.  46. 

CHAPTER    taining  such  facts,  discussions,  and  opinions,  as  the  judg- 

XL ment  and   military  skill   of  the    writers    enabled   them  to 

1778>     present. 

congress  Moved  by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  Washington,  Con- 

miueetCoThe  gress  at  the  same  time  took  the  subject  into  considera 
tion.  Their  debates  finally  terminated  in  the  appointment 
January  10.  ^  &  commjttee  of  gve  members  of  their  body,  who  were 
instructed  to  repair  to  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  and  in 
vested  with  ample  powers  to  confer  with  the  Commander, 
and  digest  in  concert  with  him  such  a  system  as  would 
correct  existing  abuses,  lead  to  salutary  reforms,  and  put 
the  army  on  the  footing  he  desired.  When  the  commit 
tee  arrived  in  camp,  he  laid  before  them  a  memoir,  drawn 
up  with  great  care,  representing  in  detail  the  defects  of 
previous  arrangements,  and  containing  an  outline  of  a  new 
and  improved  system.*  The  committee  continued  in  camp 
three  months,  and  then  returned  to  Congress  and  present 
ed  a  report,  which  was  in  the  main  adopted. 
Haif-payto  On  one  point,  however,  which  Washington  considered 

the  officers  •,•••,  c       i 

for  life  pro-  not  more  equitable  m  itself,  than  essential  to  the  continu 
ance  of  an  army,  there  was  great  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  members  of  Congress.  Hitherto  there  had  been 
no  provision  made  for  the  officers  after  the  war  should 
end,  and  no  other  inducement  offered  to  them  than  their 

*  The  author  of  the  Life  of  Hamilton  has  claimed  for  him  a  larger 
share  in  this  important  memoir  than  can  justly  be  conceded.  He  says, 
u  it  is  manifestly  the  work  of  Colonel  Hamilton."  This  inference  is 
drawn  from  the  circumstance,  that  a  draft  exists  in  his  handwriting. 
But  it  was  in  fact  the  work  of  many  hands.  There  are  few  points  in 
the  paper  itself,  which  are  not  contained  or  intimated  in  some  of  the 
communications  of  the  general  officers.  As  one  of  General  Washing 
ton's  aids,  it  was  natural  that  Colonel  Hamilton  should  be  employed 
to  arrange  and  condense  the  materials  into  the  proper  form  of  a  report, 
especially  as  no  one  connected  with  the  General's  family  was  better 
qualified  to  execute  the  task,  both  from  his  knowledge  of  the  subject 
and  his  ability.  This  is  the  only  sense  in  which  it  can  be  considered 
as  his  work.  Indeed,  whoever  is  accustomed  to  consult  the  manuscripts 
of  public  documents  will  often  be  led  into  error,  if  he  ascribes  the 
authorship  of  every  paper  to  the  person  in  whose  handwriting  it  may 
be  found.  This  remark  has  particular  force,  when  applied  to  the  im- 


JEr   46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  259 

common    wages  while  in   actual  service.     Numerous  com-    CHAPTER 

plaints  and    resignations   convinced    Washington,  that    this ^ . 

motive,  even  when  strengthened  by  ambition  and  patriot-     1778. 
ism,  was  not  enough.     He  proposed  half-pay  for  life,  after 
the  close  of  the  war,  or  some   other  permanent  provision. 

"  If  my  opinion  be  asked."  said  he  in  a  letter  to  Con-  Arguments 

3  •  /«  •  i   -  forahalf- 

gress,   "  with  respect  to  the  necessity  of  making  this  pro-  JJ[n[JJJb<' 
vision  for  the   officers,  I   am  ready  to    declare,  that    I   do 

April  10. 

most  religiously  believe  the  salvation  of  the  cause  depends 
upon  it,  and,  without  it,  your  officers  will  moulder  to 
nothing,  or  be  composed  of  low  and  illiterate  men,  void 
of  capacity  for  this  or  any  other  business.  To  prove  this, 
I  can  with  truth  aver,  that  scarce  a  day  passes  without 
the  offer  of  two  or  three  commissions  ;  and  my  advices 
from  the  eastward  and  southward  are,  that  numbers  who 
had  gone  home  on  furlough  mean  not  to  return,  but  are 
establishing  themselves  in  more  lucrative  employments. 
Let  Congress  determine  what  will  be  the  consequence  of 
this  spirit. 

"  Personally,  as  an  officer,  I  have  no  interest  in  their 
decision,  because  I  have  declared,  and  I  now  repeat  it, 
that  I  never  will  receive  the  smallest  benefit  from  the 
half-pay  establishment ;  but,  as  a  man  who  fights  under 
the  weight  of  proscription,  and  as  a  citizen,  who  wishes 

portant  papers  to  which  Washington  affixed  his  name.  They  were 
always  the  result  of  patient  thought  and  investigation  on  his  own  part, 
aided  by  such  light  as  he  could  collect  from  others,  in  whose  intelli 
gence  and  judgment  he  could  confide.  Whatever  pen  he  may  have 
employed  to  embody  these  results,  it  may  be  laid  down  as  a  rule,  to 
which  there  is  no  exception,  that  the  writer  aimed  to  express  as  clear 
ly  and  compactly  as  he  could  what  he  knew  to  be  the  sentiments  of 
Washington.  This  fact  alone  can  account  for  the  extraordinary  uni 
formity  in  style,  modes  of  expression,  and  turns  of  thought,  which  pre 
vails  throughout  the  immense  body  of  Washington's  letters,  from  his 
earliest  youth  to  the  end  of  his  life.  It  will  seldom  be  accurate  to 
say,  in  regard  to  any  of  his  papers,  that  the  person,  in  whose  hand 
writing  they  may  be  found,  was  their  author ;  nor  indeed  is  it  believed  / 
that  there  is  in  history  an  instance  of  a  public  man,  who  was  in  the 
genuine  sense  of  the  term  more  emphatically  the  author  of  the  papers, 
which  received  the  sanction  of  his  name. 


260 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[.Ex.  46. 


CHAPTER 
XI> 

1778- 


agement  to 

the  officers 

Hccess&ry* 


Difference 

between  the 

British  and 

American 

service. 


to  see  the  liberty  of  his  country  established  upon  a  per- 
marient  foundation,  and  whose  property  depends  upon  the 
success  of  our  arms,  I  am  deeply  interested.  But,  all  this 
apart,  and  justice  out  of  the  question,  upon  the  single 
ground  of  economy  and  public  saving,  I  will  maintain 
the  utility  of  it  ;  for  I  have  not  the  least  doubt,  that, 
until  officers  consider  their  commissions  in  an  honorable 
and  interested  point  of  view,  and  are  afraid  to  endanger 
them  by  negligence  and  inattention,  no  order,  regularity,  or 
care,  either  of  the  men  or  public  property,  will  prevail." 

Finding  that  the  proposition  was  opposed  in  Congress, 
upon  principles  which  seemed  to  him  erroneous  and  im 
politic,  he  wrote  to  one  of  the  members  in  terms  still 
more  earnest. 

"  The  officers  will  not  be  persuaded,"  he  observed,  "to 

.  _  „  .,  . 

sacrifice  all  views  of  present  interest,  and  encounter  the 
numerous  vicissitudes  of  war,  in  the  defence  of  their 
country,  unless  she  will  be  generous  enough  on  her  part 
to  make  a  decent  provision  for  their  future  support.  I  do 
not  pronounce  absolutely,  that  we  shall  have  no  army  if 
the  establishment  fails,  but  the  army  which  we  may  have 
will  be  without  discipline,  without  energy,  incapable  of 
acting  with  vigor,  and  destitute  of  those  cements  neces 
sary  to  promise  success  on  the  one  hand,  or  to  withstand 
the  shocks  of  adversity  on  the  other.  It  is  indeed  hard 
to  say  how  extensive  the  evil  may  be,  if  the  measure 
should  be  rejected,  or  much  longer  delayed.  I  find  it  a 
very  arduous  task  to  keep  the  officers  in  tolerable  humor, 
and  to  protract  such  a  combination  for  quitting  the  ser 
vice,  as  might  possibly  undo  us  for  ever. 

"  The   difference    between   our  service  and   that   of  the 

.  .     .  „_. 

enemy  is  very  striking.     With  us,  from  the  peculiar,  un- 

,  .        .         c 

happy  situation  of  things,  the  officer,  a  few  instances  ex- 

cepted,  must  break  in  upon  his  private  fortune  for  pres 
ent  support,  without  a  prospect  of  future  relief.  With 
them,  even  companies  are  esteemed  so  honorable  and  so 
valuable,  that  they  have  sold  of  late  from  fifteen  to  twenty- 
two  hundred  pounds  sterling  ;  and  I  am  credibly  inform- 


£T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  261 

ed,    that    four    thousand   guineas    have    been   given   for  a    CHAPTER 

troop  of  dragoons.     You  will  readily  determine  how  this 

difference  will  operate  ;  what  effects  it  must  produce.    Men      1778. 

may  speculate  as  they  will  ;  they  may  talk  of  patriotism  ; 

they  may   draw  a  few  examples,  from  ancient  story,  of 

great  achievements  performed  by  its  influence  ;  but  who 

ever  builds  upon  them,   as  a  sufficient  basis  for  conduct 

ing  a  long  and  bloody  war,  will  find  himself  deceived  in 

the   end.      We  must  take  the  passions  of  men  as  nature 

has  given    them,  and   those  principles  as   a  guide,    which 

are    generally  the   rule  of  action.     I  do  not  mean  to  ex 

clude  altogether  the  idea  of  patriotism.     I  know  it  exists, 

and  I   know   it   has   done   much   in   the   present   contest. 

But  I  will  venture  to  assert,  that  a  great  and  lasting  war 

can  never  be  supported  on  this  principle  alone.     It  must 

be  aided  by  a  prospect  of  interest,  or  some  reward.     For 

a   time   it   may,    of  itself,    push   men    to   action,    to    bear 

much,    to   encounter   difficulties  ;    but   it   will   not  endure 

unassisted  by  interest." 

These  representations,    so  judicious    and   forcible,  could 


not  fail  to   have   some   influence   even   on   the    minds   of   grant  hair- 

pay  for  life 

those,  who  were  the  most  decided  in  their  hostility  to 
the  measure.  But  they  did  not  produce  entire  conviction, 
and  the  subject  met  with  difficulties  and  delays.  One 
party  thought,  or  professed  to  think,  that  Congress  had 
no  power  to  act  in  such  a  matter,  and  proposed  to  refer 
it  to  the  State  legislatures  ;  another  was  haunted  with 
the  fear  of  a  standkig  army,  a  privileged  class,  and  a 
pension  list  ;  and  another  could  see  no  difference  between 
the  sacrifices  of  the  officers,  in  defending  their  country, 
and  of  private  citizens,  whose  property  was  plundered, 
ravaged,  and  destroyed  by  the  enemy.  After  much  dis 
cussion,  the  plan  of  half-pay  for  life  was  carried,  but  by 
so  small  a  majority  that  the  vote  was  reconsidered,  and 
a  compromise  was  effected.  By  the  ultimate  decision,  the 
officers  were  to  receive  half-pay  for  the  term  of  seven  years, 
and  a  gratuity  of  eighty  dollars  was  to  be  given  to  each 
non-commissioned  officer  and  soldier,  who  should  continue 
in  the  service  to  the  ***"*  of  the  war. 


262 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  46 


CHAPTER 
XI. 

"  1778. 

Jealousy  of 
the  army  in 
Congress. 


Hardships  of 
»he  troops. 


While  this  subject  was  under  discussion,  Washington 
saw  with  deep  concern  the  jealousy  of  the  army,  which 
was  manifested  in  Congress,  and  its  unhappy  influence 
on  their  deliberations.  In  other  countries  this  prejudice 
exists  against  standing  armies  only  in  times  of  peace,  and 
this  because  the  troops  are  a  distinct  body  from  the  citi 
zens,  having  few  interests  in  common  with  them,  and 
little  other  means  of  support  than  what  flows  from  their 
military  employment.  But  "it  is  our  policy,"  said  he,  " to 
be  prejudiced  against  them  in  time  of  war,  though  they 
are  citizens,  having  all  the  ties  and  interests  of  citizens, 
and  in  most  cases  property  totally  unconnected  with  the 
military  line."  So  heavily  did  this  subject  weigh  upon 
his  mind,  that  he  unburdened  himself  freely  in  a  letter 
to  a  member  of  Congress,  and  used  all  his  endeavors  to 
promote  harmony,  union,  and  a  national  feeling  among 
those  on  whom  the  safety  of  the  republic  depended, 
whether  acting  in  a  civil  or  military  capacity. 

"  If  we  would  pursue  a  right  system  of  policy,"  he 
observed,  "  in  my  opinion,  there  should  be  none  of  these 
distinctions.  We  should  all,  Congress  and  army,  be  con 
sidered  as  one  people,  embarked  in  one  cause,  in  one 
interest;  acting  on  the  same  principle,  and  to  the  same 
end.  The  distinction,  the  jealousies  set  up,  or  perhaps 
only  incautiously  let  out,  can  answer  not  a  single  good 
purpose.  They  are  impolitic  in  the  extreme.  Among  in 
dividuals  the  most  certain  way  to  make  a  man  your  ene 
my  is  to  tell  him  you  esteem  him  such.  So  with  public 
bodies ;  and  the  very  jealousy,  which  the  narrow  politics 
of  some  may  affect  to  entertain  of  the  army,  in  order  to 
a  due  subordination  to  the  supreme  civil  authority,  is  a 
likely  means  to  produce  a  contrary  effect  ;  to  incline  it 
to  the  pursuit  of  those  measures,  which  they  may  wish  it 
to  avoid.  It  is  unjust,  because  no  order  of  men  in  the 
Thirteen  States  has  paid  a  more  sacred  regard  to  the 
proceedings  of  Congress  than  the  army ;  for  without  arro 
gance  or  the  smallest  deviation,  from  truth  it  may  be  said, 
that  no  history  now  extant  can  furnish  an  instance  of  an 


^r.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  263 

army's   suffering   such    uncommon    hardships   as   ours   has    CHAPTER 
done,  and  bearing  them  with  the  same    patience  and  for-  .     XL  _ 
titude.     To  see  men,    without  clothes  to  cover  their  na-     1778. 
kedness,   without    blankets  to  lie   on,   without    shoes    (for 
the  want  of  which  their  marches  might  be  traced  by  the 
blood  from  their  feet),   and  almost  as   often  without  pro 
visions   as   with   them,    marching    through    the   frost   and 
snow,   and   at   Christmas    taking   up   their  winter  quarters 
within  a  day's  march  of  the  enemy,  without  a  house   or 
hut  to  cover  them  till  they  could  be  built,  and  submitting 
without  a  murmur,  is  a  proof  of  patience    and   obedience, 
which  in  my  opinion  can  scarce  be  paralleled." 

Bound  by  strong    ties   of   attachment    to  the  army,  on  Difficult** 


the   good  or  ill  fortunes  of  which  his   own  reputation  so  ti 

111:111  J  of  the 

much  depended,  he  spared  no  efforts  to  redress  its  griev-  army. 
ances,  maintain  its  rights,  and  mitigate  its  sufferings  ;  but 
he  was  prompt  and  inflexible  in  checking  the  least  dis 
position  to  encroach  on  the  civil  power,  or  to  claim 
privileges,  however  reasonable  in  themselves,  which  the 
peculiar  circumstances  of  the  country  rendered  it  hazardous 
or  inexpedient  to  grant.  Considering  the  materials  of  the 
army,  composed  of  freemen  brought  together  and  held 
together  almost  without  the  aid  of  law  or  of  authority 
in  any  supreme  head,  unaccustomed  to  a  soldier's  life,  im 
patient  under  discipline,  and  constantly  exposed  to  extraor 
dinary  privations  and  distresses,  it  may  truly  be  said,  that 
no  commander  ever  had  a  more  difficult  task  to  perform 
in  discharging  the  duties  of  his  station  ;  and  this  in  ad 
dition  to  the  labor  and  responsibility  of  suggesting  to 
Congress  the  important  measures,  which  they  were  to 
adopt  in  regard  to  military  affairs,  the  vexation  of  seeing 
his  plans  thwarted  by  prejudice  and  party  dissensions,  and 
the  anxiety  he  never  ceased  to  feel  on  account  of  the 
divided  counsels,  apathy,  antipathies,  and  local  predilec 
tions,  which  were  manifested  both  in  Congress  and  in  the 
State  legislatures. 

About  the  middle  of  April  arrived  in  New  York  a  draft  LordNorth'a 
of  what  were  called  Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Bills,  con-  bSE1  Ia 


264 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  46. 


Terms  of 
conciliation 
not  accept 
able. 


CHAPTER  taining  a  new  project  by  him  submitted  to  Parliament 
XL  for  settling  the  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
1778.  United  States.  This  movement  was  prompted  by  the 
apprehension,  that  France  would  soon  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  the  latter,  and  join  in  the  war  against 
England.  Governor  Tryon,  to  whom  the  draft  of  the  bills 
was  sent,  had  it  immediately  reprinted  in  New  York, 
and  took  measures  to  disperse  copies  of  it  as  extensively 
as  possible  in  the  country,  which,  he  said,  was  done  in 
obedience  to  "  his  Majesty's  command."  Copies  were  en 
closed  by  him  to  General  Washington,  with  a  polite  re 
quest  that  he  would  aid  in  circulating  them,  "  that  the 
people  at  large  might  be  acquainted  with  the  favorable 
disposition  of  Great  Britain  towards  the  American  colo 
nies."  Washington  sent  them  to  Congress. 

As  to  the  tenor  of  the  bills,  it  is  enough  to  say,  that 
the  terms  held  out  were  such  as  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  accepted  in  the  first  stages  of  the  controversy. 
Important  changes  had  since  occurred.  The  Americans 
had  declared  themselves  an  independent  nation.  They 
had  shed  their  blood,  expended  their  means,  and  endured 
the  miseries  of  a  three  years'  war,  in  defence  of  the  rights 
they  claimed,  and  the  character  they  had  assumed.  It 
was  no  part  of  the  British  ministry's  plan  to  treat  with 
the  American  States  as  an  independent  power.  They 
were  to  go  back  to  their  old  condition  as  colonies,  be 
favored  with  certain  privileges,  and,  relieved  from  the 
burden  of  self-government,  to  trust  their  liberties  again 
to  the  parental  guardianship  of  the  mother  country.  Till 
the  remembrance  of  the  past  should  be  obliterated,  these 
proffers  were  not  likely  to  gain  the  confidence  or  change 
the  sentiments  of  those,  who  had  taken  the  lead  in  oppo 
sition  after  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  causes,  and  of 
the  grounds  on  which  they  stood,  and  who  had  already 
risked  much  and  labored  hard  to  secure  the  political  ex 
istence  and  prosperity  of  their  country,  by  establishing 
them  on  the  firm  basis  of  union  and  freedom. 

Yet  it  was  feared  there  were  some,  who,  weary  of  the 


2ET.46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

war,   or  disheartened   at  the   prospect    of  its   continuance,  CHAPTER 
might  be  soothed  with  the  voice  of  conciliation,  and  thus        XL 

become  cold  supporters  of  the  popular   cause,  if   not   de-  1778. 

cided   advocates    for   peace    on   the    terms    proposed.     To  Washington 

/.  .     ,  f    ,   .       disapproves 

prevent  this  consequence,  as  far  as  the  weight  01  his  the  concilia 
judgment  would  go,  Washington  expressed  his  own  opin-  and  they 'are 
ions  in  very  decided  language  to  a  member  of  Congress  congress. 
only  two  days  after  he  learned  the  contents  of  the  .con 
ciliatory  bills.  "  Nothing  short  of  independence,  it  appears 
to  me,  can  possibly  do.  A  peace  on  other  terms  would, 
if  I  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  be  a  peace  of  war. 
The  injuries  we  have  received  from  the  British  nation 
were  so  unprovoked,  and  have  been  so  great  and  so 
many,  that  they  can  never  be  forgotten.  Besides  the 
feuds,  the  jealousies,  the  animosities,  that  would  ever  at 
tend  a  union  with  them  ;  besides  the  importance,  the  ad 
vantages,  which  we  should  derive  from  an  unrestricted 
commerce ;  our  fidelity  as  a  people,  our  gratitude,  our 
character  as  men,  are  opposed  to  a  coalition  with  them 
as  subjects,  but  in  case  of  the  last  extremity.  Were  we 
easily  to  accede  to  terms  of  dependence,  no  nation,  upon 
future  occasions,  let  the  oppressions  of  Britain  be  ever  so 
flagrant  and  unjust,  would  interpose  for  our  relief;  or,  at 
most,  they  would  do  it  with  a  cautious  reluctance,  and 
upon  conditions  most  probably  that  would  be  hard,  if  not 
dishonorable  to  us."  Fortunately,  the  subject  appeared 
in  the  same  light  to  Congress.  As  soon  as  the  drafts  of 
Lord  North's  bills  were  received,  they  were  referred  to  a 
committee  ;  upon  whose  report  a  short  discussion  ensued ; 
and  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  that  the  terms  offered  April  22. 
were  totally  inadequate,  and  that  no  advances  on  the  part 
of  the  British  government  for  a  peace  would  be  met,  un 
less,  as  a  preliminary  step,  they  either  withdrew  their 
armies  and  fleets,  or  acknowledged  unequivocally  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States.  At  the  same  time  the 
bills  were  published  in  connexion  with  the  proceedings  of 
Congress,  and  circulated  throughout  the  country. 

The  three  commissioners,  Lord  Carlisle,  Governor  John- 
34  B2 


266  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [ Mr.  46. 

CHAPTER  stone,  and  William  Eden,  sent  over  from  England  to 
,  XL  negotiate  the  business  of  conciliation,  did  not  arrive  in 
1778.  Philadelphia  till  six  weeks  after  the  drafts  of  the  bills 
British  com-  were  published  by  Governor  Tryon.  Two  of  the  commis- 
sioners,  Johnstone  and  Eden,  were  the  bearers  of  private 
letters  of  introduction  to  General  Washington  from  his 
friends  in  England,  and  also  of  many  other  letters  to  gen 
tlemen  of  high  political  standing.  To  all  appearance  the 
olive  branch  was  fairly  held  out.  The  secretary  to  the 
commission  was  Dr.  Ferguson,  the  celebrated  professor  of 
moral  philosophy  in  Edinburgh.  On  the  first  landing  of 
the  commissioners,  they  despatched  their  letters  to  Wash 
ington's  camp,  and  requested  a  passport  for  Dr.  Ferguson 
to  go  to  Yorktown,  where  Congress  was  then  sitting,  and 
present  in  person  the  papers  they  had  brought.  This 
matter  being  wholly  of  a  civil  nature,  he  did  not  think 
himself  authorized  to  give  such  a  passport,  without  the 
direction  of  Congress,  and  he  forwarded  to  them  the  ap 
plication.  Impatient  at  the  delay,  or  fearing  a  positive 
refusal  from  Congress  to  receive  the  papers,  the  commis 
sioners  immediately  sent  them  through  the  usual  medium 
of  a  flag  to  the  President.  The  reception  they  met  with 
may  be  imagined  from  the  manner  in  which  Lord  North's 
bills  had  been  disposed  of.  The  door  to  any  kind  of 
compromise  on  the  principles  laid  down  in  those  bills  had 
been  effectually  closed,  and  Congress  adhered  to  their  first 
resolution.  *  The  commissioners  remained  several  months 

*  Mr.  Adolphus,  in  his  History  of  England,  (Vol.  III.  4th  ed.  p.  89) 
says,  "Application  was  made  to  General  Washington  for  a  passport  for 
Dr.  Ferguson,  to  convey  overtures  to  Congress,  but  this  favor  was  harsh 
ly  refused,  and  the  letters  of  the  commissioners  forwarded  by  the 
common  military  posts."  And  then  he  speaks  of  the  "  wanton  inso 
lence  of  this  proceeding."  Such  coarseness  of  language  and  illiberality 
of  sentiment  would  seem  unworthy  of  notice,  if  they  were  not  from  a 
respectable  source.  In  truth  the  passport  was  not  refused,  but  Gen 
eral  Washington  thought  it  not  consistent  with  his  duty  to  grant  it, 
without  the  previous  approbation  of  Congress.  Before  an  answer  could 
possibly  be  received,  the  commissioners  sent  out  their  despatches  by  a 
flag,  unaccompanied  by  their  secretary.  It  is  needless  to  say,  that 


^Er.  46.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  267 

in  the  country,  made  various  attempts  to  gain  their  object,    CHAPTER 
as  well  by  art  and  address  as  by  official  intercourse,    and 


at  last   went   back  to    England   baffled   and   disappointed,      1778. 
if  indeed  they  ever  had  any  real  hope  of  success,    which 
may  be  doubted. 

Meantime  an  important    event   occurred,  which  diffused  Treaty  wit 

France  re- 

universal  joy  in  America.  The  King  of  France  recogms-  gjjj6^ 
ed  the  independence  of  the  United  States  in  a  formal 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  in  a  treaty  of  defen 
sive  alliance,  both  signed  in  Paris  on  the  6th  of  February, 
by  M.  Gerard  on  the  part  of  France,  and  by  the  Ameri 
can  commissioners,  Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee.  It  was  of 
course  expected,  that  this  procedure  would  bring  on  a 
war  between  England  and  France,  and  the  parties  mu 
tually  agreed  not  to  lay  down  their  arms  till  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  should  be  assured  by  a 
treaty  at  the  termination  of  the  war.  The  messenger, 
who  brought  the  news  of  this  auspicious  event,  and  who 
was  likewise  the  bearer  of  the  treaties,  arrived  in  York- 
town  on  the  2d  of  May,  ten  days  after  Congress  had 
passed  their  resolves  respecting  Lord  North's  bills.  This 
last  fact  is  worthy  of  remark,  as  it  shows  that  the  trans 
actions  in  France,  being  then  unknown,  had  no  influence 
in  producing  those  resolves.  The  treaties  were  immediate 
ly  ratified  by  Congress. 

The  army  participated  in  the  rejoicings  everywhere  man-  Rejoicings 
ifested  on  this  occasion.     A  day  was  set  apart  for  a  pub-  tLCraufic£ 

i.  ,    ,  .  ,      ,  .  tionofthe 

lie  celebration   in    camp.     It  began   in   the   morning  with  treaty, 
religious  services,  and  a  discourse  to  each  of  the  brigades      Mays, 
by  one  of  its  chaplains.     Then  followed  military  parades, 
marchings,  and  firings  of  cannon  and  musketry,  according 
to  a  plan  announced   in  the  general   orders.     The  appear 
ance   was   brilliant  and   the  effect   imposing.     The  whole 

this  writer  is  astonished  at  the  blindness  and  obstinacy  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  in  not  acceding  to  the  terms  of  the  commissioners,  which,  in 
his  opinion,  "proffered  more  real  freedom,  than,  under  all  circumstan 
ces,  could  be  expected  to  flow  from  an  acquiescence  in  their  unsup 
ported  independence." 


268 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


|>ET.  46. 


CHAPTER    ceremony  was  conducted  with  perfect  regularity,  and  was 
XL        closed  with   an  entertainment,  patriotic  toasts,  music,  and 

1778.     other  demonstrations  of  joy. 

British  hold  The  British  kept  possession  of  Philadelphia  through  the 
winter  and  the  spring  following;  and,  although  Washing 
ton's  camp  was  within  twenty  miles  of  the  city,  yet  no 
enterprise  was  undertaken  to  molest  him  in  his  quarters. 
Foraging  parties  went  out  and  committed  depredations  up 
on  the  inhabitants  ;  but  they  were  watched  by  the  Ameri 
cans,  who  sometimes  met  them  in  fierce  and  bloody  ren 
counters.  When  it  was  told  to  Dr.  Franklin  in  Paris, 
that  General  Howe  had  taken  Philadelphia,  he  sagacious 
ly  replied  j  "  Say  rather,  that  Philadelphia  has  taken  Gen 
eral  Howe."  This  prediction,  if  such  it  may  be  called, 
was  verified  in  the  end.  The  conquest  gained  at  the 
expense  of  a  campaign,  and  with  a  considerable  loss  of 
men,  actually  availed  nothing.  Philadelphia,  fortified  on 
the  land  side  and  guarded  by  a  formidable  fleet  in  the 
river,  afforded  to  the  British  army  a  resting-place  for  eight 
months.  This  was  the  whole  fruit  of  the  bloodshed  and 
victory.  New  York  would  have  afforded  the  same,  with 
out  the  trouble  of  a  campaign,  and  at  much  less  cost. 

The  number  of  troops  for  the  Continental  army,  ac 
cording  to  the  new  establishment  agreed  upon  by  the 
committee  of  Congress  at  Valley  Forge,  was  to  be  about 
forty  thousand  besides  artillery  and  horse.  When  a  coun 
cil  of  war  was  called,  on  the  8th  of  May,  to  consider 
what  measures  should  be  adopted  for  future  operations,  it 
was  found,  that  the  army,  including  the  detachments  on 
the  North  River  and  at  other  places,  did  not  then  exceed 
fifteen  thousand  men,  nor  was  it  supposed  that  it  could 
soon  be  raised  higher  than  twenty  thousand  effective 
men.  The  number  at  Valley  Forge  was  eleven  thousand 
eight  hundred.  The  British  army  in  New  York  and 
Philadelphia,  as  since  ascertained  from  the  adjutant's  re 
turns,  amounted  to  nearly  thirty  thousand,  of  which  num 
ber  nineteen  thousand  five  hundred  were  in  Philadelphia, 
and  ten  thousand  four  hundred  in  New  York.  There 


Strength  of 
the  two  ar 
mies. 


JET  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  269 

were    besides    three    thousand    seven    hundred    at    Rhode    CHAPTER 
Island  •    making    the   whole    British   army  in    the    middle        XI> 
and  eastern  States  upwards  of  thirty-three  thousand. 

These  numbers  are  much  larger  than  was  imagined  by  J™™^ 
the    council  of  war.      They  estimated  the  enemy's   force  g*^  0°5;r_ 
in   Philadelphia   at   ten   thousand,  in   New   York   at    four  ations- 
thousand,  and   in  Rhode    Island  at  two  thousand,  besides      Mays- 
cavalry  and  artillery.      Upon  this  basis  the  question  was 
discussed,  whether  it  was  expedient  to  take  the  field  and 
act  on  the  defensive,  or  wait  till  the  plans  of  the  enemy 
should  become  more  obvious,  and  then  be  guided  by  cir 
cumstances.     There  was  great  unanimity  in  the  decision. 
To  take    the  city  by  storm  was   impracticable   without   a 
vastly  superior  force  ;  and  equally  so  to  carry  it  by  siege 
or   blockade,   strongly  fortified   as    it  was    by    nature   and 
artificial  works,   and  by  vessels  of  war.     Militia  might  be 
called   out,  but  it  was  uncertain  in  what  numbers  ;    and, 
however   numerous,   they  could    not  be  depended   on   for 
such  an  enterprise.      In  every  view  of  the  subject,  there 
fore,  weighty  objections  presented  themselves   against  any 
scheme  of  offensive  operations. 

It  was  not  long  before  affairs  began  to  put  on  a  new  Enemy  pre- 


aspect.      Prom    the   intelligence    communicated    by    spies,    ate  p 

J  '    delphia. 

and  from  various  indications,  it  was  suspected,  that  the 
enemy  were  preparing  to  evacuate  Philadelphia.  Sir  Wil 
liam  Howe,  weary  of  a  service  in  which  he  found  him 
self  gradually  losing  the  confidence  of  his  employers  and 
supplying  his  enemies  with  weapons  to  assail  his  reputa 
tion,  and  thinking  his  honors  dearly  bought  at  such  a 
price,  had  asked  to  be  recalled,  and  his  request  was  grant 
ed  by  the  King.  He  was  succeeded,  in  the  command 
of  his  Majesty's  forces  in  America,  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
who  had  been  made  knight  of  the  order  of  the  Bath 
during  the  past  year.  The  treaties  between  France  and 
the  United  States  were  regarded  by  the  com*  of  Great 
Britain  as  a  declaration  of  war  on  the  part  of  France,  and 
caused  a  change  in  the  plans  of  the  ministry  for  conduct 
ing  the  contest  in  America.  It  was  resolved  to  make 


270  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEx.  46. 

CHAPTER    a  sudden   descent  upon   some   of   the    French  possessions 
XIt        in  the  West    Indies.      To  aid   in   executing   this   project, 
1778.     Sir    Henry   Clinton    was    ordered    to    send    five   thousand 
men   from   his   army ;    and   also   three    thousand   more   to 
Florida;    and   to  withdraw  the  remainder  to  New  York. 
Another  reason  for  this  last  movement  was  the  probabili 
ty,   that  a  French  fleet  would  soon  appear  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Delaware,  and  thus  blockade   the  shipping  in  that 
river,    and    put    in   jeopardy    the    army,   diminished    as  it 
would  be  by  the  departure  of  the  above  detachments. 
British  Gen-        Sir  Henry  Clinton  first  intended   to  proceed   by  water 
signs.  with  his  whole  army  to  New  York ;   but  this  was  found 

impracticable  for  want  of  transports.  He  therefore  ship 
ped  his  cavalry,  part  of  the  German  troops,  the  American 
loyalists,  his  provision  train  and  heavy  baggage,  on  board 
such  vessels  as  were  in  the  river,  and  prepared  to  march 
through  New  Jersey  with  the  main  body  of  his  army. 
Lafayette's  While  these  preparations  were  making  with  as  much 
renHiii.  secrecy  as  possible  by  the  British  commander,  Washing- 
May  20.  ton  sent  out  from  Valley  Forge  a  detachment  of  two 
thousand  men  under  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  the  ob 
ject  of  which  was  to  cover  the  country  between  the 
Delaware  and  Schuylkill,  to  interrupt  the  communication 
with  Philadelphia,  to  obstruct  the  incursions  of  the  ene 
my's  parties,  and  gain  intelligence  of  their  motions  and 
designs.  Lafayette  marched  to  Barren  Hill,  and,  while 
stationed  there,  a  large  part  of  the  British  army  came 
out  by  a  forced  march  in  the  night,  with  the  intention 
of  attacking  him  by  surprise,  and  cutting  off  his  detach 
ment.  Owing  to  the  negligence,  disobedience,  or  treach 
ery  of  a  picket  guard,  Lafayette  was  nearly  surrounded 
by  the  enemy  before  he  was  informed  of  their  approach; 
but  by  a  very  skilful  manoeuvre,  quickly  conceived  and 
performed  in  a  masterly  manner,  he  gained  a  ford  and 
drew  off  ^is  whole  detachment  across  the  Schuylkill, 
with  the  loss  of  only  nine  men  killed  and  taken.  The 
enemy  retreated  to  Philadelphia. 

To  obstruct  the  progress  of  the  British  troops,  in  case 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  271 

they  should  take  the  route  over  land  to  New  York,  Gen-  CHAPTER 
eral  Maxwell    was   ordered  to  cross  the  Delaware    with   a       XL 

brigade,    and  to   act  in  concert  with   General    Dickinson,  1778. 

who  commanded  the  New  Jersey  militia.     It  being  more  varioua 

~.  .  .  opinions  of 

and  more  evident,  that   Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  preparing  the  officers 

as  to  the 

to  move  by  land,  the  opinion  of  the  general  officers   was 


required,  as  to  the  operations  in  consequence  of  that  event. 
The  principal  point  to  be  considered  was,  whether  the  army 
should  pursue  the  British,  fall  upon  their  rear,  and  bring 
on  an  engagement.  Opinions  were  various  ;  but  nearly  all 
the  officers  were  opposed  to  an  attack,  on  account  of  the 
superiority  of  the  enemy  in  force  and  discipline.  General 
Lee,  who  had  been  exchanged,  and  had  recently  joined 
the  army,  argued  vehemently  against  such  a  step.  Some 
of  the  officers  agreed  with  him  ;  others,  who  were  unwil 
ling  to  advise  a  general  action,  thought  that  the  enemy 
should  at  any  rate  be  harassed  in  their  march,  and  that 
an  engagement,  though  not  to  be  sought,  should  not  be 
avoided  if  circumstances  rendered  it  expedient. 

The  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia,  which  took  Philadelphia 
place  in  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  June,  was  received 
while  the  subject  was  still  under  discussion.  General 
Arnold,  who  had  not  yet  entirely  recovered  from  the 
wound  he  received  at  Saratoga,  was  ordered  to  march 
with  a  small  detachment  into  the  city,  and  to  retain  the 
command  there.  General  Lee  and  General  Wayne,  each 
at  the  head  of  a  division,  took  the  road  to  Coryell's 
Ferry,  with  orders  to  halt  on  the  first  strong  ground  after 
passing  the  river.  Washington  followed,  and  in  six  days 
the  whole  army  had  crossed  the  Delaware,  and  arrived 
at  Hopewell,  five  miles  from  Princeton.  Detachments  in 
the  mean  time  had  been  sent  to  impede  the  enemy's 
march.  Morgan's  corps  of  six  hundred  men  was  ordered 
to  gain  their  right  flank,  Maxwell's  brigade  to  hang  on 
their  left,  and  General  Scott,  with  fifteen  hundred  chosen 
troops,  to  gall  their  left  flank  and  rear.  To  these  were 
joined  the  New  Jersey  militia  under  General  Dickinson, 
and  a  party  of  volunteers  from  Pennsylvania  commanded 
by  General  Cadwalader. 


272 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


.  4b. 


CHAPTER 
XI. 

1778. 

British 
inarch  across 
New  Jersey. 


Council  of 
war  divided 
on  the  sub 
let  of  at 
tacking  the 
enemy. 

June  24. 


After  the  British  had  crossed  the  river  and  landed  at 
Gloucester  Point,  they  marched  by  the  way  of  Haddon- 
field  and  Mount  Holly,  and  moved  on  slowly  till  they 
came  to  Crosswicks  and  Allen  Town.  Being  encumbered 
with  a  long  train  of  wagons  and  bat-horses,  and  confined 
to  a  single  road,  their  line  extended  nearly  twelve  miles. 
It  was  necessary,  also,  to  stop  and  build  bridges  over 
every  stream  and  the  marshy  ground,  as  the  bridges  had 
all  been  destroyed  by  the  Americans.  These  interruptions 
retarded  their  progress.  Nor  was  it  till  he  reached  Allen 
Town,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  decided  what  direction  he 
should  take  from  that  place.  It  was  his  first  purpose  to 
proceed  to  the  Rariton,  and  embark  his  troops  at  Brunswic 
or  South  Amboy  for  New  York.  But,  finding  Wash 
ington  almost  in  his  front,  and  deeming  it  imprudent  to 
hazard  a  battle  while  his  army  was  so  much  encumbered, 
and  on  such  ground  as  his  antagonist  might  choose,  he 
turned  to  the  right,  and  took  the  road  leading  to  Mon- 
mouth  and  Sandy  Hook. 

At  this  time  Washington's  army  had  advanced  to 
Kingston.  In  a  council  of  war,  convened  at  Hopewell, 
the  question  was  again  discussed,  as  to  the  mode  of  at 
tacking  the  enemy.  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  force  was  sup 
posed  to  consist  of  nine  or  ten  thousand  effective  men.* 
The  Continental  troops  under  Washington  amounted  to  a 
little  over  twelve  thousand  ;  and  there  were  about  thirteen 
hundred  miltia.  General  Lee  still  persisted  in  the  same 
sentiments  as  at  first;  and,  as  he  was  now  next  in  rank 
to  the  Commander-in-chief,  and  an  officer  of  long  expe 
rience,  his  opinions  and  arguments  had  great  weight  in 


*  This  was  the  estimate,  but  the  number  must  have  been  consid 
erably  larger.  The  number  of  British  troops  in  Philadelphia  was  up 
wards  of  nineteen  thousand,  making  a  difference  from  the  estimate  of 
more  than  nine  thousand.  There  were  not  transports  enough  in  Phila 
delphia  to  accommodate  this  number,  nor  does  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in 
his  despatches  mention  having  sent  such  a  body  of  troops  by  water. 
Nor  had  they  gone  to  the  West  Indies.  The  troops  for  that  station 
sailed  afterwards  from  New  York. 


&T.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  273 

the  council.     He  seemed  averse   to  any  kind  of  interfer-   CHAPTER 
ence  with  the  enemy ;  but  he  acceded  to  a  proposal,  in        XL 
which  he  was  joined  by  five  others,  that  fifteen  hundred     1778. 
men  should  be  sent  to  hang  on  their  rear.     Six  general 
officers,  namely,  Greene,  Lafayette,  Steuben,  Wayne,  Du- 
portail,  and  Paterson,  were  for  sending  twenty-five  hundred 
men,  or  ar  least  two  thousand,  which  should  be  followed 
by  the  main  army  at  such  a  distance  as  to  afford  support, 
if  it   should   be   necessary.     It   was   clearly   the    wish   of 
these   officers  to  draw  the  enemy   into  a  general  engage 
ment,  if  it  could  be  done  under  favorable   circumstances. 
Indeed  Greene,  Lafayette,  and  Wayne  declared  their  sen 
timents  to  this  effect  in  writing. 

Thus  embarrassed  with  the  divided  opinions  of  his  offi-  Washington 
cers,  Washington  had  a  delicate  part  to  act.  There  can  gagement. 
be  no  doubt,  however,  that  his  own  judgment  strongly 
inclined  him  to  seek  an  engagement,  from  the  time  he 
left  Valley  Forge.  The  reputation  of  the  army,  and  the 
expectation  of  the  country,  in  his  view  required  it ;  and 
he  believed  the  chances  of  success  at  least  sufficient  to 
authorize  the  attempt.  After  the  council  at  Hopewell, 
therefore,  he  asked  no  further  advice,  but  proceeded  on 
his  individual  responsibility.  He  immediately  ordered  a 
detachment  of  one  thousand  men  under  General  Wayne 
to  join  the  troops  already  near  the  enemy,  and  gave  to 
General  Lafayette  the  command  of  all  the  advanced  par 
ties,  amounting  now  to  about  three  thousand  eight  hundred 
men,  including  militia. 

In  his  instructions  to  Lafayette  he  said  ;  "  You  are  to  instructions 
use  the  most  effectual  means  for  gaining  the  enemy's  left 
flank,  and  giving  every  degree  of  annoyance.  For  these 
purposes  you  will  attack  them  as  occasion  may  require 
by  detachment,  and,  if  a  proper  opening  should  be  given, 
by  operating  against  them  with  your  whole  command.'' 
Foreseeing  that  these  orders,  executed  with  the  spirit  and 
ardor  which  characterized  Lafayette,  would  soon  lead  to 
an  action  with  a  large  part  of  the  enemy's  force,  Wash- 
35 


274 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[>£T.  46. 


CHAPTER 
XI. 

1778. 

General  Lee 
takes  com 
mand  of  the 
advanced 
division. 

June  26. 


Battle  of 
Monmouth. 


June  28. 


ington  prepared  to  sustain  the  advanced  division,   keeping 
within  a  distance  proper  for  that  purpose. 

General  Lee's  seniority  of  rank  entitled  him  to  the 
command  of  all  the  advanced  detachments ;  but  disapprov 
ing  the  plans  of  the  Commander-in-chief  and  believing 
they  would  fail,  he  voluntarily  yielded  his  claims  to  La 
fayette.  After  this  arrangement  had  been  made  with  Wash 
ington's  consent,  and  Lafayette  had  marched  towards  the 
enemy,  Lee  changed  his  mind  and  applied  to  be  reinstated. 
As  Lafayette  could  not  with  any  degree  of  justice  or 
propriety  be  recalled,  Washington  resorted  to  an  expedient, 
which  he  hoped  would  preserve  harmony,  although  it 
might  not  be  entirely  satisfactory  to  either  of  the  parties. 
He  put  Lee  at  the  head  of  two  additional  brigades,  with 
orders  to  join  the  advanced  detachments,  when  he  would 
of  course  have  the  command  of  the  whole  ;  but  directed 
him  at  the  same  time  to  give  Lafayette  notice  of  his 
approach,  and  to  afford  him  all  the  assistance  in  his  power 
for  prosecuting  any  enterprise,  which  he  might  already 
have  undertaken  or  planned.  He  wrote  also  to  Lafayette, 
explaining  the  dilemma  into  which  he  was  thrown  by  the 
vacillating  conduct  of  General  Lee,  and  expressing  a  con 
viction  that  he  would  cheerfully  acquiesce  in  a  measure, 
which  the  exigency  of  the  occasion  rendered  necessary. 

While  the  main  army  moved  forward  to  Cranberry,  and 
the  advanced  parties  were  hovering  around  the  enemy's 
flanks  and  rear,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  changed  the  disposition 
of  his  line,  placing  the  baggage  train  in  front,  and  his 
heist  troops  in  the  rear.  With  his  army  thus  arranged, 
he  encamped  in  a  strong  position  near  Monmouth  Court- 
House,  secured  on  nearly  all  sides  by  woods  and  marshy 
grounds.  This  was  his  situation  on  the  morning  of  the- 
28th  of  June.  Washington  was  at  this  time  six  or  seven 
miles  distant,  and,  receiving  intelligence  at  five  o'clock, 
that  the  enemy's  front  had  begun  to  march,  he  instantly 
put  the  army  in  motion,  and  sent  orders  to  General  Lee 
by  one  of  his  aids  to  move  on  and  commence  the  at 
tack,  "  unless  there  should  be  very  powerful  reasons  to  the 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  215 

contrary,"    acquainting   him    at    the    same    time,    that   he  CHAPTER 
should  come  up  as  soon  as  possible  to  his  support. 

After  marching  about  five  miles,  he   was  surprised  and  1778. 

mortified  to  learn,  that  the  whole  of  Lee's  division,  amount-  General  Lee 

,         .  .  .  retreats 

ing  to  five  thousand  men,  was  by  his  orders  retreating, 
without  having  made  any  opposition  except  one  fire  from 
a  party,  which  had  been  charged  by  the  enemy's  cavalry. 
The  situation  was  the  more  critical  and  alarming,  as  Gen 
eral  Lee  had  given  no  notice  of  his  retreat,  but  was 
marching  his  troops  into  the  face  of  the  rear  division,  thus 
running  the  hazard  of  throwing  all  parts  of  the  army  into 
confusion  at  the  moment  when  the  enemy  were  pressing 
upon  him  with  unimpeded  force.* 

Washington  rode  immediately  to  the  rear  of  the  re 
treating  division,  where  he  found  General  Lee,  and,  ac 
costing  him  with  a  warmth  in  his  language  and  manner, 
which  showed  his  disappointment  and  displeasure,  he  or 
dered  the  troops  to  be  formed  and  brought  into  action. 
Lee  promptly  obeyed,  and  with  some  difficulty  the  order 
of  battle  was  restored  in  time  to  check  the  advance  of 
the  enemy  before  the  other  division  came  up. 

A  disposition  of  the  left  wing  and  second   line   of   the  Particulars 

...  of  the  ac- 

army  was   then   made   on   an    eminence,    and   partly  in  a  tion. 
wood,  covered   by   a  morass   in   front.      This    wing    was 
commanded  by   Lord  Stirling,  who   placed  some   batteries 

*  Lee  had  manoeuvred  near  the  enemy  for  some  time  with  the  ap 
parent  intention  of  attacking  them.  While  thus  engaged,  a  party  of 
British  troops  moved  towards  his  right  flank,  and  so  placed  itself  that 
Lafayette  thought  a  fair  opportunity  offered  for  cutting  it  off.  He 
rode  quickly  up  to  Lee,  and  asked  him  if  an  attack  could  not  be 
advantageously  made  in  that  quarter.  "Sir,"  replied  Lee,  "  you  do 
not  know  British  soldiers ;  we  cannot  stand  against  them ;  we  shall 
certainly  be  driven  back  at  first,  and  we  must  be  cautious."  Lafayette 
answered,  that  it  might  be  so,  but  British  soldiers  had  been  beaten, 
and  it  was  to  be  presumed  they  might  be  beaten  again,  and  at  any 
rate  he  was  for  making  the  trial.  Soon  afterwards  one  of  Washing 
ton's  aids  arrived  for  intelligence,  and,  as  he  was  returning,  Lafayette 
desired  him  to  say  to  the  General,  that  his  presence  at  the  scene  of 
action  was  extremely  important.  Before  this  message  reached  him, 
the  retreat  had  begun. 


276  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  f^Er.  46. 

CHAPTER  of  cannon  in  such  a  manner  as  to  play  upon  the  enemy 
XL  with  great  effect,  and,  aided  by  parties  of  infantry,  to 
1778.  put  a  stop  to  their  advance  in  that  direction.  General 
Greene  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  on  the  march  he 
had  been  ordered  to  file  off  and  take  a  road,  which  would 
bring  him  upon  the  enemy's  flank.  On  hearing  of  the 
retreat  he  marched  up  and  took  a  very  advantageous  po 
sition  on  the  right.  Being  warmly  opposed  in  front,  the 
enemy  attempted  next  to  turn  the  American  left  flank, 
but  were  repulsed  and  driven  back;  and  a  similar  move 
ment  to  the  right  was  equally  unsuccessful,  as  they  were 
bravely  met  by  the  troops  with  artillery  under  General 
Greene.  In  the  mean  time  General  Wayne  advanced 
with  a  body  of  infantry,  and  kept  up  so  hot  and  well- 
directed  a  fire  upon  the  enemy's  front,  that  they  retired 
behind  a  marshy  ravine  to  the  ground  which  they  had 
occupied  at  the  beginning  of  the  engagement. 

British  In    this    situation    both   their   flanks  were    secured    by 

woods  and  morasses,  and  they  could  be  approached  in 
front  only  through  a  narrow  pass.  Two  bodies  of  troops 
were  ordered  to  move  round  and  gain  their  right  and  left, 
while  the  artillery  should  gall  them  in  front.  Before  these 
movements  could  be  effected,  night  came  on  and  put  an 
end  to  the  action.  Intending  to  renew  the  contest  in 
the  morning,  Washington  directed  all  the  troops  to  lie 
upon  their  arms  in  the  places  where  they  happened  to 
be  stationed  at  dark.  Wrapped  in  his  cloak,  he  passed 
the  night  on  the  field  of  battle  in  the  midst  of  his  sol 
diers.  But,  when  the  morning  dawned,  no  enemy  was 
to  be  seen.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  silently  withdrawn 
his  troops  during  the  night,  and  followed  his  baggage 
train  on  the  road  leading  to  Middietown.  As  he  would 
have  gained  commanding  ground,  where  he  might  choose 
his  own  position,  before  he  could  be  overtaken,  and  as 
the  troops  had  suffered  exceedingly  from  the  intense  heat 
of  the  weather  and  fatigue,  it  was  not  thought  expedient 
to  continue  the  pursuit. 

This  battle,  though  it  can  hardly   be   said    to  have  re- 


2Er.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  277 

suited   in    a   victory,   was   nevertheless    honorable    to   the    CHAPTER 
American  arms,  and,  after  the  inauspicious  retreat  of  the        XL 
first  division,   was  fought  with  skill  and  bravery.     It  was     1778- 
probably  in  all  respects  as  successful  as  Washington  had 
hoped.     Congress  passed  a  unanimous   vote  of  thanks   to 
the  Commander  and  the  army. 

Four    British   officers    and   two  hundred  and    forty-five  LOSS  in  the 

battle. 

privates  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  were  buried  by 
the  Americans.  It  appeared  that  others  were  likewise 
buried  by  the  enemy,  making  the  whole  number  of  killed 
nearly  three  hundred.  The  American  loss  was  sixty-nine 
killed.  Several  soldiers  on  both  sides  are  said  to  have 
died  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  day,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  number  of  Americans  reported  as 
killed  does  not  include  all  that  died  from  this  cause. 

But  the  loss  of   Sir  Henry  Clinton   in  battle  made  but  British  loss 

...  in  the  march 

a  small  part  of  the  diminution  of  his  army  while  march-  through 

^iew  Jersey. 

ing  through  Jersey.  One  hundred  were  taken  prisoners, 
and  more  than  six  hundred  deserters  arrived  in  Philadel 
phia  within  three  weeks  from  the  time  he  left  it,  being 
drawn  thither  chiefly  by  the  attachments  they  had  formed 
during  eight  months'  residence  in  the  city.  Others  also 
escaped  into  the  country  while  on  the  march ;  so  that  the 
army,  when  it  reached  New  York,  had  suffered  a  reduc 
tion  of  at  least  twelve  hundred  men. 

After  the  action,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  proceeded  to  Sandy 
Hook,  where  Lord  Howe's  fleet,  having  come  round  from 
the  Delaware,  was  in  readiness  to  convey  the  troops  to 
New  York.  Washington  marched  to  Hudson's  River,  cross 
ed  at  King's  Ferry,  and  encamped  near  White  Plains. 

The  pride  of  General  Lee  was  wounded  by  the  Ian-  Trial  of 
guage,  which  Washington  used  when  he  met  him  re 
treating.  The  day  after  the  action,  Lee  wrote  a  letter 
to  Washington,  containing  expressions,  which  no  officer 
could  with  propriety  address  to  his  superior.  This  was 
answered  in  a  tone,  that  rather  tended  to  increase  than 
soothe  his  irritation,  and  he  replied  in  terms  still  more 
offensive.  In  a  subsequent  note,  written  the  same  day, 

c2 


278  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  [^Ex.  46. 

CHAPTER  he  requested  that  his  case  might  be  referred  to  a  court- 
XL  martial.  He  was  accordingly  put  in  arrest,  under  three 
1778.  charges;  first,  disobedience  of  orders  in  not  attacking  the 
enemy,  agreeably  to  repeated  instructions  j  secondly,  mis 
behavior  before  the  enemy,  in  making  an  unnecessary, 
disorderly,  and  shameful  retreat ;  thirdly,  disrespect  to  the 
Commander-in-chief  in  two  letters  written  after  the  action. 
A  court-martial  was  summoned,  which  sat  from  time  to 
time  for  three  weeks  while  the  army  was  on  its  march  ; 
and  finally  declared  their  opinion,  that  General  Lee  was 
guilty  of  all  the  charges,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  sus 
pended  from  all  command  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States  for  the  term  of  twelve  months.  In  the  written 
opinion  of  the  court,  the  second  charge  was  modified  by 
omitting  the  word  "  shameful " ;  but  in  all  other  respects 
the  charges  were  allowed  to  be  sustained  by  the  testi 
mony.  Congress  approved  the  sentence.  General  Lee  left 
the  army,  and  never  joined  it  again.  He  died  four  years 
afterwards  in  Philadelphia.  * 

Before  the  army  crossed  the  Hudson,  General  Washing- 

*  Soon  after  General  Lee  rejoined  the  army  at  Valley  Forge,  a 
curious  incident  occurred.  By  an  order  of  Congress,  General  Wash 
ington  was  required  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  general 
officers.  The  major-generals  stood  around  Washington,  and  took  hold 
of  a  Bible  together  according  to  the  usual  custom ;  but,  just  as  he  be 
gan  to  administer  the  oath,  Lee  deliberately  withdrew  his  hand  twice. 
This  movement  was  so  singular,  and  was  performed  in  so  odd  a  man 
ner,  that  the  officers  smiled,  and  Washington  inquired  the  meaning  of 
his  hesitancy.  Lee  replied,  "As  to  King  George,  I  am  ready  enough 
to  absolve  myself  from  all  allegiance  to  him,  but  I  have  some  scruples 
about  the  Prince  of  Wales."  The  strangeness  of  this  reply  was  such, 
that  the  officers  burst  into  a  broad  laugh,  and  even  Washington  could 
not  refrain  from  a  smile.  The  ceremony  was  of  course  interrupted.  It 
was  renewed  as  soon  as  a  composure  was  restored  proper  for  the  sol 
emnity  of  the  occasion,  and  Lee  took  the  oath  with  the  other  officers. 
Connected  with  the  subsequent  conduct  of  General  Lee,  this  incident 
was  thought  by  some,  who  were  acquainted  with  it,  to  have  a  deeper 
meaning  than  at  first  appeared,  and  to  indicate  a  less  ardent  and 
fixed  patriotism  towards  the  United  States,  than  was  consistent  with 
the  rank  and  professions  of  the  second  officer  .in  the  command  of 
the  American  forces. 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  279 

ton  heard  of  the  arrival  of  Count  d'Estaing  on  the  coast    CHAPTER 
with  a  French  fleet,  consisting  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line        XL 
and  four   frigates.     The  admiral  touched  at  the  Capes  of     1778. 
the  Delaware,  where  he   was  informed  of  the  evacuation  Arrival  of 

Count  d'Es- 

of  Philadelphia,  and,  after  despatching  up  the  river  one  taing. 
of  his  frigates,  on  board  of  which  was  M.  Gerard,  the 
first  minister  from  France  to  the  United  States,  he  sailed 
for  Sandy  Hook.  No  time  was  lost  by  General  Wash-  Juiyw 
ington  in  sending  him  a  letter  of  congratulation,  and  pro 
posing  to  cooperate  with  him  in  carrying  any  plans  into 
execution,  which  might  be  concerted  for  attacking  the 
enemy.  Colonel  Laurens,  one  of  his  aids-de-camp,  was 
the  bearer  of  this  letter,  to  whom  the  Count  was  re 
ferred  for  such  information  as  he  might  wish  to  obtain. 
When  it  was  known  that  the  fleet  had  arrived  at  the 
Hook,  Colonel  Hamilton,  another  confidential  aid,  was  sent 
on  board  accompanied  by  four  skilful  pilots,  and  instructed 
to  explain  the  General's  views  fully  to  Count  d'Estaing. 

If  it  should   be  found   practicable  for  the  French   ves-  French  fleet 

sels  to  pass  the  -bar,  and  engage  the  British  fleet   then  at  the1  bar  at8* 

Hook- 


.  .  ,  .       .        r    i     •  -i 

anchor   within   the  Hook,  it  was  supposed  a  simultaneous 

attack  on  the  land  side  might  be  made  to  advantage  ;  and 
indeed  not  without  a  prospect  of  very  fortunate  results,  if 
the  French  should  be  able  by  a  naval  victory  to  enter 
the  harbor  and  ascend  to  the  city.  These  hopes  were 
soon  dissipated  by  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the  pilots, 
that  there  was  not  sufficient  depth  of  water  to  admit 
Count  d'Estaing's  heavy  ships  over  the  bar,  and  by  their 
refusal  to  take  the  responsibility  of  attempting  to  conduct 
them  through  the  channel. 

The  only  enterprise,  that  now  remained,  was  an  attack  Expedition 
on  the  enemy  at  Rhode  Island,  where  six  thousand  British 

J 


,    Rhode  Isl- 

troops  were  stationed,  chiefly  in  garrison  at  Newport,  and  and. 
protected  by  a  few  small  vessels,  batteries,  and  strong 
intrenchments.  The  French  squadron  departed  for  that 
place,  without  being  molested  by  Lord  Howe,  whose  force 
was  not  such  as  to  encourage  him  to  go  out  and  give 
battle.  Anticipating  the  French  admiral's  determination, 


280 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[-Ex.  46 


CHAPTER 
XL 

1778. 


Washington 
laments  the 
differences 
between  the 
American 
and  French 
officers. 

Sept.  1. 


Washington  prepared  to  lend  all  the  aid  in  his  power  to 
make  it  effectual.  General  Sullivan  was  already  in  Provi 
dence,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  body  of  Continental 
troops ;  and  he  was  ordered  to  apply  to  the  States  of 
Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut,  for  militia 
enough  to  augment  his  force  to  at  least  five  thousand 
men.  A  detachment  of  two  brigades  marched  from  the 
main  army  under  Lafayette,  who  was  followed  by  General 
Greene.  The  events  of  this  expedition  do  not  fall  within 
the  limits  of  the  present  narrative.  Various  causes  con 
tributed  to  its  failure,  by  defeating  the  combined  action 
of  the  land  and  naval  forces.  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet,  af 
ter  leaving  Newport,  was  so  much  crippled  by  a  tremen 
dous  storm,  and  a  partial  engagement  at  sea,  that  he  put 
in  to  the  harbor  of  Boston  to  refit,  where  he  remained 
till  November. 

The  disagreements,  which  unhappily  existed  between 
the  American  and  French  officers  at  Rhode  Island,  gave 
the  deepest  concern  to  Washington.  In  a  letter  to  La 
fayette,  who  had  communicated  the  particulars,  he  la 
mented  it  as  a  misfortune,  which  might  end  in  a  serious 
injury  to  the  public  interest ;  and  he  endeavored  to  as 
suage  the  rising  animosity  of  the  parties  by  counsels 
equally  creditable  to  his  feelings  as  a  man  and  to  his 
patriotism. 

"  I  feel  every  thing,"  said  he,  "  that  hurts  the  sensi 
bility  of  a  gentleman,  and  consequently  upon  the  present 
occasion  I  feel  for  you  and  for  our  good  and  great  allies 
the  French.  I  feel  myself  hurt,  also,  at  every  illiberal 
and  unthinking  reflection,  which  may  have  been  cast  upon 
the  Count  d'Estaing,  or  the  conduct  of  the  fleet  under 
his  command ;  and  lastly,  I  feel  for  my  country.  Let  me 
entreat  you,  therefore,  my  dear  Marquis,  to  take  no  ex 
ception  at  unmeaning  expressions,  uttered  perhaps  without 
consideration,  and  in  the  first  transport  of  disappointed 
hope.  Everybody,  Sir,  who  reasons,  will  acknowledge 
the  advantages  which  we  have  derived  from  the  French 
fleet,  and  the  zeal  of  the  commander  of  it ;  but,  in  a 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

free    and   republican  government,  you  cannot  restrain  the    CHAPTER 
voice  of   the   multitude.      Every  man   will    speak    as  he        XI> 
thinks,    or,    more   properly,   without    thinking,    and   conse-      1778. 
quently    will   judge    of   effects   without    attending   to    the 
causes.      The  censures,  which  have  been  levelled  at  the 
officers    of   the    French   fleet,   would   more  than  probably 
have  fallen  in  a  much  higher  degree  upon  a  fleet  of  our 
own,  if  we  had  one  in  the  same  situation.     It  is  the  na 
ture  of  man  to  be  displeased  with  every  thing    that  dis 
appoints   a   favorite    hope  or  flattering  project ;    and   it   is 
the  folly  of   too  many  of  them  to   condemn  without    in 
vestigating  circumstances. 

"Let  me  beseech  you  therefore,  my  good  Sir,  to  afford 
a  healing  hand  to  the  wound,  that  unintentionally  has 
been  made.  America  esteems  your  virtues  and  your  ser 
vices,  and  admires  the  principles  upon  which  you  act. 
Your  countrymen  in  our  army  look  up  to  you  as  their 
patron.  The  Count  and  his  officers  consider  you  as  a 
man  high  in  rank,  and  high  in  estimation  here  and  also 
in  France;  and  I,  your  friend,  have  no  doubt  but  you 
will  use  your  utmost  endeavors  to  restore  harmony,  that 
the  honor,  glory,  and  mutual  interest  of  the  two  nations 
may  be  promoted  and  cemented  in  the  firmest  manner." 

To  Count  d'Estaing  he  wrote  in  language  not  less  deli 
cate  and  conciliatory,  nor  less  fitted  to  remove  unfavora 
ble  impressions. 

In  compliance  with  the  order  from  the  ministry  given  Designs  of 
early  in  the  season,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  detached  five  thou-  general, 
sand  men  to  the  West  Indies  and  three  thousand  to  Flori 
da  ;  but  there  was  much  delay  in  fitting  out  these  ex 
peditions,  and  the  troops  did  not  actually  sail  till  near  the 
end  of  October.  Lord  Howe's  fleet  in  the  mean  time 
had  been  reinforced  by  a  squadron  from  Europe.  As 
neither  the  orders  nor  the  plans  of  the  British  general 
were  known,  it  was  conjectured  that  he  might  have  in 
view  a  stroke  upon  Count  d'Estaing's  ^fleet  in  Boston 
harbor,  and  perhaps  an  attack  upon  that  town.  It  is 
probable,  also,  that  General  Clinton  gave  a  currency  to 
36  c2* 


282  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  46. 

CHAPTER   rumors  of   this  sort,  for   the  purpose  of  diverting  the  at- 
XL        tention  of  the  Americans  from  his  real  objects.     A  report 
1778.     gained  credit,  believed  to  have  come  from  good  authority, 
that  New  York   was  to    be  evacuated.      Washington  sus 
pected  the  true  origin  of  this  rumor,  and  could  not  per 
suade    himself   that  an   eastern    expedition  was  intended ; 
yet  the  public  impression  and  the  conviction  of  some  of 
his  officers  were  so  strong,  as  to  its  reality,  that  he  took 
measures  to  guard  against  it. 

Washington         He   established    his    head-quarters    at    Fredericksburg, 
guaiTthe0    thirty  miles    from    West   Point,  near  the  borders  of  Con 
states,         necticut,  and  sent  forward  a  division  under  General  Gates 
to  Danbury.     The  roads  were  repaired  as  far  as  Hartford, 
to  facilitate  the    march    of  the  troops,  and  three  brigades 
were  despatched  to   that  place.      General    Gates  went   to 
Boston,  and  took  command  of  the  eastern  department,  as 
successor  to  General   Heath.      These  operations  kept   the 
army    employed   on    the   east    side    of   the    Hudson    more 
than  four  months,  till  it  was  finally  ascertained  that    the 
enemy  had  no  designs  in  that  direction. 
Events  in  Sir  Henry  Clinton  took  care  to  profit  by  this  diversion 

New  Jersey.       *-..'.  -n  •  •  j 

oi  the  American  army.  r  oraging  parties  passed  over  to 
New  Jersey,  and  ravaged  the  country.  One  of  these  par 
ties  attacked  Baylor's  dragoons  in  the  night,  at  a  short 
distance  from  Tappan,  rushing  upon  them  with  the  bay 
onet  and  committing  indiscriminate  slaughter.  A  similar 
assault  was  made  upon  Pulaski's  legion  at  Egg  Harbor. 
Both  these  adventures  were  attended  with  such  acts  of 
cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  as  are  seldom  practised 
Mistaken  in  civilized  warfare.  And  they  were  not  less  impolitic 

policy  of  the  J 

enemy.  than  cruel,  being  regarded  with  universal  indignation  and 
horror  by  the  people,  and  exciting  a  spirit  of  hatred  and 
revenge,  which  would  necessarily  react  in  one  form  or 
another  upon  their  foes.  In  fact  this  point  of  policy  was 
strangely  misunderstood  by  the  British,  or  more  strangely 
perverted,  at  every  stage  of  the  contest.  They  had  many 
friends  in  the  country,  whom  it  was  their  interest  to  re 
tain,  and  they  professed  a  desire  to  conciliate  others ;  yet 


.  46.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


283 


they  burned  and  destroyed  towns,  villages,  and  detached    CHAPTER 


XI. 


1778. 


farm  houses,  plundered  the  inhabitants  without  distinction, 
and  brought  down  the  savages  with  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife  upon  the  defenceless  frontier  settlements, 
marking  their  course  in  every  direction  with  murder,  deso 
lation,  and  ruin.  The  ministry  approved  and  encouraged 
these  atrocities,  flattering  themselves  that  the  people  would 
sink  under  their  sufferings,  bewail  their  unhappy  condition, 
become  tired  of  the  war,  and  compel  their  leaders  to  seek 
an  accommodation.  The  effect  was  directly  the  contrary 
in  every  instance.  The  people  knew  their  rights,  and 
had  the  common  feelings  of  humanity ;  and,  when  the 
former  were  wantonly  invaded  and  the  latter  outraged,  it 
was  natural  that  their  passions  should  be  inflamed,  and 
that  they  who  were  at  first  pacifically  inclined  should  be 
roused  to  resistance  and  retaliation.  If  the  British  cabinet 
had  aimed  to  defeat  its  own  objects,  and  to  consolidate 
the  American  people  into  a  united  phalanx  of  opposi 
tion,  it  could  not  have  chosen  or  pursued  more  effectual 
methods. 

The  campaign   being   closed,  General   Washington  pre-  Army  go 

_  .  into  winter 

pared  to  put  the  army  into  winter  quarters.  Nine  brig-  quarters, 
ades  were  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  Hudson's  River, 
exclusive  of  the  garrison  at  West  Point.  One  of  these 
was  near  Smith's  Clove,  where  it  could  serve  as  a  rein 
forcement  to  West  Point,  should  this  be  necessary  :  one 
at  Elizabethtown  ;  and  the  other  seven  at  Middlebrook, 
which  place  was  likewise  selected  for  head-quarters.  Six 
brigades  were  cantoned  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson 
and  at  West  Point,  as  follows  ;  one  at  West  Point,  two 
at  the  Continental  Village,  a  post  between  Fishkill  and 
West  Point,  and  three  in  the  vicinity  of  Danbury  in  Con 
necticut.  The  artillery  was  at  Pluckemin.  A  line  of 
cantonments  was  thus  formed  around  New  York  from 
Long  Island  Sound  to  the  Delaware,  so  disposed  as  to 
afford  security  to  the  country,  and  to  reinforce  each  other 
in  case  of  an  excursion  of  the  enemy  to  any  particular 
point.  The  other  important  objects  intended  by  this  dis- 


December. 


284  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  46 

CHAPTER    position  were  the  comfort,  discipline,  and  easy  subsistence 
XL        of  the  troops.      General  Putnam  commanded  at  Danbury, 
1778.     and  General  McDougall   in  the  Highlands.     In  the  expec 
tation   that   the    British    detachments,    which   sailed    from 
New  York,  might  act    in  the  winter  against   South  Caro 
lina    and    Georgia,    General    Lincoln    was    sent   by    order 
of  Congress   to    take    the    command   of   the    southern  de 
partment. 

The  four  regiments  of  cavalry  were  widely  separated  ; 
one  being  at  Winchester  in  Virginia,  another  at  Frederic 
in  Maryland,  a  third  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania,  and  a 
fourth  at  Durham  in  Connecticut.  These  cantonments 
were  chosen  apparently  with  a  view  to  the  convenience 
of  procuring  forage. 

Exchange  of  The  exchange  of  prisoners  continued  to  be  a  trouble 
some  and  perplexing  subject.  Arrangements  had  been 
made  with  Sir  William  Howe,  before  he  left  Philadelphia, 
by  which  exchanges  to  a  certain  extent  had  been  effected. 
But  new  difficulties  arose  in  regard  to  what  were  called 
the  Convention  Troops.  Although  Congress  had  ratified 
the  convention  of  Saratoga,  yet  for  various  reasons  they 
did  not  permit  Burgoyne's  army  to  embark  for  Europe 

convention  according  to  the  terms  of  that  convention.  Washington 
had  no  concern  with  this  affair,  except  to  execute  the 
orders  of  Congress.  These  troops  being  thus  retained  in 
the  country,  it  was  finally  agreed,  on  the  part  of  the 
British  commander,  that  they  should  be  exchanged  for 
American  prisoners  in  his  hands.  But  the  conditions  pre 
scribed  by  Congress  were  such,  that  it  was  a  long  time 
before  the  object  was  attained.  They  proposed  that  offi 
cers  of  equal  rank  should  first  be  exchanged  ;  next,  su 
perior  officers  for  an  equivalent  number  of  inferior  ;  and 
if,  after  all  the  officers  of  the  enemy  should  be  exchang 
ed,  there  should  still  be  a  surplus  of  American  officers 
among  the  prisoners,  they  were  to  be  exchanged  for  an 
equivalent  number  of  privates  of  the  convention  troops. 

obstacles  to        This  principle  was  objected   to  by    Sir  Henry  Clinton 

of  prisoners,  on  two  grounds  ;  first,  it  separated  the  officers   from   the 


M.T.  46.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


285 


corps  to  whicli  they  were  attached  ;  and,  secondly,  it  gave  CHAPTER 
an  advantage  to  the  Americans,  inasmuch  as  their  officers  XL 
could  go  immediately  into  active  service,  whereas  the  Brit-  1778. 
ish  officers  must  remain  idle  till  the  privates  constituting 
the  corps  to  which  they  belonged  should  be  released.  Con 
gress  did  not  choose  to  relax  from  their  resolves,  and  the 
business  of  exchange  was  a  perpetual  source  of  vexation. 
In  short,  the  interests  of  the  two  parties  were  so  much 
at  variance,  that  it  was  not  easy  to  reconcile  them.  The 
difficulty  of  procuring  soldiers  in  Europe,  and  the  great 
expense  of  bringing  them  over  and  maintaining  them,  ren 
dered  every  man  of  vastly  more  importance  to  the  British 
army,  than  in  the  American  ranks,  which  could  be  filled 
up  with  militia  when  the  occasion  required.  Hence  the 
British  general  was  always  extremely  solicitous  to  procure 
the  exchange  of  his  private  soldiers,  and  Congress  equally 
averse  to  gratifying  him  in  this  point.  There  was  an 
other  reason,  which  operated  with  considerable  weight  on 
both  sides.  The  British  prisoners  were  mostly  German 
troops,  who  had  no  affection  for  the  cause  in  which  they 
were  engaged,  and  who,  while  in  the  country  under  a 
loose  system  of  military  discipline,  had  many  facilities  and 
temptations  to  desert. 

There  was  another  cause  of  anxiety  in  the  breast  of  Jealousies 
Washington,  which  began  now  to  be  felt  more  seriously  dissensions 
than  at  any  former  period  of  the  war.  The  men  of  tal 
ents  and  influence,  who  had  taken  the  lead  and  combined 
their  strength  in  raising  the  standard  of  independence, 
had  gradually  withdrawn  from  Congress,  till  that  body 
was  left  small  in  number,  and  comparatively  feeble  in 
counsels  and  resource.  For  the  year  past,  the  number 
of  delegates  present  had  seldom  averaged  over  thirty,  and 
sometimes  it  was  under  twenty-five.  Whole  States  were 
frequently  unrepresented;  and  indeed  it  was  seldom,  that 
every  State  was  so  fully  represented  as  to  entitle  it  to  a 
vote.  And  at  no  time  were  private  jealousies  and  party 
feuds  more  rife  or  mischievous  in  their  effects.  These 
symptoms  were  alarming  to  every  true  friencl  of  his  coun- 


286  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^T.  46. 

CHAPTER    try,  who  reflected  on  their  tendency,  and  they  filled  the 
XL        mind   of  Washington   with   deep   concern.     To   those,  in 
1778.     whom  he  had  confidence,  he  laid  open  his  fears,  and  en 
deavored  to  awaken  a  sense   of  the  public  danger.      His 
sentiments  and    his    apprehensions    are  forcibly   expressed 
in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Harrison  of  Virginia. 
Necessity  of       "  It  appears  as  clear  to  me,"  he  said,   "  as  ever  the  sun 

patriotic 

seal  and  did  in  its  meridian  brightness,  that  America  never  stood 
in  more  eminent  need  of  the  wise,  patriotic,  and  spirited 
exertions  of  her  sons  than  at  this  period  ;  and,  if  it  is 
not  a  sufficient  cause  for  general  lamentation,  my  mis 
conception  of  the  matter  impresses  it  too  strongly  upon 
me,  that  the  States,  separately,  are  too  much  engaged  in 
their  local  concerns,  and  have  too  many  of  their  ablest 
men  withdrawn  from  the  general  council,  for  the  good  of 
the  common  weal.  In  a  word,  I  think  our  political  sys 
tem  may  be  compared  to  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  and 
that  we  should  derive  a  lesson  from  it ;  for  it  answers 
no  good  purpose  to  keep  the  smaller  wheels  in  order,  if 
the  greater  one,  which  is  the  support  and  prime  mover 
of  the  whole,  is  neglected. 

The  ablest         «  How  far   the    latter   is  the  case,  it  does   not   become 

men  wanted  ' 

in  congress.  me  to  pronounce  ;  but,  as  there  can  be  no  harm  in  a  pious 
wish  for  the  good  of  one's  country,  I  shall  offer  it  as  mine, 
that  each  State  would  not  only  choose,  but  absolutely 
compel  their  ablest  men  to  attend  Congress ;  and  that 
they  would  instruct  them  to  go  into  a  thorough  investi 
gation  of  the  causes,  that  have  produced  so  many  disagree 
able  effects  in  the  army  and  country ;  in ,  a  word,  that 
public  abuses  should  be  corrected.  Without  this,  it  does 
not  in  my  judgment  require  the  spirit  of  divination  to 
foretell  the  consequences  of  the  present  administration ;  nor 
to  how  little  purpose  the  States  individually  are  framing 
constitutions,  providing  laws,  and  filling  offices  with  the 
abilities  of  their  ablest  men.  These,  if  the  great  whole 
is  mismanaged,  must  sink  in  the  general  wreck,  which 
will  carry  with  it  the  remorse  of  thinking  that  we  are 
lost  by  our  own  folly  and  negligence,  or  by  the  desire 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  287 

perhaps  of  living  in  ease  and  tranquillity    during   the   ex-  CHAPTER 
pected  accomplishment  of  so  great  a  revolution,  in  the  ef-       XL 

fecting  of  which,  the  greatest  abilities,  and  the  most  honest  1778. 
men,    our  American  world  affords,  ought  to  be  employed. 

"  It  is  much  to  be  feared,  my  dear  Sir,  that  the  States,  Apathy  of 

3  '  .  .  '    the  separate 

in  their  separate  capacities,  have  very  inadequate  ideas  of  states. 
the  present  danger.  Many  persons  removed  far  distant 
from  the  scene  of  action,  and  seeing  and  hearing  such 
publications  only,  as  flatter  their  wishes,  conceive  that  the 
contest  is  at  an  end,  and  that  to  regulate  the  government 
and  police  of  their  own  State  is  all  that  remains  to  be 
done ;  but  it  is  devoutly  to  be  wished  that  a  sad  reverse 
of  this  may  not  fall  upon  them  like  a  thunder-clap,  that 
is  little  expected.  I  do  not  mean  to  designate  particular 
States.  I  wish  to  cast  no  reflections  upon  any  one.  The 
public  believe  (and,  if  they  do  believe  it,  the  fact  might 
almost  as  well  be  so),  that  the  States  at  this  time  are 
badly  represented,  and  that  the  great  and  important  con 
cerns  of  the  nation  are  horribly  conducted,  for  want  either 
of  abilities  or  application  in  the  members,  or  through  the 
discord  and  party  views  of  some  individuals.  That  they 
should  be  so,  is  to  be  lamented  more  at  this  time  than 
formerly,  as  we  are  far  advanced  in  the  dispute,  and,  in 
the  opinion  of  many,  drawing  to  a  happy  period  j  we  have 
the  eyes  of  Europe  upon  us,  and  I  am  persuaded  many 
political  spies  to  watch,  who  discover  our  situation  and 
give  information  of  our  weaknesses  and  wants." 

The  conquest  of  Canada  was  always  a  favorite  project  Project  for 
with  Congress  ;  and  at  this  time,  when  the  British  forces  Canada, 
were  divided  by  being  employed  against  the  French  in 
the  West  Indies,  it  was  thought  that  a  good  opportunity 
offered  itself  for  turning  the  arms  of  the  United  States 
against  that  province.  After  the  termination  of  the  affair 
at  Long  Island,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  went  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  obtained  a  furlough  from  Congress,  with  the 
intention  of  returning  to  France  on  a  short  visit.  In  con 
cert  with  him  a  plan  was  formed  of  an  attack  on  Canada, 
which  was  to  be  the  principal  object  of  the  ensuing  cam- 


288 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.  46 


1778. 


P!*n  of  a 

combined 
attack  on 
Canada. 


Opposed 
by  Wash- 
ington. 


Political 
reasons  for 
not  attack 
ing  Canada. 


paign,  and  the  basis  of  which  was  a  cooperation  with  a 
French  fleet  and  army.  Lafayette  was  to  have  full  in 
structions  for  arranging  the  matter  with  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles,  aided  by  the  counsel  and  support  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
then  the  American  plenipotentiary  in  France. 

The  plan  was  on  a  very  large  scale.  Attacks  were  to 
be  made  by  the  American  army  at  three  points  far  distant 
from  each  other,  namely,  Detroit,  Niagara,  and  by  way 
of  the  Connecticut  River ;  while  a  French  fleet  should  as 
cend  the  St.  Lawrence,  with  four  or  five  thousand  troops, 
and  act  against  Quebec.  The  scheme  was  discussed, 
matured,  and  approved  with  much  unanimity  in  Congress, 
and  then  sent  to  Washington  with  the  request  that  he 
would  communicate  his  sentiments.  He  replied  in  a  long 
despatch,  entering  minutely  into  the  subject,  and  showing 
that  the  plan  was  impracticable  ;  that  it  required  resources 
in  troops  and  money,  which  were  not  to  be  had ;  that 
it  would  involve  Congress  in  engagements  to  their  ally, 
which  it  would  be  impossible  to-  fulfil ;  and  that  it  was 
in  itself  so  extensive  and  complicated,  as  to  hold  out  no 
reasonable  hope  of  success,  even  with  all  the  requisite 
means  of  pursuing  it. 

Such  was  his  opinion  in  a  military  view.  But  the  sub 
ject  presented  itself  to  him  in  another  aspect,  in  which 
he  thought  it  deserved  'special  consideration.  Canada  for 
merly  belonged  to  France,  and  had  been  severed  from  her 
in  a  manner,  which,  if  not  humiliating  to  her  pride,  con 
tributed  nothing  to  her  glory.  Would  she  not  be  eager 
to  recover  this  lost  province  ?  If  it  should  be  conquered 
with  her  aid,  would  she  not  claim  it  at  the  peace  as 
rightfully  belonging  to  her,  and  be  able  to  advance  plau 
sible  reasons  for  such  a  demand?  Would  not  the  acqui 
sition  itself  hold  out  a  strong  temptation  ?  The  territory 
abounded  in  supplies  for  the  use  of  her  Islands,  it  opened 
a  wide  field  of  commerce  with  the  Indian  nations,  it 
would  give  her  the  command  of  posts  on  this  continent 
independent  of  the  precarious  good  will  of  an  ally,  it 
would  put  her  in  a  condition  to  engross  the  whole  trade  of 


^Ex.  46.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  289 

Newfoundland,  and  above  all,  it  would  afford  her  facilities    CHAPTER 
for  awing  and  controlling  the  United  States,  "the  natural        XL 
and   most  formidable    rival    of    every   maritime  power    in     1778. 
Europe."      He    added,    "France,   acknowledged  for  some 
time  past  the  most  powerful  monarchy  in  Europe  by  land, 
able  now  to   dispute  the   empire   of   the   sea   with    Great 
Britain,  and,  if  joined  with  Spain,  I   may  say,  certainly 
superior,  possessed  of   New  Orleans  on  our  right,   Canada 
on  our  left,  and  seconded   by  the  numerous  tribes  of  In 
dians  in  our  rear  from  one  extremity  to  the  other,  a  peo 
ple  so  generally  friendly  to  her,  and  whom  she  knows  so 
well    how  to   conciliate,  would,  it  is   much  to  be   appre 
hended,  have  it  in  her  power  to  give  law  to  these  States." 

These  sentiments,  he  said,  did  not  grow  out  of  any  Canada,  if 
distrust  of  the  good  faith  of  France  in  the  alliance  she  would  re-' 
had  formed.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  willing  to  enter-  France  at  a 

treaty  of 

tain  and  cherish  the  most  favorable  impressions,  in  regard  peace. 
to  her  motives  and  aims.  "  But,"  he  added  again,  "  it  is 
a  maxim  founded  on  the  universal  experience  of  mankind, 
that  no  nation  is  to  be  trusted  farther  than  it  is  bound 
by  its  interest  ;  and  no  prudent  statesman  or  politician 
will  venture  to  depart  from  it.  In  our  circumstances  we 
ought  to  be  particularly  cautious  ;  for  we  have  not  yet 
attained  sufficient  vigor  and  maturity  to  recover  from  the 
shock  of  any  false  step,  into  which  we  may  unwarily 
fall.  If  France  should  even  engage  in  the  scheme,  in 
the  first  instance,  with  the  purest  intentions,  there  is  the 
greatest  danger,  that,  in  the  progress  of  the  business,  in 
vited  to  it  by  circumstances,  and  perhaps  urged  on  by 
the  solicitations  and  wishes  of  the  Canadians,  she  would 
alter  her  views."  In  short,  allowing  all  his  apprehen 
sions  to  be  unfounded,  he  was  still  reluctant  to  multiply 
national  obligations,  or  to  give  to  any  foreign  power 
claims  of  merit  for  services  performed  beyond  what  was 
absolutely  indispensable. 

The  observations  and  reasonings  of  the  Commander-in-  objections 
chief  were  so  far  operative  on  Congress,  as  to  induce  them 


at   once   to    narrow  their   scheme,  though   not   entirely  to 
37  D2 


290  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  46. 

CHAPTER   give    it    up.      They   participated   in   the    general   opinion, 

"• that   the  war  with  France  would   necessarily  employ  the 

1778.  British  fleet  and  troops  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  and 
that  they  would  soon  evacuate  the  towns  on  the  seacoast 
of  the  United  States.  In  this  event,  they  thought  an 
(  expedition  against  Canada  should  still  be  the  object  of 
the  campaign,  and  that  preparations  should  accordingly 
be  made.  They  requested  General  Washington  to  write 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  was 
then  at  Boston,  ready  to  depart  for  Europe,  and  state  to 
them  such  details  as  might  be  laid  before  the  French 
court,  in  order  that  eventual  measures  might  be  taken  for 
cooperation  in  case  an  armament  should  be  sent  to  due- 
bee  from  France.  The  plan  in  this  shape,  however,  was 
not  more  satisfactory  to  him,  than  in  its  original  form. 
He  saw  no  reason  for  supposing  the  British  would  evacu 
ate  the  States,  and  he  believed  a  system  of  operations 
built  upon  that  basis  would  fail.  At  any  rate  he  was  not 
prepared -to  hazard  the  responsibility  of  drawing  the  French 
government  into  a  measure  so  full  of  uncertainty,  and  de 
pending  on  so  many  contingencies. 

Washington        The  army  being  now  in  winter  quarters,  and   his  pres- 
gress. s     '"  ence  with   it   not   being    essential,    he    suggested   the    ex 
pediency   of   a   personal   interview  with  the   members  of 
Congress,   in   which   his  sentiments   could  he    more  fully 
explained  than  by  writing.      This  proposition  was  approv 
ed.     He  -arrived    in   Philadelphia  on  the  24th  of  Decem 
ber,   and,    after   several    discussions    between    him    and   a 
committee   of  Congress,  the    Canada   scheme  was   wholly 
laid  aside, 
views  of  It   is   a  remarkable  fact,   as   connected  with  the  above 

the  French  .    .  , .   .      ,  ..  ,  n         T-»  i 

government    suspicions  on   political    grounds,   that  the   French    govern- 
in  regard  to  1       .  1     -M  -,  T   • 

Canada.  ment  was  decidedly  opposed  to  an  expedition  against 
Canada.  The  French  minister  in  the  United  States  was 
instructed,  before  he  left  France,  not  to  favor  any  projects 
of  conquest ;  and  it  was  the  policy  of  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles,  that  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia  should  remain  in  the 
power  of  Great  Britain.  The  reasons  for  this  policy  may 


JEx.  46.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON 


291 


1778. 


not  be  obvious ;  but  the  fact  is  unquestionable.  It  is  to  CHAPTER 
be  considered,  however,  that  France  had  by  treaty  pledged  XL 
herself  to  carry  on  the  war,  till  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  should  be  secured ;  but  she  had  not  en 
gaged  to  fight  for  conquests,  nor  for  the  extension  of  the 
territories  of  the  United  States  beyond  their  original  limits. 
Such  an  engagement  would  have  bound  her  to  continue 
the  war  indefinitely,  with  no  other  object  than  to  gratify 
the  ambition  or  enmity  of  her  ally,  while  every  motive 
of  interest  and  of  national  honor  might  prompt  her  to  seek 
for  peace.  It  was  evident,  too,  that  the  pride  of  England, 
humbled  by  conceding  the  independence  of  her  revolted 
colonies,  would  never  brook  the  severance  of  her  other 
provinces  by  the  direct  agency  of  France.  All  conquests 
thus  made,  therefore,  would  perplex  the  negotiations  for 
peace,  and  might  involve  France  in  a  protracted  war, 
without  the  least  prospect  of  advantage  to  herself.  Hence 
she  resolved  to  adhere  strictly  to  her  pledge  in  the  treaty 
of  alliance.  But,  although  the  French  minister  in  Ameri 
ca  was  instructed  not  to  hold  out  encouragement  of  co 
operation  in  plans  of  conquest,  yet  he  was  at  the  same 
time  directed  not  to  throw  any  obstacles  in  the  way  • 
thus  leaving  the  United  States  to  decide  and  act  for  them 
selves.  Should  they  gain  conquests  by  their  own  strength, 
these  might  reasonably  be  claimed  by  them  in  a  treaty 
of  peace,  without  embarrassing  the  relations  between  France 
and  England. 


292 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


.  46. 


CHAPTER    XII. 


Conferences  with  a  Committee  of  Congress,  and  Plans  for  the  next  Cam 
paign.  —  Sullivan's  Expedition  against  the  Indians.  —  The  Enemy  com 
mence  a  predatory  Warfare. —  The  Burning  of  New  Haven,  Fairfield, 
and  Norwalk.  —  Stony  Point  stormed  and  taken.  —  Successful  Enterprise 
against  Paulus  Hook.  —  Washington's  Interviews  with  the  French  Min 
ister. —  Plans  proposed  for  cooperating  with  Count  d'Estaing.  —  The  Army 
goes  into  Winter  Quarters.  —  Depreciation  of  the  Currency,  and  its  Effects. 
—  Arrival  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  with  the  Intelligence  that  a 
French  Armament  was  on  its  Way  to  the  United  States.  —  The  Army 
takes  a  Position  near  Hudson's  River.  —  The  French  Squadron  arrives  at 
Newport.  —  Count  de  Rochambeau's  Instructions.  —  French  Fleet  block 
aded.  —  Interview  between  General  Washington  and  the  French  Com 
mander  at  Hartford.  —  The  Treason  of  Arnold.  —  Plans  for  attacking 
New  York. 


GENERAL  Washington  remained  in  Philadelphia  about 
five  weeks,  holding  conferences  with  a  committee  of  Con- 
1779.  gress,  and  making  arrangements  for  the  campaign  of  1779. 
He  suggested  three  plans,  with  remarks  on  the  mode  of 
executing  them,  and  the  probable  result  of  each.  The 
first  plan  had  in  view  an  attempt  to  drive  the  enemy 
from  their  posts  on  the  seacoast  ;  the  second,  an  attack 
on  Niagara,  and  an  offensive  position  in  that  quarter  ; 
and,  by  the  third,  it  was  proposed  to  hold  the  army  en 
tirely  on  the  defensive,  except  such  operations  as  would 
be  necessary  to  chastise  the  Indians,  who  had  committed 
depredations  on  the  frontiers  during  the  past  year,  and 
who,  emboldened  by  success,  might  be  expected  to  repeat 
their  ravages. 

After  mature  deliberation,  and  taking  into  the  account 
the  exhausted  state  of  the  country  in  regard  both  to  pe 
cuniary  resources  and  supplies  for  an  army,  it  was  decided 
to  adopt  the  third  plan  as  the  best  suited  to  circumstan 
ces,  the  least  expensive,  and  perhaps  the  most  beneficial 
in  its  ultimate  effects.  It  would  afford  an  opportunity  to 


Defensive 
plan  adopt 
ed. 


JET.  46.]  LIFE    OP    WASHINGTON.  293 

retrench  the  heavy  charges  of  the  war,  and  to  pursue  a  CHAPTER 
system  of  economy  imperiously  demanded  by  the  financial 
embarrassments  in  which  Congress  had  become  involved,  1779. 
and  thus  enable  them  to  do  something  for  the  relief  of 
public  credit,  and  for  restoring  the  value  of  the  currency, 
which  was  fast  sinking  into  disrepute,  unsettling  prices, 
and  threatening  ruin  to  almost  every  branch  of  industry. 
It  would  also  give  repose  to  the  country,  and,  by  leaving 
a  larger  number  of  laborers  to  cultivate  the  soil,  contri 
bute  to  increase  the  supplies  so  much  wanted  for  the 
comfort  of  the  people,  as  well  as  for  the  subsistence  of 
the  army. 

This  plan  had  its  disadvantages.  The  inactivity  in  Disadvan- 
military  operations  might  be  thought  to  imply  weakness, 
and  thus  injure  the  credit  of  the  nation  with  foreign  pow 
ers,  dispirit  the  people  at  home,  give  confidence  to  the 
disaffected,  and  afford  leisure  for  the  factious  and  discon 
tented  to  foment  divisions.  These  inconveniences  were, 
nevertheless,  in  the  opinion  of  General  Washington,  more 
than  balanced  by  other  considerations  ;  and  he  recommend 
ed  the  defensive  system,  preferring  what  he  deemed  the 
greatest  public  good  to  the  glory  that  might  be  acquired 
by  large  military  enterprises,  even  with  a  fair  prospect 
of  success.  After  the  alliance  with  France,  and  especially 
after  the  indications  given  by  Spain  of  an  approaching 
war  between  that  power  and  England,  he  had  no  doubt 
that  the  independence  of  the  United  States  would  be  se 
cured  at  the  peace,  whenever  it  should  happen.  It  was 
evident,  moreover,  that  England,  being  thus  employed  by 
her  European  foes,  could  not  enlarge  her  army  to  a  for 
midable  extent  in  America.  In  his  view,  therefore,  it 
was  not  expedient  to  exhaust  the  country  and  multiply 
the  calamities  of  war  by  extraordinary  exactions  for  mili 
tary  undertakings,  which,  although  they  might  annoy  the 
enemy,  and  perhaps  drive  them  from  one  post  to  an 
other,  could  not  hasten  the  desired  end,  depending  as  it 
now  did  mainly  on  events  beyond  the  control  of  the 
United  States.  By  an  ambitious  chieftain,  aiming  only 


294  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [yEr.  46. 

CHAPTER  to  aggrandize  himself  and  establish  his  power,  the  sub- 
XIL  ject  might,  have  been  regarded  in  a  different  light;  but 
1779.  the  designs  and  actions  of  Washington  centred  in  nobler 
objects,  the  freedom,  tranquillity,  and  happiness  of  his 
country,  in  which  he  was  to  participate  equally  with  every 
other  citizen,  neither  seeking  nor  expecting  any  other  pre 
eminence  than  that  of  having  been  an  instrument  in  the 
hand  of  Providence  for  effecting  so  great  a  good  in  so 
just  a  cause,  nor  any  other  reward  than  the  conscious 
ness  of  having  done  his  duty,  and  the  enjoyment  in 
common  with  his  countrymen  of  the  benefits  flowing  from 
his  services. 

organization  Having  completed  all  the  necessary  arrangements  with 
Congress,  he  returned  to  head-quarters  at  Middlebrook. 
The  infantry  of  the  Continental  army  was  organized  for 
the  campaign  in  eighty-eight  battalions,  apportioned  to 
the  several  States  according  to  the  ratio  hitherto  assumed. 
There  were  four  regiments  of  cavalry  and  forty-nine  com 
panies  of  artillery. 

Bounties  to  As  the  term  of  service,  for  which  a  large  number  of 
the  troops  had  been  engaged,  would  expire  in  a  few 
weeks,  the  business  of  recruiting  was  begun  without  de 
lay.  The  irregular,  and  in  some  cases  enormous,  bounties 
given  by  the  States  had  operated  in  such  a  manner,  as 
almost  to  defeat  any  attempt  to  enlist  soldiers  in  camp. 
Even  those,  who  intended  to  reenlist,  were  lured  away 
by  the  prospect  of  State  bounties,  and  were  thus  absent 
from  the  army  till  they  could  go  home  and  come  back 
with  the  new  recruits.  This  evil  was  partially  remedied 
by  a  resolve  of  Congress,  making  it  the  business  of  each 
State  to  fill  up  its  quota  and  pay  the  bounties,  giving 
credit  to  such  State  for  the  Continental  bounty  of  every 
soldier  enlisted  in  its  quota.  Whether  the  soldier  was 
enlisted  in  camp  or  at  home,  the  same  rule  applied,  so 
that  it  equalized  the  bounties  throughout  the  line  of  a 
particular  State.  But  the  States  themselves  gave  various 
bounties,  causing  an  inequality  among  the  different  lines ; 
and  for  this  there  was  no  remedy,  except  a  uniform  sys- 


.ET.47.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  295 

tern  in  all   the   States,    which  was  never  pursued.      The    CHAPTER 

Continental   bounty    was   raised    to   two   hundred    dollars,  .     X1L 

besides  land  and  clothing;  and  in  several  instances  the  1779. 
State  bounty  was  much  larger.  The  value  of  labor  had 
risen  so  much  during  the  war,  partly  from  an  increased 
demand,  and  partly  from  the  depreciation  of  the  currency, 
that  a  soldier  could  obtain,  in  almost  any  other  service, 
higher  wages  than  the  amount  of  his  pay  and  bounty 
in  the  army. 

The  objects  of  the  campaign  not  requiring  so  large  a  Baron 
number  of  men  in  the  field  as  on  former  occasions,  it 
was  intended  to  bestow  the  more  attention  upon  their  dis 
cipline  and  practical  skill.  Baron  "Steuben,  trained  in  the 
wars  and  under  the  eye  of  Frederic  the  Great,  had  been 
appointed  inspector-general  of  the  army  the  year  before. 
He  wrote  a  system  of  tactics,  which  was  published,  adopt 
ed,  and  put  in  practice.  His  services  were  of  great  impor 
tance,  both  as  an  experienced  officer,  and  as  a  successful 
teacher  of  his  system,  by  which  the  discipline  of  the 
army  was  much  improved,  and  the  discordant  exercises 
and  evolutions  of  the  troops  from  different  States  were 
reduced  to  method  and  uniformity. 

The    winter   and  the  spring   passed  away  without   the  British  re- 
occurrence    of    any   remarkable    event.      The    British   re-  New  York, 
mained  within  their  lines  at  New  York,  showing  no  dis 
position  for  hazardous  adventures,  and  apparently  making 
no  preparation   for  any  enterprise  .of  magnitude  into   the 
country. 

General  Washington  in  the  mean  time  turned  his  Expedition 
thoughts  to  the  fitting  out  of  an  expedition  against  the 
Indians.  The  confederated  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations, 
except  the  Oneidas  and  a  few  of  the  Mohawks,  influenced 
by  Sir  John  Johnson  and  British  agents  from  Canada, 
became  hostile  to  the  United  States,  although  at  first  they 
pretended  to  a  sort  of  neutrality.  Joined  by  a  band  of 
Tories,  and  persons  of  abandoned  principles  collected  from 
various  parts,  they  fell  upon  the  frontier  settlements,  and 
waged  the  most  cruel  and  destructive  war  against  the 


296 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  47. 


1779 


Success  of 
the  expedi 
tion. 


CHAPTER  defenceless  and  unoffending  inhabitants.  The  massacres 
at  Cherry  Valley  and  Wyoming  had  filled  every  breast 
with  horror,  and  humanity  cried  aloud  for  vengeance  on 
the  perpetrators  of  such  deeds  of  atrocity.  To  break 
up  these  hordes  of  banditti,  or  at  all  events  to  drive 
them  back  and  lay  waste  their  territories,  was  the  object 
of  the  expedition. 

Four  thousand  Continental  troops  were  detached  for 
the  purpose,  who  were  joined  by  militia  from  the  State 
of  New  York  and  independent  companies  from  Pennsyl 
vania.  The  command  of  the  whole  was  given  to  General 
Sullivan.  Three  thousand  men  rendezvoused  at  Wyoming, 
where  General  Sullivan  first  established  his  head-quarters, 
and  from  which  place  he  proceeded  up  the  Susquehanna 
River  into  the  Indian  country.  At  the  same  time  Gen 
eral  James  Clinton  advanced  with  another  division  from 
the  Mohawk  River,  by  way  of  Otsego  Lake  and  the  east 
branch  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  formed  a  junction  with 
Sullivan  near  the  fork,  where  the  two  main  branches  of 
the  river  unite.  The  army,  then  amounting  to  about  five 
thousand  men,  including  militia,  marched  into  the  wilder 
ness  towards  the  Indian  settlements.  It  was  met  and  op 
posed  by  a  body  of  Tories  and  Indians,  who  were  soon 
routed  and  driven  back.  There  was  no  other  encounter, 
except  slight  skirmishes  with  small  parties.  Sullivan  pur 
sued  a  circuitous  route  as  far  as  the  Genessee  River,  de 
stroying  all  the  villages,  houses,  corn,  and  provisions,  which 
fell  in  his  way.  Every  habitation  was  deserted,  the  In 
dians  having  retired  with  their  families  to  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Niagara,  where  they  were  protected  and  supplied 
by  a  British  garrison.  The  purpose  of  the  expedition  be 
ing  attained,  the  army  retraced  its  steps  down  the  Susque 
hanna,  to  Wyoming,  and  arrived  there  after  an  absence 
of  a  little  more  than  two  months. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  early  in  the  spring  sent  a  detach 
ment  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  to  Yirginia, 
commanded  by  General  Mathews.  They  landed  at  Ports 
mouth,  sacked  the  town,  marched  to  Suffolk,  destroyed 


Predatory 
attack  on 
Virginia. 


J£T.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  297 

a  magazine  of  provisions  in  that  place,  burnt  the  village  CHAPTER 
and  several  detached  private  houses,  and  seized  large  X1L 
quantities  of  tobacco.  Many  vessels  were  likewise  captur-  1779. 
ed,  others  were  burnt  and  sunk,  and  much  plunder  was 
taken.  With  this  booty  they  returned  to  New  York.  The 
enterprise  was  executed  in  conformity  with  orders  from 
the  ministry,  who,  after  the'  ill  success  of  their  commis 
sioners,  had  adopted  the  policy  of  a  predatory  warfare 
on  the  seacoast,  with  the  design  of  destroying  the  towns, 
ships,  and  magazines,  conceiving,  as  expressed  by  Lord 
George  Germain,  "  that  a  war  of  this  sort,  carried  on  with 
spirit  and  humanity,  would  probably  induce  the  rebellious 
provinces  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  or  at  least  prevent 
their  sending  out  that  swarm  of  privateers,  the  success 
of  which  had  encouraged  them  to  persevere  in  their 
revolt." 

When  the  squadron  returned   from  Virginia,  it  was  im-  British  take 

possess  ion 

mediately  joined  by  other  vessels  having  on  board  a  large  of  stony 
body  of  troops,  all  of  which  sailed  up  Hudson's  River. 
This  expedition  was  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in 
person,  and  his  first  object  was  to  take  the  posts  at  Stony 
Point  and  Verplanck's  Point,  situate  on  opposite  sides  of 
the  Hudson,  where  the  Americans  had  thrown  up  works 
to  protect  King's  Ferry,  the  main  channel  of  communica 
tion  between  the  eastern  and  middle  States.  Should  cir 
cumstances  favor  so  bold  an  experiment,  he  intended 
next  to  endeavor  to  force  his  way  into  the  Highlands, 
make  himself  master  of  the  fortifications  and  strong  pass 
es,  and  thus  secure  the  command  of  the  Hudson. 

Being  informed  of  the  preparations   in  New  York,   and  Washington 
penetrating  the  designs  of   the  British  commander,  Wash-  further  ad- 

0  .  vance  of  the 

mgton  was  at  hand  in  time  to  prevent  the  execution  of  enemy, 
the  second  part  of  the  scheme.  By  rapid  marches  he 
drew  his  troops  from  their  cantonments  in  New  Jersey, 
and  placed  them  in  such  positions  as  to  discourage  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  from  attempting  any  thing  further,  than 
the  capture  of  the  two  posts  above  mentioned,  which 
were  in  no  condition  to  resist  a  formidable  fleet  and  an 
3ft 


298  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  47. 

CHAPTER   army  of  more  than  six  thousand  men.      After  this  event, 

XIL       which    happened   on   the   1st  of  June,  Clinton    withdrew 

1779>     his  forces    down   the  river,  and  at  length  to  New  York, 

leaving  a  strong  garrison  at   each  of  the   posts,  with   or 

ders   to   extend   and   complete   the   works    begun   by    the 

Americans  ;    and  also  directing  such  a  number   of  armed 

vessels  and   boats  to  remain  there,  as  would  be  necessary 

to  furnish  supplies  and  contribute  to  their  defence. 

Head-quar-        General  Washington  removed  his  head-quarters   to  New 

to  New         Windsor,  a  few  miles  above  West  Point,  distributing  his 

Windsor.  '  7 

army  chiefly  in  and  near  the  Highlands,  but  stationing  a 
23'     force  on  each  side  of  the  river  below,    sufficient  to  check 

any  sudden  incursion  of  the  enemy. 

Burning  of         The  system  of  devastation  and  plunder    was  vigorously 
'  Pursue^-     About  the  beginning   of  July  a  detachment   of 


walk.  two  thousand  six  hundred  men,    under   Governor  Tryon, 

sailed  from  New  York  into  Long  Island  Sound.  They 
first  landed  at  New  Haven,  plundered  the  inhabitants  in 
discriminately,  and  burnt  the  stores  on  the  wharfs.  This 
being  done,  they  embarked,  and  landed  at  Fairfield  and 
Norwalk,  which  towns  were  reduced  to  ashes.  Dwelling- 
houses,  shops,  churches,  school  houses,  and  the  shipping 
in  the  harbors,  were  destroyed.  The  soldiers  pillaged 
without  restraint,  committing  acts  of  violence,  and  exhib 
iting  the  horrors  of  war  in  some  of  their  most  revolting 
forms.  It  does  not  appear  that  there  were  troops,  maga 
zines,  or  public  property  in  either  of  the  towns.  The 
waste  and  distress  fell  on  individuals,  who  were  pursu 
ing  the  ordinary  occupations  of  life.  The  people  rallied 
in  self-defence,  and  a  few  were  killed  ;  but  the  enemy 
retired  to  their  vessels  before  the  militia  could  assemble 
in  large  numbers. 

Washington  The  British  commander  hoped  that  this  invasion  of 
attack  stony  Connecticut  would  draw  away  the  American  army  from 
the  Highlands  to  a  position  where  he  might  bring  on  an 
engagement  under  favorable  circumstances.  Washington's 
habitual  caution  guarded  him  against  allowing  such  an  ad 
vantage.  On  the  contrary,  while  the  enemy's  forces  were 


JET.  47.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  299 

thus  divided,  he  resolved  to  attack  the  strong  post  at 
Stony  Point.  "  The  necessity  of  doing  something  to 
satisfy  the  expectations  of  the  people  and  reconcile  them  1779 
to  th'e  defensive  plan,  which  he  was  obliged  to  pursue,  the 
value  of  the  acquisition  in  itself,  with  respect  to  the  men, 
artillery,  and  stores,  which  composed  the  garrison,  the 
effect  it  would  have  upon  the  successive  operations  of  the 
campaign,  and  the  check  it  would  give  to  the  depreda 
tions  of  the  enemy, "  were,  as  he  said,  the  motives  which 
prompted  him  to  this  undertaking.  He  reconnoitred  the 
post  himself,  and  instructed  Major  Henry  Lee,  who  was 
stationed  near  it  with  a  party  of  cavalry,  to  gain  all  the 
information  in  his  power  as  to  the  condition  of  the  works 
and  the  strength  of  the  garrison. 

The  enterprise  was  intrusted  to  General  Wayne,   who  General 
commanded   a   body  of   light  infantry  in  advance  of   the      ayne 
main   army,   where   he  was   placed   to   watch   the    move-     « 
ments  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent  their  landing,  and  to  at 
tack  separate    parties  whenever    opportunities  should  offer. 
Having  procured  all  the   requisite  information,  and   deter 
mined    to   make    the    assault,    Washington    communicated 
general  instructions  to  Wayne  in  writing  and  conversation, 
leaving  the  rest  to  the  well  tried  bravery  and  skill  of  that 
gallant  officer. 

The  night  of  the  15th  July  was  fixed  on  for  the  attack,  storming  of 
After  a  march  of  fourteen  miles  during  the  afternoon,  the 
party  arrived  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  enemy  at 
eight  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  works  were  then  re 
connoitred  by  the  commander  and  the  principal  officers, 
and  at  half  past  eleven  the  whole  moved  forward  in  two 
columns  to  the  assault.  The  van  of  the  right  column 
consisted  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  volunteers  with  unloaded 
muskets  and  fixed  bayonets,  preceded  by  twenty  picked 
men  to  remove  the  abatis  and  other  obstructions.  One 
hundred  volunteers,  preceded  likewise  by  twenty  men, 
composed  the  van  of  the  left.  Positive  orders  were  given 
not  to  fire,  but  to  rely  wholly  on  the  bayonet,  which 
orders  were  faithfully  obeyed.  A  deep  morass  in  front  of 


300 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  47 


Success  of 
the  assault. 


CHAPTER    the  enemy's  works,  and  a  double  row  of  abatis,  retarded 

XII>        their  progress ;   but  these    obstacles    were    soon   overcome 

1779.     by  the  ardor  of   the  troops,  and    the  assault  began  about 

twenty  minutes  after  twelve.     From  that  time  they  pushed 

forward  in  the  face  of  a  tremendous  fire  of  musketry  and 

of  cannon  loaded  with  grapeshot,  and   both  columns  met 

in  the  centre  of  the  enemy's  works,  each  arriving  nearly 

at  the  same  instant.     General  Wayne,  who  advanced  with 

the  right   column,  received    a  slight  wound  in  the  head, 

and  was  supported  into  the  works  by  his  aids-de-camp. 

The  assault  was  successful  in  all  its  parts.  The  num 
ber  of  prisoners  was  five  hundred  and  forty-three,  and  the 
number  killed  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  was  sixty-three. 
Of  the  assailing  party  fifteen  were  killed,  and  eighty-three 
wounded.  Several  cannons  and  mortars  of  various  sizes, 
a  large  number  of  muskets,  shells,  shot,  and  tents,  and  a 
proportional  quantity  of  stores,  were  taken.  The  action 
is  allowed  to  have  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant  of  the 
revolution.  Congress  passed  resolves  complimentary  to  the 
officers  and  privates,  granting  specific  rewards,  and  di 
recting  the  value  of  all  the  military  stores  taken  in  the 
garrison  to  be  divided  among  the  troops  in  proportion  to 
the  pay  of  the  officers  and  men.  Three  different  medals 
were  ordered  to  be  struck,  emblematical  of  the  action, 
and  awarded  respectively  to  General  Wayne,  Colonel  Fleu- 
ry,  and  Colonel  Stewart.  Congress  also  passed  a  vote  of 
thanks  to  General  Washington  "  for  the  vigilance,  wisdom, 
and  magnanimity,  with  which  he  had  conducted  the 
military  operations  of  the  States,"  and  especially  as  mani 
fested  in  his  orders  for  the  late  attack. 

It  was  his  first  intention,  if  the  storming  of  Stony 
Point  should  prove  successful,  to  make  an  immediate  at 
tempt  against  Verplanck's  Point,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river.  For  this  purpose  he  had  requested  General 
Wayne  to  forward  the  intelligence  to  head-quarters  through 
the  hands  of  General  McDougall,  who  commanded  at  West 
Point,  and  who  would  be  in  readiness  to  send  down  a 
detachment  by  the  way  of  Peekskill  to  attack  Verplanck's 


proposed 

attack  upon 


JEr   47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  301 

Point   on    the   land    side,  while    it    was  cannonaded   from    CHAPTER 
Stony  Point  across  the  river.     By  some  misunderstanding,  __^!: — 
the    messenger    neglected    to    call    at    West    Point,    and     1779> 
thus   several   hours    were    lost   before    General   McDougall 
received   the   intelligence.      To   this    delay   has   been   as 
cribed  the  failure  of   the  undertaking  against   Verplanck's 
Point.     From  the  letters  of  General  McDougall  and  other 
officers  written   at   the    time,  however,   it   is  evident    that 
the  want    of  horses  and  conveniences  for  the   transporta 
tion  of  artillery   was  such,  as  to   render   it   impossible  in 
any  event    to  arrive  at  Verplanck's    Point  with   the   ade 
quate  means  of  assault,  before  the  enemy  had  assembled 
a  sufficient  force  to  give  entire  security  to  the  garrison. 

When    Washington    examined    Stony    Point    after    the  stony  point 

evacuated. 

capture,  he  resolved  to  evacuate  the  post,  remove  the 
cannon  and  stores,  and  destroy  the  works.  -Being  accessi 
ble  by  the  enemy's  vessels  of  war,  a  larger  number  of 
men  would  be  required  for  the  defence  than  could  prop 
erly  be  spared  from  the  main  army ;  and  at  the  same 
time  it  might  be  necessary  to  hazard  a  general  action, 
which  was  by  no  means  to  be  desired  on  such  terms  as 
would  be  imposed,  and  for  such  an  object.  Every  thing 
was  brought  off,  except  one  heavy  cannon.  The  enemy 
afterwards  reoccupied  the  post,  and  repaired  the  works. 

About    a  -month    after  the    storming    of    Stony   Point,  pauiusHook 

surprised  by 

another  enterprise  similar  in  its  character,  and  not  less  Major  Lee. 
daring,  was  executed  by  Major  Henry  Lee.  At  the  head  August  19. 
of  three  hundred  men,  and  a  troop  of  dismounted  dra 
goons,  he  surprised  the  enemy's  post  at  Paulus  Hook, 
opposite  to  New  York,  and  took  one  hundred  and  fifty- 
nine  prisoners,  having  two  only  of  his  party  killed  and 
three  wounded.  The  plan  originated  with  Major  Lee, 
and  great  praise  was  bestowed  upon  him  for  the  address 
and  bravery  with  which  it  was  executed.  A  medal  of 
gold,  commemorative  of  the  event,  was  ordered  by  Con 
gress  to  be  struck  and  presented  to  him. 

No  other  events  of  much  importance  happened  in   the  works  at 
army  under  Washington's  immediate  command  during  the  constructed. 

E2 


302 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  47 


1779. 


CHAPTER  campaign.  The  British  troops  remained  inactive  at  New 
XIL York,  and  the  Americans  held  their  ground  in  the  High 
lands.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the  works  at  West 
Point  and  in  its  vicinity  were  chiefly  constructed.  A 
part  of  the  time  two  thousand  five  hundred  men  were 
on  fatigue  duty  every  day.  Before  the  end  of  July  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in-chief  were  removed 
to  West  Point,  where  he  continued  for  the  rest  of  the 
season. 

As  few  incidents  of  a  personal  nature  intervene  to  vary 
the  monotony  of  military  operations,  and  of  the  great 
public  affairs  which  occupied  the  thoughts  of  Washington, 
it  may  not  be  amiss  to  insert  here  a  letter  inviting  a 
friend  to  dine  with  him  at  head-quarters.  It  gives  an 
idea  of  the  manner  in  which  he  lived,  and  shows  that 
he  could  sometimes  be  playful,  even  when  oppressed  with 
public  cares,  and  in  the  midst  of  the  harassing  duties 
of  his  command.  The  letter  is  addressed  to  Dr.  Cochran, 
surgeon-general  in  the  army,  and  dated  at  West  Point  on 
the  16th  of  August. 
"  Dear  Doctor, 

"  I  have  asked  Mrs.  Cochran  and  Mrs.  Livingston  to 
dine  with  me  to-morrow  ;  but  am  I  not  in  honor  bound 
to  apprize  them  of  their  fare  ?  As  I  hate  deception,  even 
where  the  imagination  only  is  concerned,  I  will.  It  is 
needless  to  premise,  that  my  table  is  large  enough  to  hold 
the  ladies.  Of  this  they  had  ocular  proof  yesterday.  To 
say  how  it  is  usually  covered,  is  rather  more  essential  ; 
and  this  shall  be  the  purport  of  my  letter. 

"  Since  our  arrival  at  this  happy  spot,  we  have  had  a 
ham,  sometimes  a  shoulder  of  bacon,  to  grace  the  head 
of  the  table  ;  a  piece  of  roast  beef  adorns  the  foot ;  and 
a  dish  of  beans,  or  greens,  almost  imperceptible,  decorates 
the  centre.  When  the  cook  has  a  mind  to  cut  a  figure ; 
which  I  presume  will  be  the  case  to-morrow,  we  have 
two  beefsteak  pies,  or  dishes  of  crabs,  in  addition,  one 
on  each  side  of  the  centre  dish,  dividing  the  space  and 
reducing  the  distance  between  dish  and  dish  to  about 


Letter  to  Dr. 
Cochran. 


^ET.  47.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  303 

six  feet,  which    without    them    would    be    nearly  twelve    CHAPTER 
feet  apart.     Of  late  he  has  had  the  surprising  sagacity  to        XIL 
discover,  that  apples  will  make  pies;  and  it  is  a  question,      1779. 
if,  in  the  violence    of  his    efforts,  we  do  not  get  one   of 
apples,    iiiFtead    of   having    both    of    beefsteaks.      If    the 
ladies  can  put  up  with  such  entertainment,  and  will  sub 
mit    to  partake    of    it    on  plates,  once  tin    but    now  iron 
(not    become    so  by  the    labor    of    scouring),    I    shall    be 
happy  to  see  them  ;  and  am,  dear  Doctor,  yours." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  disappointed  in  not  receiving  addi-  British  Gen- 

eral  medi- 

tions  to  his  army  from  Europe,  began  to  be  weary  of 
his  situation,  and  to  despair  of  effecting  any  thing  that 
would  either  redound  to  the  glory  of  the  British  arms, 
or  answer  the  expectations  of  his  employers.  On  the  21st 
of  August  he  said,  in  a  letter  to  Lord  George  Germain, 
"  I  now  find  myself  obliged  by  many  cogent  reasons  to 
abandon  every  view  of  making  an  effort  in  this  quarter. 
The  precautions,  which  General  Washington  has  had 
leisure  to  take,  make  me  hopeless  of  bringing  him  to  a 
general  action,  and  the  season  dissuades  me  strongly  from 
losing  time  in  the  attempt."  He  informs  the  minister, 
that  his  thoughts  are  turned  to  the  south,  that  he  shall 
put  New  York  in  a  complete  state  of  defence,  withdraw 
his  troops  from  the  posts  on  the  Hudson,  and  sail  for 
South  Carolina  with  a  large  part  of  his  army  as  soon  as 
the  season  will  permit  him  to  act  in  that  climate. 

After    Count    d'Estaing    left   the  harbor  of  Boston,  he  concerted 
proceeded    to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  operated   during  tion  between 
the    winter,    took    St.    Vincent    and  Grenada,    and   had   a  squadron 

and  Ameri- 

naval  engagement  with  Admiral  Byron's  fleet.  It  was  can  forces, 
expected,  that  he  would  return  to  the  United  States  in 
the  course  of  the  summer,  and  M.  Gerard,  the  French 
minister  in  Philadelphia,  held  several  conferences  with  a 
committee  of  Congress  respecting  a  concerted  plan  of 
action  between  the  French  squadron  and  the  American 
forces.  For  the  same  object  M.  Gerard  went  to  camp,  and 
held  interviews  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  to  whom 
Congress  delegated  the  power  of  arranging  and  executing 


304 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  4 


1779. 


French 
minister's 
opinion  of 
Washington. 


Rhode  Is 
land  evacu 
ated. 


October  21. 


the  whole  business  in  such  a  manner  as  his  judgment 
and  prudence  should  dictate.  Various  plans  were  suggest 
ed  and  partly  matured ;  but,  as  the  unfortunate  repulse 
of  the  French  and  American  troops  in  their  assault  on  Sa 
vannah,  and  the  subsequent  departure  of  Count  d'Estaing 
from  the  coast,  prevented  their  being  carried  into  execu 
tion,  they  need  not  be  explained  in  this  place. 

The  intercourse  with  Washington  on  this  occasion  left 
favorable  impressions  on  the  mind  of  the  French  minister. 
In  a  letter  to  Count  de  Vergennes,  written  from  camp, 
he  said  ;  "  I  have  had  many  conversations  with  General 
Washington,  some  of  which  have  continued  for  three 
hours.  It  is  impossible  for  me  briefly  to  communicate  the 
fund  of  intelligence,  which  I  have  derived  from  him  ;  but 
I  shall  do  it  in  my  letters  as  occasions  shall  present  them 
selves.  I  will  now  say  only,  that  I  have  formed  as  high 
an  opinion  of  the  powers  of  his  mind,  his  moderation, 
his  patriotism,  and  his  virtues,  as  I  had  before  from  com 
mon  report  conceived  of  his  military  talents,  and  of  the 
incalculable  services  he  has  rendered  to  his  country." 
The  same  sentiments  were  often  repeated  by  the  successor 
of  M.  Gerard,  and  contributed  to  establish  the  unbounded 
confidence,  which  the  French  government  placed  in  the 
American  commander  during  the  war. 

Although  the  plans  of  cooperation  failed,  yet  they  were 
serviceable  in  embarrassing  the  schemes  of  the  enemy. 
As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Count  d'Estaing  had  ar 
rived  in  Georgia,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  naturally  supposed 
that  he  would  proceed  northward,  and  unite  with  Wash 
ington  in,  a  combined  attack  on  New  York.  Alarmed 
for  his  safety  in  such  an  event,  he  caused  Rhode  Island 
to  be  evacuated,  and  drew  to  New  York  the  garrison, 
which  had  been  stationed  nearly  three  years  at  that 
place,  consisting  at  times  of  about  six  thousand  men. 
Stony  Point  and  Verplanck's  Point  were  likewise  evacu 
ated.  The  appearance  of  Count  d'Estaing's  fleet  on  the 
coast  retarded  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  southern  expedition  till 
near  the  end  of  December,  when,  having  received  rein- 


JEr.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  305 

forcements  from  Europe,    he  embarked    about  seven  thou-    CHAPTER 

sand  troops,  and  sailed  for  South  Carolina,  under  the  con-  XII> 

voy  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot.  1780. 

The  campaign  being  now  at  an  end,  the  army  was  Army  retires 
again  put  into  winter  quarters,  the  main  body  in  the  quarters, 
neighborhood  of  Morristown,  strong  detachments  at  West 
Point  and  other  posts  near  the  Hudson,  and  the  cavalry 
in  Connecticut.  The  head-quarters  were  at  Morristown. 
The  ill  success  of  the  allied  arms  at  Savannah,  and  the 
indications  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  designs  against  South 
Carolina,  were  reasons  for  sending  more  troops  to  General 
Lincoln's  army ;  and,  before  the  middle  of  December,  two 
of  the  North  Carolina  regiments  and  the  whole  of  the 
Yirginia  line  marched  to  the  south. 

The    winter   set   in    with   so   much    severity,    that   the  supplies  for 

»       r  •  1-111  ^e  army 

channels   01    transportation    were    closed,    and   the   troops  levied  on  the 

1       inhabitants. 

were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress  for  the  want  of 
provisions.  In  this  extremity,  it  was  necessary  to  levy 
supplies  upon  the  inhabitants,  and  send  out  officers  to 
collect  them.  By  their  instructions,  these  officers  were 
first  to  call  on  the  magistrates,  and  solicit  their  aid  in 
procuring  provisions  of  grain  and  cattle,  and  in  apportion 
ing  to  each  person  such  a  quantity  as  he  could  spare 
without  injury  to  his  family.  Certificates  were  then  to  be 
given,  specifying  the  quantity,  leaving  it  optional  with 
the  owner  to  fix  the  price  by  a  fair  valuation  on  the  spot, 
or  to  receive  the  market  price  at  the  time  the  certificates 
should  be  paid.  If  this  plan  proved  unsuccessful,  the 
officers  were  to  proceed  according  to  the  usual  method  of 
military  impressments.  There  was  no  occasion,  however, 
for  this  latter  measure.  By  the  zeal  and  activity  of  the 
magistrates,  cooperating  with  the  good  disposition  of  the 
inhabitants,  a  sufficient  quantity  of  voluntary  supplies  was 
soon  brought  to  the  camp. 

A  descent  upon    Staten  Island    by  a  party  under   Lord  Descent 
Stirling,    a  retaliatory  incursion  of   the   enemy   into  New 
Jersey    at    Elizabethtown,    and   a   skirmish    near    White 
Plains,  were  the  only  military  events  during  the  winter. 
39  E2* 


306 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  48. 


1780. 

Nominal 
strength  of 
the  army. 


Deprecia 
tion  of  the 
currency. 


System  of 

specific  sup 
plies  ineffec 
tual. 


The  arrny  for  the  campaign  in  1780  was  nominally  fix 
ed  by  Congress  at  thirty-five  thousand  two  hundred  and 
eleven  men.  Each  State  was  required  to  furnish  its  quota 
by  the  first  day  of  April.  No  definite  plan  was  adopted 
for  the  campaign,  as  the  operations  must  depend  on  circum 
stances  and  the  strength  and  condition  of  the  enemy. 

One  of  the  greatest  evils,  which  now  afflicted  the  coun 
try,  and  which  threatened  the  most  alarming  consequen 
ces,  was  the  depreciation  of  the  currency.  Destitute  of 
pecuniary  resources,  and  without  the  power  of  imposing 
direct  taxes,  Congress  had,  early  in  the  war,  resorted  to 
the  expedient  of  paper  money.  For  a  time,  while  the 
quantity  was  comparatively  small,  its  credit  was  good ;  but 
in  March,  1780,  the  enormous  amount  of  two  hundred 
millions  of  dollars  had  been  issued,  no  part  of  which  had 
been  redeemed.  At  this  time  forty  paper  dollars  were 
worth  only  one  in  specie.  Prices  rose  as  the  money  sank 
in  value,  and  every  branch  of  trade  was  unsettled  and 
deranged.  The  effect  was  peculiarly  oppressive  on  the 
troops,  and  was  a  principal  reason  for  the  exorbitant 
bounties  allowed  to  them  in  the  latter  years  of  the  war. 
The  separate  States  likewise  issued  paper  money,  which 
increased  the  evil,  without  affording  any  adequate  relief. 
The  only  remedy  was  taxation ;  but  this  was  seldom  pur 
sued  with  vigor,  owing,  in  part,  to  the  distracted  state 
of  the  times  and  the  exhausted  condition  of  the  country, 
and  in  part  also  to  State  jealousy.  As  each  State  felt 
its  burdens  to  be  heavy,  it  was  cautious  how  it  added 
to  them  in  a  greater  proportion  than  its  neighbors  j  and 
thus  all  were  reluctant  to  act,  till  impelled  by  the  pressure 
of  necessity. 

So  low  had  the  credit  of  the  currency  fallen,  that  the 
commissaries  found  it  extremely  difficult,  and  in  some  ca 
ses  impossible  to  purchase  supplies  for  the  army.  Congress 
adopted  a  new  method,  by  requiring  each  State  to  furnish 
a  certain  quantity  of  beef,  pork,  flour,  corn,  forage,  and 
other  articles,  which  were  to  be  deposited  in  such  places 
as  the  Commander-in-chief  should  determine.  The  States 


jET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  307 

were  to  be  credited    for   the  amount    at  a  fixed  valuation    CHAPTER 
in   specie.      The  system    turned   out  to  be  impracticable.        X1L 
The   multitude   of    hands    into    which   the   business   was      1780 
thrown,     the    want    of    proper    authority    to   compel   its 
prompt    execution,    the  distance  of  several    of   the  States 
from  the  army,  and  the  consequent  difficulties  of  transpor 
tation,   all  conspired   to  make  it  the  most   expensive,   the 
most  uncertain,  and  the  least  effectual  method   that  could 
be  devised.      It  added   greatly    to  the  embarrassments   of 
the    military    affairs,    and  to  the  labor  and  perplexities   of 
the  Commander-in-chief,  till  it  was  abandoned. 

To  keep  up  the  credit  of  the  currency,  Congress  recom-  Paper  mo- 

,  ,  .  ney  made  a 

mended  to  the  States  to  pass  laws  making  paper  money  legal  tender. 
a  legal  tender  at  its  nominal  value  for  the  discharge  of 
debts,  which  had  been  contracted  to  be  paid  in  gold  or 
silver.  Such  laws  were  enacted,  and  many  debtors  took 
advantage  of  them.  When  the  army  was  at  Morristown, 
a  man  of  respectable  standing  lived  in  the  neighborhood, 
who  was  assiduous  in  his  civilities  to  Washington,  which 
were  kindly  received  and  reciprocated.  Unluckily  this 
man  paid  his  debts  in  the  depreciated  currency.  Some 
time  afterwards  he  called  at  head-quarters,  and  was  intro 
duced  as  usual  to  the  General's  apartment,  where  he  was 
then  conversing  with  some  of  his  officers.  He  bestowed 
very  little  attention  upon  the  visiter.  The  same  thing 
occurred  a  second  time,  when  he  was  more  reserved 
than  before.  This  was  so  different  from  his  customary 
manner,  that  Lafayette,  who  was  present  on  both  occa 
sions,  could  not  help  remarking  it,  and  he  said,  after  the 
man  was  gone  ;  "  General,  this  man  seems  to  be  much 
devoted  to  you,  and  yet  you  have  scarcely  noticed  him." 
Washington  replied,  smiling ;  "  I  know  I  have  not  been 
cordial ;  I  tried  hard  to  be  civil,  and  attempted  to  speak 
to  him  two  or  three  times,  but  that  Continental  money 
stopped  my  mouth."  He  considered  these  laws  unjust  in 
principle,  and  iniquitous  in  their  effects.  He  was  himself 
a  loser  to  a  considerable  amount  by  their  operation. 
At  the  beginning  of  April,  when  the  States  were  to 


308 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


\JEr.  48 


CHAPTER 
XII. 

1780. 

Committee 
of  Congress 
attend  the 
army. 

April. 


Lafayette  ar 
rives  with 
intelligence 
that  naval 
and  land 
forces  were 
coming  from 
France. 


have  completed  their  quotas  of  troops,  the  whole  number 
under  Washington's  immediate  command  was  no  more 
than  ten  thousand  four  hundred  rank  and  file.  This  num 
ber  was  soon  diminished  by  sending  the  remainder  of 
the  Maryland  line  and  the  Delaware  regiment  to  the 
southern  army.  The  British  force  at  New  York  amount 
ed  to  seventeen  thousand  three  hundred  effective  men. 
From  that  time  the  army  of  the  north  consisted  of  such 
troops  only,  as  were  raised  in  the  New  England  States, 
New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania.  To  hasten 
and  give  effect  to  the  arrangements  for  the  campaign,  and 
draw  more  expeditiously  from  the  States  their  quotas  of 
soldiers  and  supplies,  General  Washington  requested  a  com 
mittee  of  Congress  to  attend  the  army,  with  power  to 
act  in  the  name  of  that  body  for  definite  objects.  The 
committee  remained  in  camp  between  two  and  three 
months.  General  Schuyler,  then  a  member  of  Congress, 
was  one  of  the  committee,  and  his  experience,  sound  judg 
ment,  and  energetic  character,  enabled  him  to  render  es 
sential  services  in  that  capacity. 

Before  the  end  of  April,  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  arriv 
ed  at  Boston  from  France,  with  the  cheering  intelligence 
that  the  French  government  had  fitted  out  an  armament 
of  naval  and  land  forces,  which  might  soon  be  expected 
in  the  United  States.  He  proceeded  immediately  to 
Washington's  head-quarters,  and  thence  to  Congress.  Al 
though  many  of  the  Americans  had  hoped  that  their 
arms  would  be  strengthened  by  the  troops  of  their  allies, 
yet  no  indications  had  hitherto  been  given,  which  encour 
aged  them  to  believe  that  any  aid  of  this  sort  would 
be  rendered.  The  experiment  was  also  thought  by  some 
to  be  hazardous.  The  prejudice  against  French  soldiers, 
which  had  been  implanted  and  nurtured  by  the  colonial 
wars,  it  was  feared  might  lead  to  serious  consequences, 
if  French  troops  should  be  landed  in  the  United  States, 
and  brought  to  act  in  concert  with  the  American  army. 
So  strongly  was  Count  de  Vergennes  influenced  "by  this 
apprehension,  that  he  opposed  the  sending  of  troops  to 


.ET.48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  309 

America,  and  advised  that  the  efforts  of  France  in  sue-  CHAPTER 
coring  her  ally  should  be  expended  in  naval  equipments, 
which  he  believed  would  be  more  effectual  in  annoy- 
ing  and  weakening  the  common  enemy.  In  this  opinion, 
however,  the  other  members  of  the  cabinet  did  not  con 
cur,  and  it  was  resolved  to  send  out  a  fleet  with  a  body 
of  troops  to  operate  on  land.  Lafayette  was  principally 
instrumental  in  effecting  this  decision.  It  was  a  point 
upon  which  he  had  set  his  heart  before  he  left  Ameri 
ca,  and  it  may  be  presumed  that  he  previously  ascertain 
ed  the  sentiments  of  Washington.  At  any  rate,  his  ob 
servation  while  in  the  country  had  convinced  him,  that 
French  troops  would  be  well  received  ;  and  he  had  the 
address  to  bring  the  majority  of  the  ministry  to  the  same 
way  of  thinking.* 

In   the   month   of  June,  General    Knyphausen   crossed  Action  at 
over  with  such  a  force  as  he  could  spare  from  New  York,  mpNew  jer 
and  made   an   incursion   into    New  Jersey.      He  was   met 
by  detachments  from  the  American  army,  and  some  smart 
skirmishing  ensued,  particularly  at   Springfield,  where  the 
encounter  lasted  several  hours.     The   enemy  were   driven 
back,  and  they  retired  to  Staten  Island. 

The  object   of  this   adventure  could   not  easily  be  as-  British  gen- 
certained.     General   Washington  at  first  supposed  it  to  be 


a  feint   to  amuse  him  in  that  quarter,  while  a  more   for- 

*  Not  content  with  soliciting  for  a  detachment  of  French  troops  to 
act  in  America,  Lafayette  requested  large  supplies  of  clothing,  guns, 
and  ammunition  for  the  American  army  itself  ;  and  they  were  prom 
ised,  although  by  some  bad  management  afterwards  they  were  not 
sent,  or  at  least  only  in  part.  Such  was  the  importunity  of  Lafayette, 
and  the  disinterested  enthusiasm  with  which  he  represented  the  wants 
and  claims  of  his  republican  friends,  that  the  old  Count  de  Maurepas, 
who  was  then  prime  minister,  said  one  day  in  the  Council,  "It  is  for 
tunate  for  the  King,  that  Lafayette  does  not  take  it  into  his  head  to 
strip  Versailles  of  its  furniture,  to  send  to  his  dear  Americans  ;  as  his 
Majesty  would  be  unable  to  refuse  it"  In  addition  to  his  requests 
from  the  government,  he  purchased  on  his  own  account  and  brought  to 
America  a  quantity  of  swords  and  military  equipage,  which  he  present 
ed  to  the  officers  of  the  Light  Infantry,  whom  he  commanded  during 
the  campaign. 


310 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  48. 


1780. 


French  fleet 
arrives  at 
Newport. 

July  10. 


Instructions 
from  the 
French  min 
istry  to 
Count  Ro- 
chambeau. 


midable  force  should  be  suddenly  pushed  up  the  Hudson 
to  attack  the  posts  in  the  Highlands.  This  opinion  was 
countenanced  by  the  arrival,  just  at  that  time,  of  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  from  his  successful  expedition  against 
Charleston.  No  such  attempt  being  made,  however,  the 
only  effect  was  to  draw  General  Washington's  army  near 
er  the  Hudson,  where  he  took  a  position  in  which  he 
could  act  in  defence  of  New  Jersey  or  the  Highlands,  as 
occasion  might  require. 

News  at  length  came,  that  the  French  fleet  had  entered 
the  harbor  of  Newport,  in  Rhode  Island,  on  the  10th  of 
July.  The  armament  consisted  of  seven  or  eight  ships 
of  the  line,  two  frigates,  two  bombs,  and  upwards  of  five 
thousand  troops.  The  fleet  was  commanded  by  the 
Chevalier  de  Ternay,  and  the  army  by  the  Count  de 
Rochambeau.  This  was  called  the  first  division.  Anoth 
er,  being  detained  for  the  want  of  transports,  was  left 
at  Brest  almost  ready  to  sail,  which  it  was  said  would 
soon  follow. 

The  instructions  from  the  ministry  to  Count  de  Ro 
chambeau  were  extremely  judicious,  and  contrived  in  every 
part  to  secure  harmony  between  the  American  and  French 
armies.  The  general  and  the  troops  were  to  be  in  all 
cases  under  the  command  of  General  Washington.  When 
the  two  armies  were  united,  the  French  troops  were  to 
be  considered  as  auxiliaries,  and  to  yield  precedence  by 
taking  the  left.  American  officers  were  to  command 
French  officers  of  equal  rank,  and  holding  commissions 
of  the  same  dates;  and,  in  all  military  acts  and  capitula 
tions,  the  American  generals  were  to  be  named  first  and 
to  sign  first.  These  instructions,  expressed  in  clear  and 
positive  terms,  were  made  known  to  General  Washington 
by  Lafayette  before  the  troops  landed.  A  copy  in  detail 
was  likewise  sent  to  him  by  Count  de  Rochambeau. 
They  produced  all  the  happy  effects,  which  could  have 
been  anticipated.  Perfect  harmony  subsisted  not  only 
between  the  armies,  but  between  the  people  and  the 
French  troops,  from  their  first  arrival  in  the  country  till 


.Ex.  48.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  311 

their    final   departure.      The    Continental    officers,    by  the    CHAPTER 
recommendation    of    General    Washington,  wore   cockades       XIL 
of  black  and  white  intermixed,   as  a  compliment   to   the     1780. 
French   troops,   and   a   symbol   of  friendship  ;  the   former    v 
color  being  that  of  the  American  cockade,  and  the  latter 
that   of  the  French. 

A  plan   of  combined   operations   against   the  enemy  in  Pianofcom- 
New  York  was   drawn   up   by  General   Washington,    and  J^^-J 
forwarded   to   Count    de    Rochambeau    by   the    hands    of  American 

J  and  French 

Lafayette,  who  went  to  Newport  for  the  purpose  of  mak-  armies. 
ing  explanations,  and  concerting  arrangements  with  the 
French  general  and  admiral.  This  plan  had  for  its  ba 
sis  the  naval  superiority  of  the  French  over  the  English, 
by  which  the  fleet  of  the  latter  might  be  attacked  to  ad 
vantage,  or  at  least  blocked  up  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York.  At  the  present  time,  however,  this  was  not  the 
case.  The  arrival  of  Admiral  Graves,  with  six  ships  of 
the  line,  had  increased  the  British  naval  force  considera 
bly  beyond  that  of  the  Chevalier  de  Ternay  ;  and  it  was 
agreed  that  nothing  could  be  done,  till  he  should  be  rein 
forced  by  the  second  division  from  France,  or  by  the 
squadron  of  the  Count  de  Guichen,  which  was  expected 
from  the  West  Indies. 

Forewarned  by  the   British  ministry  of  the  destination  British  gen 
of  the    French   armament,   Sir  Henry  Clinton   made  sea- 


the  French 

sonable    preparations   to    meet   it,    and   requested   Admiral  at  Newport. 

Arbuthnot  to  be  ready  with  his  fleet.     After  considerable 

delay  he  embarked   six   thousand   troops   at   Frog's  Neck, 

intending    to   proceed   through   the    Sound   and   cooperate 

with   the  fleet  in  an   attack  on   the  French   at  Newport. 

In  the  mean  time  Count  de  Rochambeau,  aided  by  Gen 

eral  Heath,  then  present  with  the  French  army,  called  in 

the  militia  of  the  neighboring  country,  and  increased  the 

force   at    Newport   so  much,  that    Sir  Henry  Clinton,   de 

spairing   of  success,    landed    his   men    at   Whitestone,   on 

Long  Island,  and   returned  to  New  York,  without  effect 

ing  any  part  of  his  object.     Another  reason  for  his  sudden 

return  was,  that  Washington   had   drawn  his  army  across 


312  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  48. 

CHAPTER    the  Hudson,  and  taken  a  position  on  the  east  side  of  that 

xn-       river,  from  which   he   might  attack    the    city   during   the 

1780.     absence  of  so  large  a  portion  of   the  troops.     It  was    Sir 

Henry  Clinton's  first  hope,  that,  by  the  aid   of   the  fleet, 

he  should  be  able  to  complete  his  expedition  against  New 

port,   and   come   back   to    New   York   before    Washington 

could  assume   an  attitude  which  would   menace  the  city  ; 

but  in  this  he  was  disappointed. 

French  Having  a  decided  naval  superiority,  however,  Admiral 

Arbuthnot  blockaded  the  French  squadron  in  the  'harbor 


of  Newport,  and  Count  de  Rochambeau's  army  was  oblig 
ed  to  remain  there  for  its  protection.  This  state  of  things 
continued  through  the  season,  and  no  military  enterprise 
was  undertaken.  The  second  French  division  was  block 
aded  at  Brest,  and  never  came  to  America  ;  and  the 
Count  de  Guichen  sailed  from  the  West  t  Indies  to  France 
without  touching  in  any  part  of  the  United  States.  Both 
parties,  therefore,  stood  on  the  defensive,  watching  each 
other's  motions,  and  depending  on  the  operations  of  the 
British  and  French  fleets.  General  Washington  recrossed 
the  Hudson,  and  encamped  below  Orangetown,  or  Tappan, 
on  the  borders  of  New  Jersey,  which  station  he  held  till 
winter. 
conference  In  this  interval  of  leisure,  a  conference  between  the 

between 

Washington    commanders  of  the    two   allied   armies  was  suggested   by 
aeau.  Count   de   Rochambeau,  and   readily  assented  to  by  Gen- 

Sept.2i.  eral  Washington.  They  met  at  Hartford  in  Connecticut, 
on  the  21st  of  September.  During  the  absence  of  Gen 
eral  Washington,  the  army  was  left  under  the  command 
of  General  Greene.  The  interview  was  more  interesting 
and  serviceable  in  cementing  a  personal  friendship  and 
promoting  amicable  relations  between  the  parties,  than  im 
portant  in  establishing  an  ulterior  system  of  action.  Noth 
ing  indeed  could  be  positively  agreed  upon,  since  a  naval 
superiority  was  absolutely  essential  to  any  enterprise  by 
land,  and  this  superiority  did  not  exist.  All  the  plans 
that  were  brought  into  view,  therefore,  rested  on  contin 
gencies,  and  in  the  end  these  were  unfavorable  to  a  com 
bined  operation. 


JET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  313 

At  this  time  General  Arnold  held  the  command  at  West  CHAPTER 
Point  and  other  fortified  posts  in  the  Highlands.     No  offi-       XIL 
cer  in   the    American   army  had   acquired   higher   renown     1780. 

for   military  talents,  activity,  and   courage.      He   had   sig-  JJ™6™1  ** 


nalized  himself  at  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga,  by  his  ex- 
pedition  through  the  wilderness  to  Quebec,  in  a  naval 
engagement  on  Lake  Champlain,  in  a  rencontre  with  the 
enemy  at  Danbury,  and  above  all  in  the  decisive  action 
at  Saratoga.  When  the  British  evacuated  Philadelphia, 
he  was  appointed  to  the  command  in  that  city,  being 
disabled  by  his  wounds  for  immediate  active  service. 
Arrogant,  fond  of  display,  and  extravagant  in  his  style  of 
living,  he  was  soon  involved  in  difficulties,  which  led  to 
his  ruin.  His  debts  accumulated,  and,  to  relieve  himself 
from  embarrassment  and  indulge  his  passion  for  parade, 
he  resorted  to  practices  discreditable  to  him  as  an  officer 
and  a  man.  Heavy  charges  were  exhibited  against  him 
by  the  President  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  which 
were  referred  to  a  court-martial.  After  a  thorough  inves 
tigation,  the  court  sentenced  him  to  receive  a  public  rep 
rimand  from  the  Commander-in-chief.  He  had  previously 
presented  to  Congress  large  claims  against  the  United 
States  on  account  of  money,  which  he  said  he  had  ex 
pended  for  the  public  service  in  Canada.  These  claims 
were  examined,  and  in  part  disallowed.  In  the  opinion 
of  many,  they  were  such  as  to  authorize  a  suspicion  of 
his  integrity,  if  not  to  afford  evidence  of  deliberate  fraud. 

These  censures,  added  to  the  desperate  state  of  his  Treason  of 
private  affairs,  were  more  than  the  pride  of  Arnold  could 
bear.  At  once  to  take  revenge,  and  to  retrieve  his  for 
tunes,  he  resolved  to  become  a  traitor  to  his  country, 
and  seek  employment  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy.  This 
purpose  was  so  far  fixed  in  his  mind  fifteen  months  be 
fore  its  consummation,  that  he  then  began,  and  continued 
afterwards,  a  secret  correspondence  with  Major  Andre, 
adjutant-general  of  the  British  army.  The  more  easily 
to  effect  his  designs,  he  sought  and  obtained  the  com 
mand  at  West  Point,  where  he  arrived  the  first  week  in 
40  F2 


314 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  48. 


J  780. 


Meeting  be 
tween  Ar 
nold  and 
Andre. 

Sept.  21. 


Capture  of 
Major  An- 


Sept.  23. 


August.  From  that  time  it  was  his  aim,  by  a  plan  con 
certed  with  the  British  general,  to  deliver  West  Point 
and  the  other  posts  of  the  Highlands  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy. 

The  absence  of  Washington  from  the  army,  on  his 
visit  to  Hartford,  was  thought  to  afford  a  fit  occasion  for 
bringing  the  affair  to  a  crisis.  The  Vulture  sloop  of  war 
ascended  the  Hudson,  and  anchored  in  Haverstraw  Bay, 
six  or  seven  miles  below  King's  Ferry.  It  was  con 
trived  that  a  meeting  should  take  place  between  Arnold 
and  Andre,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements. 
Andre  went  ashore  from  the  Vulture  in  the  night  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river,  where  Arnold  was  waiting  to  re 
ceive  him.  They  remained  together  in  that  place  till 
the  dawn  of  day,  when,  their  business  not  being  finished, 
Arnold  persuaded  him  to  go  to  the  house  of  Joshua  H. 
Smith,  at  some  distance  from  the  river,  where  he  was 
concealed  during  the  day.  Arnold  left  him  in  the  morn 
ing  and  went  to  West  Point.  It  was  Andre's  expecta 
tion  and  wish  to  return  to  the  Vulture ;  but,  this  not 
being  practicable,  he  left  Smith's  house  in  the  dusk  of 
the  evening  on  horseback,  and  crossed  the  river  at  King's 
Ferry  with  a  written  pass  signed  by  Arnold,  in  which 
the  bearer  was  called  John  Anderson.  Before  leaving 
Smith's  house  he  exchanged  his  regimentals  for  a  citizen's 
dress,  over  which  he  wore  a  dark,  loose  great-coat. 

The  next  day  while  riding  alone  towards  New  York, 
he  was  suddenly  stopped  in  the  road  by  three  armed 
militia-men,  Paul  ding,  Williams,  and  Van  Wart,  about  half 
a  mile  north  of  Tarrytown.  They  searched  him,  and 
found  papers  secreted  in  his  boots.  From  this  discovery 
they  inferred  that  he  was  a  spy  ;  arid,  taking  him  back 
to  the  nearest  American  outpost  at  North  Castle,  they 
delivered  him  over  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Jameson,  who 
was  stationed  there  with  a  party  of  dragoons.  Jameson 
examined  the  papers,  and  knew  them  to  be  in  the  hand 
writing  of  Arnold.  They  were  of  a  very  extraordinary 
character,  containing  an  exact  account  of  the  state  of 


JEr.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  315 

things  at  West  Point,  and  of  the  strength  of  the  garrison,  •  CHAPTER 
with  remarks  on    the  different   works,    and  a  report   of  a       XIL 
council  of  war  recently  held    at  the  head-quarters  of  the     1780. 
army.     Jameson  was  amazed  and  bewildered.     He  sent  a 
messenger  to  Arnold  with  a  letter,  stating  that  a  prisoner, 
who  called  himself  John  Anderson,    had  been  brought  to 
him  and  was  then  in  custody,  and  that  papers  had  been 
found   upon  his  person,    which  seemed  to  him  of  a  dan 
gerous   tendency.      At   the   same    time   he   despatched   an 
express  to   General   Washington,    then   supposed  to  be  on 
the    road    returning    from    Hartford.      This    express   was 
the   bearer   of  the   papers,    which    had    been   taken   from 
Andre's  boots. 

The  next  morning  Andre  was  sent,   under  the  charge 


of  Major  Tallmadge,  to  Colonel  Sheldon's  quarters  at  New  General 
Salem  for  greater  security.  Being  now  convinced  that 
there  was  no  hope  of  escape,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  General 
Washington  revealing  his  name  and  true  character.  Till 
this  time  no  one  about  him  knew  who  he  was,  or  that 
he  held  a  military  rank.  He  submitted  the  letter  to 
Major  Tallmadge  and  other  officers,  who  read  it  with 
astonishment. 

Having  finished  his  interview  with  the  French  com-  Arnold  es- 
manders,  Washington  returned  from  Hartford  by  the  up-  enemy.01 
per  route  through  Fishkill.  Consequently  the  express,  sept.25. 
who  was  sent  with  the  papers,  and  who  took  the  lower 
route,  by  which  Washington  had  gone  to  Hartford,  did 
not  meet  him,  but  came  back  to  North  Castle.  In  the 
mean  time  Washington  pursued  his  journey  by  the  way 
of  Fishkill  to  West  Point.  Two  or  three  hours  before 
he  reached  Arnold's  house,  which  was  on  the  side  of  the 
river  opposite  to  West  Point  and  at  a  considerable  dis 
tance  below,  the  messenger  arrived  there  with  the  letter 
from  Jameson,  by  which  Arnold  was  informed  of  the  cap 
ture  of  Andre.  He  read  it  with  some  degree  of  agitation, 
and,  pretending  that  he  was  suddenly  called  to  West 
Point,  mounted  a  horse  standing  at  the  door,  rode  to  the 
river,  entered  his  barge,  and  ordered  the  men  to  row  down 


316 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  48. 


1780. 


Andre  con- 
demned  as 
a  spy  by  a 
board  of 
officers. 


Sept.  29. 


Andre  exe 
cuted. 


October  2. 


British    gen 
eral  endeav 
ors  to  pro 
cure  Andre's 
release. 


the  stream.  When  the  barge  approached  King's  Ferry, 
he  held  up  a  white  handkerchief,  and  the  officer  who 
commanded  at  Verplanck's  Point,  supposing  it  to  be  a  flag- 
boat,  allowed  it  to  pass  without  inspection.  Arnold  pro 
ceeded  directly  to  the  Vulture,  which  was  still  at  anchor 
in  the  river  near  the  place  where  Andre  had  left  it. 

Washington  arrived  at  Arnold's  house,  and  went  over 
to  West  Point,  without  hearing  any  thing  of  Arnold. 
On  his  return,  however,  in  the  afternoon  he  received  the 
abovementioned  letter  from  Andre,  and  the  papers  found 
in  his  boots,  which  had  been  forwarded  from  North  Cas 
tle.  The  plot  was  now  unravelled.  The  first  thing  to 
be  done  was  to  secure  the  posts.  Orders  were  imme 
diately  despatched  to  all  the  principal  officers,  and  every 
precaution  was  taken. 

Andre  was  first  removed  to  West  Point,  and  thence  to 
the  head-quarters  of  the  army  at  Tappan.  A  board  of 
officers  was  summoned,  and  directed  to  inquire  into  the 
case  of  Major  Andre,  report  the  facts,  and  give  their  opin 
ion,  both  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  his  offence,  and  to 
the  punishment  that  ought  to  be  awarded.  Various  pa 
pers  were  laid  before  the  board,  and  Andre  himself  was 
questioned,  and  desired  to  make  such  statements  and 
explanations  as  he  chose.  After  a  full  investigation  the 
board  reported,  that  the  prisoner  came  on  shore  in  the 
night,  to  hold  a  private  and  secret  interview  with  General 
Arnold ;  that  he  changed  his  dress  within  the  American 
lines,  and  passed  the  guards  in  a  disguised  habit  and  un 
der  a  feigned  name ;  that  he  was  taken  in  the  same 
disguised  habit,  having  in  his  possession  several  papers, 
which  contained  intelligence  for  the  enemy  ;  and  that  he 
ought  to  be  considered  as  a  spy,  and,  according  to  the 
law  and  usage  of  nations,  to  suffer  death.  General  Wash 
ington  approved  this  decision  ;  and  Major  Andre  was  exe 
cuted  at  Tappan  on  the  2d  of  October. 

While  Andre's  case  was  pending,  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
used  every  effort  in  his  power  to  rescue  him  from  his 
.fate.  He  wrote  to  General  Washington,  and  endeavored 


S.T   48.] 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


317 


to  show,  that  he  could  not  be  regarded  as  a  spy,  inasmuch  CHAPTER 
as  he  came  on  shore  at  the  request  of  an  American  gen-  XIL 
eral,  and  afterwards  acted  by  his  direction.  Connected  1780. 
with  all  the  circumstances,  this  argument  could  have  no 
weight.  That  he  was  drawn  into  a  snare  by  a  traitor 
did  not  make  him  the  less  a  spy.  As  the  guilt  of  Arnold 
was  the  cause  of  all  the  evils  that  followed,  an  exchange 
of  him  for  Andre  would  have  been  accepted  ;  but  no  such 
proposal  was  intimated  by  the  British  general ;  and  perhaps 
it  could  not  be  done  consistently  with  honor  and  the 
course  already  pursued.  From  the  moment  of  his  cap 
ture  till  that  of  his  execution,  the  conduct  of  Andre  was 
marked  with  a  candor,  self-possession,  and  dignity,  which 
betokened  a  brave  and  noble  spirit.  There  was  no  strong 
er  trait  in  the  character  of  Washington  than  humanity ; 
the  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  others  touched  him 
keenly  j  and  his  feelings  were  deeply  moved  at  the  part 
he  was  compelled  to  act  in  consenting  to  the  death  of 
Andre  ;  yet  justice  to  the  office  he  held,  and  to  the  cause 
for  which  his  countrymen  were  shedding  their  blood,  left 
him  no  alternative.  * 


*  A  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  particulars  relating  to  this  sub 
ject  is  contained  in  SPARKS'S  Life  and  Treason  of  Arnold,  being  the 
third  volume  of  the  Library  of  American  Biography. 

Immediately  after  the  capture  of  Andre*,  rumors  went  abroad,  that 
other  officers  of  high  rank  in  the  American  army  were  implicated  with 
Arnold.  It  was  proved  afterwards,  that  these  rumors  were  set  afloat 
by  the  enemy,  for  the  purpose  of  exciting  distrust  and  discord  in  the 
American  camp.  Till  this  fact  was  established,  however,  General 
Washington  felt  extreme  anxiety,  and  omitted  no  effort  to  ascertain 
the  truth.  Secret  agents  were  sent  into  New  York  to  make  inquiries 
and  procure  intelligence.  The  intercourse  was  managed  chiefly  by 
Major  Henry  Lee,  who  was  stationed  with  his  dragoons  on  the  lines, 
and  whose  ability  and  address,  as  well  as  his  energy  and  promptitude, 
peculiarly  qualified  him  for  such  a  service.  A  project  was  likewise  set 
on  foot  for  seizing  the  person  of  Arnold.  The  romantic  adventures  of 
Sergeant  Champe,  while  engaged  in  this  enterprise,  as  related  in  Lee's 
Memoirs,  are  well  known.  There  is  an  error  of  some  importance,  how 
ever,  in  that  narrative.  Its  chief  interest  arises  from  the  supposed  cir 
cumstance,  that  Champe  was  employed  to  bring  away  Arnold  for  the 


318 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  48. 


CHAPTER 
XII. 

1780. 

Gloomy 
state  of  af 
fairs  at  the 
south. 


General 
Greene. 


Congress 
adopt  Wash 
ington's 
advice  in 
regard  to 
the  army. 


While  these  operations  were  going  on  at  the  north, 
all  the  intelligence  from  the  south  gave  evidence,  that 
affairs  in  that  quarter  were  assuming  a  gloomy  aspect. 
The  British  forces,  with  Lord  Cornwallis  at  their  head, 
were  overrunning  the  Carolinas ;  and  preparations  were 
making  in  New  York  to  detach  a  squadron  with  troops 
to  fall  upon  Virginia'.  The  defeat  of  General  Gates  near 
Camden,  in  South  Carolina,  was  a  heavy  blow  upon  the 
Americans,  and  left  them  in  a  state  from  which  it  was 
feared  they  would  not  soon  recover.  Congress  requested 
General  Washington  to  appoint  an  officer  to  succeed 
Gates  in  the  command  of  the  southern  army.  With  his 
usual  determination  and  judgment  he  selected  General 
Greene,  who  repaired  to  the  theatre  of  action,  in  which 
he  was  so  eminently  distinguished  during  the  subsequent 
years  of  the  war. 

Gaining  an  increased  confidence  in  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  which  a  long  experience  of  his  wisdom  and  disin 
terestedness  authorized,  Congress  at  length  adopted  the 
important  measures,  in  regard  to  the  army,  which  he  had 
earnestly  and  repeatedly  advised  and  enforced.  They  de 
creed  that  all  the  troops,  thenceforward  to  be  raised, 
should  be  enlisted  to  serve  during  the  war ;  and  that  all 
the  officers,  who  continued  in  the  service  to  the  end  of 
the  war,  should  be  entitled  to  half-pay  for  life.  Wash 
ington  ever  believed,  that,  if  this  system  had  been  pur 
sued  from  the  beginning,  it  would  have  shortened  the 
war,  or  at  least  have  caused  a  great  diminution  in  the  ex 
pense.  Unfortunately  the  States  did  not  comply  with  the 
former  part  of  the  requisition,  but  adhered  to  the  old 
method  of  filling  up  their  quotas  with  men  raised  for  three 


purpose  of  saving  Andre  ;  whereas  Champe  did  not  go  into  New  York 
till  eighteen  days  after  Andrews  execution.  Lee's  narrative  was  written 
many  years  after  the  events,  and,  from  the  confusion  of  dates  into 
which  he  has  fallen,  it  seems  probable  that  his  memory  failed  him,  and 
that  he  ascribed  the  adventures  of  two  individuals  to  Sergeant  Champe. 
—  See  Writings  of  Washington,  Vol.  VII.  p.  548 ;  and  Life  and  Trea 
son  of  Arnold,  p.  267. 


JET.  48.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  319 

years  and   for  shorter  terms.  ,  The  extreme   difficulty   of  CHAPTER 
procuring  recruits  was  the  reason  assigned  for  persevering        XIL 
in  this  practice.  1780. 

Lafayette  commanded   six  battalions  of  light   infantry,  nan  for  at- 

'  .  TT&  .  .  3  '     tacking  the 

stationed  in  advance  of  the  main  army.  He  projected  a  enemy, 
descent  upon  Staten  Island,  but  was  prevented  from  exe-  November, 
cuting  it  by  the  want  of  boats.  A  plan  was  likewise 
formed  for  a  general  attack  on  the  north  part  of  New 
York  Island.  The  enemy's  posts  were  reconnoitred,  ex 
tensive  preparations  were  made,  and  a  large  foraging  party 
was  sent  into  Westchester  County  to  mask  the  design, 
and  draw  the  attention  of  the  enemy  that  way.  But  the 
sudden  appearance  of  several  armed  vessels  in  the  river 
caused  the  enterprise  to  be  deferred  and  finally  abandoned. 
The  foraging  expedition,  conducted  by  General  Stark,  was 
successful. 

The  army  went  into  winter  quarters  at  the  end  of  No-  Army  goes 
vember ;   the  Pennsylvania  line  near  Morristown,  the  New  quarter*. 
Jersey  regiments   at  Pompton,  and    the   eastern    troops   in 
the  Highlands.     The  head-quarters  of  the  Commander-in- 
chief  were  at  New  Windsor.     The  French  army  remained 
at  Newport,  except  the  Duke   de    Lauzun's  legion,  which 
was  cantoned  at  Lebanon  in  Connecticut. 


320 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON 


[-fix.  49. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


1781. 


Mutiny  of  the  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  Troops.  —  Agency  of  Wash 
ington  in  procuring  Supplies  from  France.  —  Limited  Powers  of  Con 
gress. —  Operations  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Chesapeake.  —  Detachment  to 
Virginia  under  Lafayette.  —  General  Washington  visits  Count  de  Ro- 
chambeau  at  Newport.  —  Condition  of  the  Army.  —  Interview  between 
the  American  and  French  Commanders  at  Weathersfield.  —  Plan  of 
Operations.  —  A  Combined  Attack  on  New  York  proposed.  —  Junction 
between  the  American  and  French  Armies.  —  Intelligence  from  Count 
de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  changes  the  Objects  of  the  Campaign. — 
Successful  Operations  of  Lafayette  against  Cornwallis.  —  The  combined 
Armies  cross  the  Hudson  and  march  to  Virginia.  —  The  Fleet  of  Count 
de  Grasse  enters  the  Chesapeake.  —  Siege  of  Yorktown.  —  Capitulation. 
—  The  American  Army  returns  to  Hudson's  River ;  the  French  remains 
in  Virginia. 

THE  year  1781  opened  with  an  event,  which  filled  the 
country  with  alarm,  and  threatened  dangerous  consequen 
ces.  On  the  1st  of  January  a  mutiny  broke  out  among 


Mutiny  of     the   Pennsylvania  troops,    stationed   near   Mornstown,    and 

the  Perm-  * 

Bylvania 

troops. 


January  1. 


about  thirteen  hundred  men  paraded  under  arms,  refused 
obedience  to  their  officers,  killed  one  captain,  mortally 
wounded  another,  and  committed  various  outrages.  The 
mutineers  marched  in  a  body  towards  Princeton  with  six 
fieldpieces,  avowing  their  intention  to  proceed  to  Phila 
delphia,  and  demand  from  Congress  a  redress  of  their 
grievances.  They  complained  that  their  pay  was  in  ar 
rears,  that  they  were  obliged  to  receive  it  in  a  depreciated 
currency,  that  many  of  the  soldiers  were  detained  beyond 
the  term  of  their  enlistment,  and  that  they  had  suffered 
every  hardship  for  the  want  of  money,  provisions,  and 
clothing.  By  the  prudence  and  good  management  of  Gen 
eral  Wayne,  who  took  care  to  supply  them  with  pro 
visions  on  their  march,  they  were  kept  from  plundering 
the  inhabitants  and  other  excesses.  He  sent  the  intelli 
gence  of  the  revolt  by  an  express  to  General  Washing- 


fir.  49.J  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  321 

ton,  who,  considering  the   number   of  the   mutineers   and    CHAPTER 
the  apparent  justice  of  their  complaints,  recommended  to       xm> 
him  not  to  use  .force,  which  might  inflame  their  passions,     1781. 
increase  opposition,  keep  alive  resentment,  and  tempt  them 
to  turn  about  and  go  to  the  enemy,  who  would  not  fail 
to  hold  out   alluring  offers.      He    advised  General  Wayne 
to    draw  from  them  a  statement    of   their  grievances,  and 
promise   to  represent  the   case   faithfully  to  Congress   and 
the    State    of   Pennsylvania,    and    endeavor  to  obtain   re 
dress. 

These  judicious  counsels  had  the  effect  desired.  A  Mutiny  sup- 
committee  of  Congress,  joined  by  the  President  of  Penn 
sylvania,  met  the  revolters  at  Trenton,  and  made  propo 
sals  to  them,  which  were  accepted,  and  they  gave  up 
their  arms.  An  ambiguity  in  the  written  terms  of  enlist 
ment  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  dissatisfaction. 
The  agreement  on  the  part  of  the  soldiers  was,  to  serve 
for  three  years  or  during  the  war.  By  the  interpretation, 
which  the  officers  gave  to  these  expressions,  they  bound 
the  soldiers  to  serve  to  the  end  of  the  war ;  whereas  the 
soldiers  insisted  that  they  engaged  for  three  years  only, 
or  during  the  war  if  it  should  come  to  an  end  before  the 
three  years  had  elapsed.  Accordingly  they  demanded  a 
discharge  at  the  expiration  of  that  period.  This  con 
struction  being  allowed,  it  was  the  means  of  disbanding 
a  large  part  of  the  Pennsylvania  line  for  the  winter,  but 
it  was  recruited  again  in  the  spring  to  its  original  com 
plement.  The  revolters  were  indignant  at  the  suspicion 
of  their  going  to  the  enemy,  and  scorned  the  idea,  as 
they  expressed  it,  of  turning  Arnolds.  Two  emissaries 
sent  among  them  with  overtures  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
were  given  up,  tried  by  a  court-martial,  and  executed. 

Not  knowing   how   far  this   example  might   infect   the  Mutiny  of 
troops  generally,  the  sufferings  of  all  of  whom  were   not  Je?«syew 
less  than  those  of  the   Pennsylvania  line,  General  Wash 
ington  took   speedy  measures  to  prevent  the  repetition   of 
such  a  scene  as  had  just   occurred.      He  ordered  a  thou 
sand  trusty  men  to  be  selected  from  the  regiments  in  the 
41 


322 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  49. 


1781. 


Washing 
ton's  aid  in 
procuring 
money  and 
supplies 
from  France. 


January  15. 


Highlands,  and  held  in  readiness  to  march,  with  four 
days'  provisions,  at  the  shortest  notice.  The  wisdom  of 
this  precaution  was  soon  put  to  the  proof;  for  news  came, 
that  the  New  Jersey  troops,  stationed  at  Pompton  and 
Chatham,  were  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  having  risen  in 
arms  against  their  officers,  and  threatened  to  march  to 
Trenton,  where  the  legislature  of  the  State  was  then  in 
session,  and  demand  redress  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
The  case  required  promptness  and  energy.  Six  hundred 
men  were  put  under  the  command  of  General  Howe,  with 
orders  to  march  and  crush  the  revolt  by  force,  unless  the 
men  should  yield  unconditional  submission  and  return  to 
their  duty.  These  orders  were  faithfully  executed.  Taken 
by  surprise,  the  mutineers  were  compelled  to  parade 
without  their  arms,  make  concessions  to  their  officers,  and 
promise  obedience.  To  impress  them  with  the  enormity 
of  their  guilt,  and  deter  them  and  others  from  future  acts 
of  the  kind,  two  of  the  ringleaders  were  tried  by  a  field 
court-martial  and  shot.  By  this  summary  proceeding  the 
spirit  of  mutiny  in  the  army  was  subdued. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distracting  events  Washington 
was  employed,  at  the  request  of  Congress,  in  affording 
important  counsels  to  Colonel  John  Laurens,  who  had 
been  appointed  on  a  mission  to  France,  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  a  loan  and  military  supplies.  Such  was  the 
deranged  state  of  the  currency,  so  low  had  the  resources 
of  the  country  been  drained,  and  so  feeble  was  the  power 
of  drawing  them  out,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  all,  the 
military  efforts  of  the  United  States  could  not  be  exerted 
with  a  vigor  suited  to  the  exigency  of  the  occasion,  nor 
even  with  any  thing  more  than  a  languishing  inactivity, 
unless  sustained  by  succors  from  their  allies  both  in 
money  and  supplies  for  the  army.  The  sentiments  of 
Washington,  communicating  the  fruits  of  his  knowledge, 
experience,  and  judgment,  with  the  weight  of  his  name, 
were  thought  essential  to  produce  a  just  impression  on 
the  French  cabinet.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Colonel  Lau 
rens,  remarkable  for  its  appropriateness  and  ability,  con- 


&T.  49.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


323 


1-781. 


taining  a  clear  and  forcible  representation  of  facts,  with  CHAPTER 
arguments  in  support  of  the  application  of  Congress,  which 
was  first  presented  by  that  commissioner  to  Dr.  Franklin, 
and  afterwards  laid  before  the  ministry  and  the  King. 
The  influence  of  this  letter,  in  procuring  the  aids  solicit 
ed  from  the  French  government,  may  be  inferred  from 
the  circumstance  of  -a  recent  loan  being  accompanied 
with  the  suggestion,  that  the  money  to  be  appropriated 
for  the  army  should  be  left  at  the  disposal  of  General 
Washington.* 

«  In  a  letter  to  Lafayette,  dated  at  Versailles,  March  10th,  1781, 
Count  de  Vergennes  wrote  as  follows.  "The  King  has  just  deter 
mined  on  the  succors  of  different  kinds,  with  which  the  Americana 
are  to  be  furnished  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  I  shall  not  give  you 
a  detailed  account  of  them,  as  I  am  transmitting  one  to  the  Chev 
alier  de  la  Luzerne,  who,  I  have  no  doubt,  will  communicate  it  to 
you.  I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  General  Washington  will  be 
satisfied  with  our  efforts  for  the  support  of  the  American  cause,  and 
that,  on  his  part,  he  will  do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  render  them 
available.  I  beg  that  you  will  assure  him  of  the  entire  confidence, 
which  we  place  in  his  zeal,  patriotism,  and  talents,  and  that  we  shall 
sincerely  rejoice  when  he  shall  have  acquired  the  glory  of  having  de 
livered  his  country  and  secured  her  liberties." 

Among  the  succors  here  mentioned  for  the  year  1781,  which  were 
granted  before  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Laurens  in  France,  was  a  sub 
sidy  to  the  United  States  of  six  millions  of  livres.  The  French 
ministry,  designing  this  money  for  a  special  succor  to  the  army, 
proposed,  that,  after  a  certain  portion  had  been  paid  for  military 
articles  purchased  in  Europe,  the  remainder  should  be  at  the  dispos 
al  of  General  Washington,  and  disbursed  in  such  a  manner  as  he 
should  think  best  for  the  general  good.  This  idea  was  expressed 
to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  he  communicated  it  to  Congress.  The  jealousy 
and  fears  of  that  body  were  immediately  alarmed.  They  were  not 
satisfied  that  the  head  of  the  army  should  possess  such  an  agent, 
in  addition  to  his  military  power.  M.  de  la  Luzerne  was  at  first  a 
little  concerned  at  this  uneasiness,  as  it  was  mingled  with  latent 
suspicions  of  the  design  of  the  French  court,  in  making  this  dispo 
sition  of  the  money  ;  but  luckily  he  discovered  in  Count  de  Ver- 
gennes's  letter  to  him,  that  General  Washington,  "or  some  other 
person,"  was  indicated.  He  immediately  removed  the  anxieties  of 
Congress  by  communicating  this  fact,  and  informing  them  that  the 
money  was  within  their  control.  Not  long  afterwards  he  saw  Gen 
eral  Washington,  who  thanked  him  cordially  for  his  interference,  and 
for  thus  relieving  him  from  a  very  responsible  task,  which  he  had  no 
desire  to  perform,  and  which  would  excite  the  jealousy  of  his  enemies. 


324  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [-Ex.  49. 

CHAPTER  The  existence  of  an  army,  and  the  prosecution  of  war, 

xm-  depend  on  the   power   of  the   civil   head   of  a  nation,  as 

1781.  we\[  as  on  jts  resources.    So  loose  were  the  ties  by  which 

Powers  of  the  confederacy  was    bound  together,  so  limited  was   the 

doubtful  and  control  exercised  by  Congress  over  the  States,  and  so  little 

inefficient.  J  .  J 

inclined  were  the  parts  to  unite  in  a  consolidated  whole, 
that,  from  imbecility  on  the  one  hdnd  and  public  apathy 
on  the  other,  Washington  became  more  and  more  fearful 
of  the  consequences.  "The  great  business  of  war,"  said 
he,  "can  never  be  well  conducted,  if  it  can  be  conduct 
ed  at  all,  while  the  powers  of  Congress  are  only  recom 
mendatory.  While  one  State  yields  obedience,  and  anoth 
er  refuses  it,  while  a  third  mutilates  and  adopts  the 
measure  in  part  only,  and  all  vary  in  time  and  manner, 
it  is  scarcely  possible  that  our  affairs  should  prosper,  or 
that  any  thing  but  disappointment  can  follow  the  best 
concerted  plans.  The  willing  States  are  almost  ruined 
by  their  exertions ;  distrust  and  jealousy  ensue.  Hence 
proceed  neglect  and  ill-timed  compliances,  one  State  wait 
ing  to  see  what  another  will  do.  This  thwarts  all  our 
measures  after  a  heavy  though  ineffectual  expense  is  in 
curred."  And  he  adds,  on  the  point  of  vesting  Congress 
with  competent  powers ;  "  Our  independence,  our  respec 
tability  and  consequence  in  Europe,  our  greatness"  as  a 
nation  hereafter,  depend  upon  it.  The  fear  of  giving 
sufficient  powers  to  Congress,  for  the  purposes  I  have 
mentioned,  is  futile.  A  nominal  head,  which  at  present 
is  but  another  name  for  Congress,  will  no  longer  do. 
That  honorable  body,  after  hearing  the  interests  and 
views  of  the  several  States  fairly  discussed  and  explain 
ed  by  their  representatives,  must  dictate,  and  not  merely 
recommend  and  leave  it  to  the  States  to  do  afterwards  as 
they  please,  which,  as  I  have  observed  before,  is  in  many 
cases  to  do  nothing  at  all."  These  sentiments  he  often 
repeated  in  letters  to  his  friends,  but  more  as  an  expres 
sion  of  his  wishes  than  in  the  confidence  of  hope.  The 
time  for  establishing  a  firm  and  united  government  had 
not  come.  Nor  indeed  was  it  to  be  expected  that  the 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  325 

States,  jealous  of  their  rights,  and  each  possessing  within  CHAPTER 

itself  the  substance  and  the  forms  of  a  separate  common-  XIIL 

wealth,  would  resign  without  great  caution  these  positive  1781. 
advantages    for  the  doubtful   security  of   a   new  and    un 
tried  system. 

It  is  remarkable,  however,  that  Congress  assumed   and  caution  or 

0  Congress  in 

exercised  certain  powers  implying  the  highest  prerogatives  ^rcisine 
of  sovereignty,  while  they  neglected  to  use  others  of  a  powers, 
subordinate  kind,  which  were  less  likely  to  be  abused,  and 
were  even  more  necessary  to  move  the  great  machine  of 
government.  They  made  war,  declared  independence, 
formed  treaties  of  alliance,  sent  ministers  to  foreign  courts, 
emitted  a  paper  currency  and  pledged  the  credit  of  all 
the  States  for  its  redemption,  and  on  more  than  one  oc 
casion  conferred  dictatorial  powers  on  the  commander  of 
their  armies.  These  acts  of  supreme  power  they  hazard 
ed  without  scruple  or  hesitation,  without  consulting  their 
constituents  or  the  fear  of  displeasing  them  ;  but  they 
ventured  only  to  recommend  to  the  States  to  raise  troops, 
levy  taxes,  clothe  and  feed  their  naked  and  starving  sol 
diers,  and  to  execute  the  laws  for  the  purposes  of  inter 
nal  government  j  shrinking  from  the  responsibility  of  en 
forcing  their  decrees,  or  even  of  advising  compulsory 
measures. 

This  seeming  contradiction  is  not  inexplicable.  Their 
course  was  prudent,  perhaps  necessary.  The  first  series 
of  acts  here  enumerated  did  not  bear  immediately  upon 
the  people.  Alliances  might  be  entered  into,  a  foreign 
minister  might  come  or  go,  an  army  might  be  Voted  or 
the  credit  of  the  nation  pledged,  and  no  individual  would 
feel  any  present  inconvenience  ;  whereas,  if  a  man  was 
required  to  be  a  soldier,  to  pay  a  tax,  or  give  up  part 
of  his  substance,  he  would  begin '  to  think  of  himself, 
talk  of  his  rights,  complain  of  hardships,  and  question  the 
authority  that  demanded  obedience.  The  difficulty  of  ex 
acting  such  obedience  by  force,  and  the  danger  of  the 
attempt,  are  equally  obvious. 

The  British   general  seems  not  to  have  meditated  any 


326 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


49. 


1781. 

British  gen 
eral  sends  a 
detachment 
to  Virginia 
under  Ar- 


Part  of  the 
French  fleet 
sails  for  the 
Chesapeake. 

February. 


offensive  operations  in  the  northern  States  for  the  coming 
campaign.  His  attention  was  chiefly  directed  to  the  south, 
where  such  detachments  as  could  be  spared  from  his 
army  at  New  York  were  to  cooperate  with  Lord  Corn- 
wallis.  Sixteen  hundred  men,  with  a  proportionate  num 
ber  of  armed  vessels,  were  sent  into  the  Chesapeake  under 
the  command  of  Arnold,  who  was  eager  to  prove  his  zeal 
for  the  cause  of  his  new  friends  by  the  mischief  he  could 
do  to  those,  whom  he  had  deserted  and  sought  to  be 
tray.  Before  his  arrival  in  the  Chesapeake,  General  Leslie 
had  left  Virginia  and  sailed  for  Charleston ;  so  that  Arnold 
received  the  undivided  honor  of  his  exploits,  and,  what 
he  valued  more  highly,  a  liberal  share  of  the  booty  that 
fell  into  his  hands.  He  burnt  Richmond,  seized  private 
property,  and  committed  depredations  in  sundry  places. 

About  the  middle  of  January  the  British  fleet  block 
ading  the  harbor  of  Newport  was  so  much  shattered  and 
dispersed  by  a  violent  storm,  that  the  scale  of  superiority 
turned  in  favor  of  the  French  squadron.  The  Chevalier 
de  Ternay  had  recently  died,  and  M.  Destouches,  who 
succeeded  him  in  the  command,  reconnoitred  the  enemy's 
fleet  after  the  storm,  and,  finding  it  well  secured  in  Gar 
diner's  Bay,  at  the  east  end  of  Long  Island,  he  was  not 
inclined  to  seek  an  engagement.  Taking  advantage  of 
the  opportunity,  however,  he  detached  a  ship  of  the  line 
and  two  frigates  under  M.  de  Tilly  to  the  Chesapeake, 
with  the  design  to  blockade  Arnold's  squadron,  and  to 
act  against  him  in  concert  with  the  American  troops  on 
land.  'As  soon  as  General  Washington  heard  of  the  dam 
age  suffered  by  the  British  ships,  he  wrote  to  Count  de 
Rochambeau,  recommending  that  M.  Destouches  should 
proceed  immediately  to  Virginia  with  his  whole  fleet  and 
a  thousand  troops  from  the  French  army.  This  advice 
was  not  received  till  after  the  departure  of  M.  de  Tilly 
from  Newport,  when  it  was  too  late  to  comply  with  it, 
as  the  British  fleet  in  the  mean  time  had  gained  strength, 
and  made  it  hazardous  for  M.  Destouches  to  leave  the 
harbor. 


jEr.49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  327 

M.  de  Tilly's    expedition    was   only  in  part   successful.    CHAPTER 
He  entered  the  Chesapeake,  but  Arnold    drew   his  vessels       XIIL 
so  high  up  the   Elizabeth  River,   that  they  could  not  be     1781. 
reached  by  the  French  line-of-battle  ship ;  and  one  of  the  French  fleet 

.  .  .. .  ai       returns  to 

frigates  ran  aground,   and  was  set  afloat  again  with  dim-  Newpon. 
culty.      As  M.  de  Tilly    could    not    remain    long    in    the 
Chesapeake    without    the  hazard  of  being  blockaded  by  a 
British  force,  he  put  to  sea   and   arrived  at  Newport  after  February  24. 
an  absence  of  fifteen  days. 

Although  the  British  had  repaired  their  damaged  vessels,  Naval  ac 
tion  between 
yet  by  the  junction   of  M.  de  Tilly   an  equality  was  re-  the  British 

J  and  French 

stored  to  the  French ;  and  M.  Destouches,  in  conformity  fleets. 
to  the  recommendation  of  General  Washington,  resolved  March  16. 
on  an  expedition  to  Virginia  with  his  whole  naval  force, 
to  which  Count  de  Rochambeau  added  eleven  hundred 
troops,  commanded  by  Baron  de  Viomenil.  The  French 
were  pursued  by  Admiral  Arbuthnot  with  all  his  blockad 
ing  squadron,  and  overtaken  near  the  capes  of  Virginia, 
where  an  action  ensued,  which  terminated  with  nearly 
equal  honor  to  both  parties.  The  object  of  the  expedi 
tion  was  thus  defeated,  unless  it  was  a  part  of  M.  Des- 
touches's  purpose  to  bring  on  a  naval  engagement,  which 
is  not  improbable.  The  fleet  returned  to  Newport  with 
out  attempting  to  enter  the  Chesapeake. 

The  moment  Washington  received  the  intelligence,  that  Lafayette 
M.   de  Tilly   had  sailed    to   the    southward,    he  detached  detachment 

to  Virginia. 

twelve  hundred  men  from  his  army  to  proceed  by  land 
to  the  Chesapeake  and  cooperate  with  the  French  against 
Arnold.  At  the  head  of  this  detachment  he  placed  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  being  influenced  in  his  choice  both 
by  a  political  motive,  and  by  his  confidence  in  the  abil-  . 
ity  and  bravery  of  that  officer.  The  appointment  was 
complimentary  to  the  allies,  and  it  was  thought  that  har 
mony  would  be  more  surely  preserved  by  a  commander, 
who  was  beloved  by  the  American  troops,  and  respected 
for  his  rank  and  character  by  his  own  countrymen.  La 
fayette  marched  from  Hudson's  River  on  the  20th  of 
February.  On  his  arrival  in  Virginia,  his  seniority  of 


328  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jET.  49. 

CHAPTER   rank  would  give  him  the  command  of  all  the  Continental 
XIIL       troops  in  that  State,    and    of   all    the    militia   drawn   into 
1781.     the  service    to  oppose    the    enemy   in  the   waters   of  the 
Chesapeake.     Hitherto    Baron    Steuben  had  conducted  the 
operations    against    Arnold    in    Virginia,    having    been  de 
tained  for  that  purpose  when   on   his   way   to  join   Gen 
eral  Greene. 

Washington  To  mature  the  plans  for  the  campaign,  and  to  commu- 
chambeauat  nicate  with  the  French  commanders,  on  points  that  could 
not  be  safely  intrusted  to  writing,  General  Washington 
made  a  journey  to  Newport.  He  left  head-quarters  on 
the  2d  of  March,  and  was  absent  nearly  three  weeks. 
He  arrived  a  day  or  two  before  M.  Destouches's  depar 
ture  on  the  expedition  above  mentioned.  The  citizens  of 
Newport  received  him  with  a  public  address,  expressive 
of  their  attachment,  their  gratitude  for  his  services,  and 
the  joy  they  felt  at  seeing  him  among  them.  In  his  re 
ply,  he  took  care  to  reciprocate  and  confirm  the  sentiments, 
which  they  had  declared  in  regard  to  the  allies.  "  The 
conduct  of  the  French  army  and  fleet,"  said  he,  "  of 
which  the  inhabitants  testify  so  grateful  and  so  affectionate 
a  sense,  at  the  same  time  that  it  evinces  the  wisdom  of 
the  commanders  and  the  discipline  of  the  troops,  is  a 
new  proof  of  the  magnanimity  t  of  the  nation.  It  is  a 
further  demonstration  of  that  generous  zeal  and  concern 
for  the  happiness  of  America,  which  brought  them  to 
our  assistance,  a  happy  presage  of  future  harmony,  a 
pleasing  evidence  that  an  intercourse  between  the  two 
nations  will  more  and  more  cement  the  union,  by  the 
solid  and  lasting  ties  of  mutual  affection."  In  short,  the 
meeting  between  the  commanders  of  the  allied  armies  was 
in  all  respects  satisfactory  to  both  parties;  but  the  pro 
jects  of  the  enemy  were  so  uncertain,  and  future  opera 
tions  depended  so  much  on  contingent  and  unforeseen 
events,  that  nothing  more  could  be  agreed  upon,  than 
general  arrangements  for  acting  in  concert  at  such  times 
and  places  as  circumstances  should  require. 

Although    the    design   of    the    British  general   was   not 


&r.  49.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  329 

then  known,  it  appeared  afterward  that  he  aimed  to  trans-    CHAPTER 

fer  the  seat  of  war  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  if   possible  to  XIIL_  _ 

Pennsylvania.*      This   scheme    was   urged  by  Lord  Corn-      1781. 
wallis,  who  was  of  the  opinion  that  it  ought  to  be  pursued   British  gen- 

D  r  eral  traua- 

even  at  the  expense  of  abandoning  New  York.  To  aid 
in  effecting  it,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  sent  another  detach- 
ment  to  Virginia,  consisting  of  two  thousand  men,  under 
General  Phillips,  who  was  ordered  to  cooperate  with  Ar 
nold,  and  ultimately  with  Lord  Cornwallis,  it  being  presum 
ed  that  Cornwallis  would  make  his  way  through  North 
Carolina,  and  be  able  to  succor  these  troops  in  Virginia, 
and  probably  to  join  them  with  his  army. 

The  first  object   of   Lafayette's    expedition    was   to   act 


*  The  secret  designs  of  the  British  commanders  could  not,  of  course, 
be  understood,  except  as  they  were  unfolded  by  events.  But  General 
Washington  was  always  well  informed  of  all  the  principal  transactions 
within  the  enemy's  lines,  and  was  thereby  enabled  to  judge  very  accu 
rately  of  the  force  and  situation  of  the  opposing  army,  and  to  anticipate 
any  important  operation  that  was  about  to  be  undertaken.  Throughout 
the  war  he  had  spies  in  New  York,  who  were  unacquainted  with  each 
other,  and  whose  intelligence  came  through  different  channels.  By 
comparing  their  accounts  he  was  commonly  well  informed  of  all  the 
enemy's  movements,  and  was  able  to  judge  with  considerable  accuracy 
what  plans  they  had  in  contemplation.  One  individual  was  occupied  in 
this  way  nearly  the  whole  war.  His  letters  were  full,  and  the  informa 
tion  he  communicated  was  usually  correct.  He  was  on  terms  of  inti 
macy  with  the  British  officers,  and  frequently  obtained  his  intelligence 
from  the  highest  sources.  His  letters  were  sent  by  way  of  Long  Is 
land,  and  thence  across  the  Sound  to  Connecticut.  At  one  period  he 
had  an  agent  in  Bergen,  through  whose  hands  his  letters  passed.  The 
principal  officers  near  the  lines  were  also  intrusted  with  the  business 
of  procuring  intelligence,  and  employed  spies  for  that  purpose,  whose 
reports  were  transmitted  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  Various  devices 
were  practised  for  concealment.  A  cipher  was  used  in  part,  but  the 
most  effectual  mode  was  to  write  with  an  invisible  ink,  which  could  be 
made  to  appear  only  by  rubbing  over  the  surface  of  the  paper  a  chem 
ical  fluid,  prepared  in  a  particular  manner.  The  spies  were  supplied 
with  this  ink  and  fluid.  A  short  letter  would  be  written  on  some  trivial 
subject  with  common  ink,  and  the  remainder  of  the  sheet  would  be 
filled  with  invisible  characters.  Fictitious  names  were  used  for  the  sig 
natures  and  superscriptions.  With  these  precautions,  the  risk  of  detec 
tion  was  very  small,  even  if  the  letter  was  intercepted. 
42  n2 


330  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Ex.  49. 

CHAPTER    in  conjunction   with   the  French  fleet ;   but,  as  no   part  of 
XIIL       the  fleet  entered  the  Chesapeake,  he  was  disappointed  in 
178l>     that  purpose.     His  troops  advanced  no  farther  than  Anna- 
XCene's     Pons>  although  he  went  forward  himself  to  Williamsburg. 
expedition.     Having  ascertained  that  an  English  squadron  had  entered 
the  Chesapeake,    instead    of  the    French,    he  immediately 
prepared  to  return  with  his  detachment  to  <the  main  army 
near    the    Hudson.      He  proceeded  by  water  to  the  Head 
Apni  a.     of  Elk,    where    he    received    additional    instructions    from 
General  Washington,  directing  him  to  march  to  the  south, 
and  either   meet    the    enemy  in  Virginia,  or  continue    on 
ward    to    the    southern    army,    as  should   be  advised   by 
General   Greene. 

sentiments  The  enemy  ascended  the  Chesapeake  Bay  and  its  prin- 
ton  respect-  cipal  rivers,  with  their  small  armed  vessels,  plundering 
duct  of  his  and  laying  waste  the  property  of  the  inhabitants.  One  of 
whe»  th«  e,n-  these  vessels  came  up  the  Potomac  to  Mount  Vernon ;  and 

emy  landed 

tne  manager  of  the  estate,  with  the  hope  of  saving  the 
houses  from  being  pillaged  and  burnt,  yielded  to  the  de 
mands  of  the  officers  in  a  manner,  which  excited  the 
regret  and  displeasure  of  Washington.  In  reply  to  his 
manager,  who  had  informed  him  of  the  particulars,  he 
said  ;  "  I  am  very  sorry  to  hear  of  your  loss  j  I  am  a 
little,  sorry  to  hear  of  my  own  ;  but  that  which  gives  me 
most  concern  is,  that  you  should  go  on  board  the  enemy's 
vessels,  and  furnish  them  with  refreshments.  It  would 
have  been  a  less  painful  circumstance  to  me  to  have 
heard,  that,  in  consequence  of  your  non-compliance  with 
their  request,  they  had  burned  my  house  and  laid  the 
plantation  in  ruins.  You  ought  to  have  considered  your 
self  as  my  representative,  and  should  have  reflected  on 
the  bad  example  of  communicating  with  the  enemy,  and 
making  a  voluntary  offer  of  refreshments  to  them  with  a 
view  to  prevent  a  conflagration.  It  was  not  in  your  pow 
er,  I  acknowledge,  to  prevent  them  from  sending  a  flag 
on  shore,  and  you  did  right  to  meet  it ;  but  you  should, 
in  the  same  instant  that  the  business  of  it  was  unfolded, 
have  declared  explicitly,  that  it  was  improper  for  you  to 


^E-r.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  331 

yield  to  the   request ;   after  which,  if  they  had  proceeded    CHAPTER 
to  help   themselves  by  force,  you  could  but  have  submit-       XI11> 
ted  ;    and,  being  unprovided    for  defence,    this   was   to   be      1 7  8 1  - 
preferred    to   a  feeble  opposition,    which  only  serves   as  a 
pretext    to  burn  and  destroy."     The   reader   need   not   be 
reminded  of  the  accordance  of  these  sentiments  with  the 
noble  disinterestedness,  which  regulated  his  conduct  through 
the  whole  of  his  public  life. 

An  extract  from  his  diary,  written  on  the  1st  of  May, 
will  exhibit  in  a  striking  manner  the  condition  of  the  ar 
my  at  that  time,  and  the  prospects  of  the  campaign. 

"  To  have  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  entries,  which  condition  of 
may  follow,  it  would  be  proper  to  recite  in  detail  our 
wants  and  our  prospects  ;  but  this  alone  would  be  a  work 
of  much  time  and  great  magnitude.  It  may  suffice  to 
give  the  sum  of  them,  which  I  shall  do  in  a  few  words. 
Instead  of  having  magazines  filled  with  provisions,  we 
have  a  scanty  pittance  scattered  here  and  there  in  the 
different  States  ;  instead  of  having  our  arsenals  well  sup 
plied  with  military  stores,  they  are  poorly  provided  and 
the  workmen  all  leaving  them ;  instead  of  having  the 
various  articles  of  field-equipage  in  readiness  to  be  deliv 
ered,  the  quartermaster-general,  as  the  dernier  resort,  accord 
ing  to  his  account,  is  but  now  applying  to  the  several 
States  to  provide  these  things  for  their  troops  respectively  ; 
instead  of  having  a  regular  system  of  transportation  es 
tablished  upon  credit,  or  funds  in  the  quartermaster's  hands 
to  defray  the  contingent  expenses  of  it,  we  have  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other,  and  all  that  business,  or  a  great 
part  of  it,  being  done  by  military  impress,  we  are  daily 
and  hourly  oppressing  the  people,  souring  their  tempers, 
and  alienating  their  affections  ;  instead  of  having  the  regi 
ments  completed  to  the  new  establishment,  which  ought 
to  have  been  done  agreeably  to  the  requisitions  of  Con 
gress,  scarce  any  State  in  the  Union  has  at  this  hour  an 
eighth  part  of  its  quota  in  the  field,  and  little  prospect 
that  I  can  see  of  ever  getting  more  than  half;  in  a  word, 
instead  of  having  every  thing  in  readiness  to  take  the  field,  . 


332 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


49. 


CHAPTER 
XIII. 


1781. 


Arrival  of 
Count  de 
Barras. 

May6. 


Conference 
between  the 
American 
and  French 
commanders 
at  Weath 
ers  field. 

May  22. 


Objects  of 
the  confer 
ence. 


we  have  nothing ;  and,  instead  of  having  the  prospect  of 
a  glorious  offensive  campaign  before  us,  we  have  a  bewil 
dered  and  gloomy  defensive  one,  unless  we  should  receive 
a  powerful  aid  of  ships,  land  troops,  and  money  from  our 
generous  allies,  and  these  at  present  are  too  contingent 
to  build  upon." 

Happily  the  train  of  affairs  took  a  more  favorable  turn 
than  he  anticipated.  In  a  short  time  he  received  the 
cheering  intelligence,  that  Count  de  Barras  had  arrived 
in  Boston  harbor  with  a  French  frigate,  that  other  vessels 
and,  a  reinforcement  of  troops  from  France  might  soon  be 
looked  for,  and  that  a  fleet  under  the  Count  de  Grasse 
would  sail  from  the  West  Indies  to  the  United  States  in 
July  or  August.  Another  meeting  between  the  comman 
ders  of  the  allied  armies  was  thus  rendered  necessary.  It 
took  place  at  Weathersfield,  in  Connecticut,  on  the  22d 
of  May.  Count  de  Barras,  having  succeeded  M.  Des- 
touches  in  the  command  of  the  French  squadron,  was 
detained  at  Newport  by  the  appearance  of  a  British  fleet 
off  the  harbor;  but  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  a  major- 
general  in  the  army,  accompanied  Count  de  Rochambeau. 
On  the  part  of  the  Americans  were  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  General  Knox,  and  General  Duportail. 

The  two  principal  objects  brought  under  consideration 
were  ;  first,  a  southern  expedition  to  act  against  the  ene 
my  in  Virginia  ;  secondly,  a  combined  attack  on  New 
York.  The  French  commander  leaned  to  the  former  ; 
but  he  yielded  to  the  stronger  reasons  for  the  latter,  which 
was  decidedly  preferred  by  General  Washington.  A  move 
ment  to  the  south  must  be  wholly  by  land,  the  French 
fleet  being  inferior  to  that  of  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  by 
which  it  was  blockaded,  and  of  course  not  in  a  condi 
tion  to  go  to  sea.  The  difficulty  and  expense  of  transpor 
tation,  the  season  of  the  year  in  which  the  troops  would 
reach  Virginia,  being  the  hottest  part  of  summer,  and  the 
waste  of  men  always  attending  a  long  march,  were  for 
midable  objections  to  the  first  plan.  It  was  believed, 
also,  that  the  enemy's  force  in  New  York  had  been  so 


JEr.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  333 

much  weakened  by  detachments,  that    Sir  Henry  Clinton  CHAPTER 

would  be  compelled  either  to   sacrifice    that  place    and  its  xm' 

dependencies,  or  recall  part  of  his  troops  from   the   south  1781. 
to  defend  them. 

It  was  therefore    agreed,    that    Count    de    Rochambeau  circular  let- 
should  march  as  soon  as  possible  from  Newport,  and  form  governors  of 

the  eastern 

a  junction  with  the  American  army  near  Hudson's  River,  states. 
Before  leaving  Weathersfield,  a  circular  letter  was  written  May  24. 
by  General  Washington  to  the  governors  of  the  eastern 
States,  acquainting  them  with  the  result  of  the  confer 
ence,  and  urging  them  to  fill  up  their  quotas  of  Conti 
nental  troops  with  all  possible  despatch,  and  to  hold  a 
certain  number  of  militia  in  readiness  to  march  at  a 
week's  notice.  If  men  could  not  be  obtained  for  three 
years,  or  during  the  war,  he  recommended  that  they 
should  be  enlisted  for  the  campaign  only,  deeming  the 
exigency  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance,  both  in  a 
military  point  of  view  and  in  its  political  bearings  ;  for 
the  zeal  of  the  Americans,  and  their  willingness  to  make 
sacrifices  for  the  common  cause,  "would  be  estimated  by 
the  manner  in  which  they  should  now  second  the  efforts 
of  their  allies,  and  contribute  to  give  effect  to  their  prof 
fered  services.  A  body  of  militia  was  likewise  to  be 
called  to  Newport,  for  the  defence  of  the  French  fleet  in 
the  harbor  after  the  departure  of  the  troops.  The  two 
commanders  returned  to  their  respective  armies,  and  pre 
pared  to  put  their  plan  in  execution. 

It  may  here  be  observed,  that,  after  the  treaty  of  alii- 
ance,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  feeling  secure  of 
their  independence  by  the  powerful  aid  of  France,  be 
came  more  and  more  remiss  in  complying  with  the  requi 
sitions  of  Congress.  The  eastern  and  middle  States  in 
particular,  after  the  French  troops  had  arrived  in  the 
country,  and  the  theatre  of  war  had  been  transferred  by 
the  enemy  to  the  south,  relapsed  into  a  state  of  com 
parative  inactivity  and  indifference  ;  the  more  observable 
on  account  of  the  contrast  it  presented  with  the  ardor, 
energy,  and  promptitude  which  had  previously  character- 


334  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON,  [^Ex.  49 

CHAPTER   ized    them.      To   shake   off   this   lethargy,  or  at  least   to 
X!IL       counteract  its  influence  and  stimulate  them  to  furnish  the 
1781.     supplies   absolutely   necessary   for   the    army,    Washington 
resorted    to    every   expedient,    which    he    thought    would 
operate  on  their  public  spirit  and  immediate  interests. 
Washing-  Hence  he  had    determined,   nearly   a    year   before  this 

respecting119  time,  to  give  out  and  cause  it  to  be  believed,  that   New 
York  was  the   point  of  attack    at   which   he  aimed  with 


all  the  force  and  means  that  could  be  collected.  Speak 
ing  on  this  subject  at  a  later  date,  he  said,  "It  never 
was  in  contemplation  to  attack  New  York,  unless  the 
garrison  should  first  have  been  so  far  disgarnished  to 
carry  on  the  southern  operations,  as  to  render  our  success 
in  the  siege  of  that  place  as  infallible  as  any  future  mili 
tary  event  can  ever  be  made.  For,  I  repeat  it,  and  dwell 
upon  it  again  and  again,  some  splendid  advantage  (whether 
upon  a  larger  or  smaller  scale  was  almost  immaterial)  was 
so  essentially  necessary  to  revive  the  expiring  hopes  and 
languid  exertions  of  the  country,  at  the  crisis  in  question, 
that  I  never  would  have  consented  to  embark  in  any 
enterprise,  wherein,  from  the  most  rational  plan  and  ac 
curate  calculations,  the  favorable  issue  should  not  have 
appeared  as  clear  to  my  view  as  a  ray  of  light.  The 
failure  of  an  attempt  against  the  posts  of  the  enemy 
could,  in  no  other  possible  situation  during  the  war,  have 
been  so  fatal  to  our  cause.'7  The  main  object  was  to 
strengthen  the  army  and  obtain  supplies.  The  mode  of 
applying  them  might  be  regulated  according  to  circum 
stances. 

Large  extent        The     attention    of    the    Commander-in-chief    was    but 
ington's"      partially   taken   up  with    the    affairs   under   his   own    eye. 

command. 

He  held  a  constant  correspondence  with  General  Greene 
and  Lafayette,  who  kept  him  informed  of  the  operations 
at  the  south,  and  asked  his  advice  and  direction  on  points 
of  difficulty  and  importance.  The  western  posts  beyond 
the  Alleganies  were  also  under  his  command,  and  re 
quired  much  of  his  care.  Incursions  of  the  enemy  from 
Canada  kept  the  northern  frontier  in  a  state  of  alarm, 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  335 

and  a  considerable  portion  of  the   New   York    troops  was    CHAPTER 
called  away  for  the  protection  of  that  quarter.  XIIL 

The   wants   of  the   army,    especially  in  the   article  of      1781. 
bread,    were   at   this   time  relieved   by   the   generous   and  Robert 
spirited    exertions    of   Robert    Morris,    recently    appointed 
Superintendent    of    Finance   by    Congress.      He   procured 
from  contractors   two  thousand  barrels  of  flour,  promising 
hard    money,    and    pledging  his    own    credit   for  its  pay 
ment.     The  act  was  voluntary,  and  the  relief  seasonable. 
It  was   one   of  the   many   valuable   services,    which    that 
distinguished  patriot  rendered  to  his  country. 

General  Washington  drew  the  several  parts  of  his  army  Junction  of 

„      ,      .  ,  ,       ,  .        „  .  .  the  Ameri- 

out    of   their    quarters,    and    took    his    first    position   near  can  and 
Peekskill,    but    soon    advanced   towards    New   York,   and  mies. 
encamped   on   the   4th   of  July  near   Dobbs's   Ferry,   and      jaiy  e. 
about   twelve  miles    from    Kingsbridge.      On    the   6th  he 
was  joined    by   Count   de    Rochambeau  with  the   French 
army,  which    had  marched  in  four  divisions   from  Provi 
dence   by  way  of    Hartford.      The   Americans    encamped 
in    two    lines,  with    their    right    resting    on    the    Hudson. 
The   French  occupied  the  left,  in  a  single  line  extending 
to  the  river  Brunx. 

Preparations  were  made  for  an  attack  on  the  north  part 


of  New  York  Island  a  short  time  before  the  junction  of  on  New  ** 
the  two  armies.  General  Lincoln  descended  the  Hudson 
with  a  detachment  of  eight  hundred  men  in  boats  for 
this  purpose,  landed  above  Haerlem  River,  and  took  pos 
session  of  the  high  ground  near  Kingsbridge.  At  the 
same  time  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  was  to  advance  from 
East  Chester  with  his  legion,  and  fall  upon  Delancey's 
corps  of  refugees  at  Morrisania.  Unforeseen  causes  pre 
vented  the  attack,  and  Lauzun  did  not  arrive  in  season 
to  effect  his  part  of  the  enterprise.  After  some  skirmish 
ing  the  enemy's  outposts  were  withdrawn  to  the  other 
side  of  Haerlem  River.  General  Washington  came  forward  juiy  21. 
with  the  main  army  as  far  as  Valentine's  Hill,  four  miles 
from  Kingsbridge,  to  support  General  Lincoln  in  case  it 
should  be  necessary.  The  troops  lay  upon  their  arms 


336 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JE-r.  49 


CHAPTER    during  the    night,  and  the    next    day  retired    to   the   en- 
XI11'       cainpment  near  Dobbs's  Ferry. 

At  this  place  the  two   armies  continued  six  weeks.     A 

Enemy's       pian  of   a  general  attack  was  formed,  and    the   two  corn- 
works  re-       r 

manders  reconnoitred  the  enemy's  works,   first  by  passing 

over  the  Hudson  and  viewing  them  across  the  river  from 
the  elevated  grounds  between  Dobbs's  Ferry  and  Fort 
Lee,  and  next  at  Kingsbridge  arid  other  places  in  its  vi 
cinity.  But  the  recruits  came  in  so  tardily  from  the 
States,  that  the  army  was  never  in  a  condition  to  au 
thorize  an  undertaking  of  such  magnitude  without  the 
cooperation  of  a  French  fleet  superior  to  the  British  ; 
more  especially  as  a  reinforcement  of  about  three  thou 
sand  Hessian  recruits  arrived  in  New  York  from  Europe. 
A  despatch  had  early  been  sent  to  Count  de  Grasse  in 
the  West  Indies,  advising  him  to  sail  directly  to  Sandy 
Hook,  and  thus  secure  a  naval  superiority.  On  this  con 
tingency  depended  the  execution  of  the  plan. 

While  these  operations  were  in  progress,  a  French 
frigate  arrived  at  Newport  with  a  letter  from  Count  de 
Grasse,  dated  at  Cape  Francois  in  St.  Domingo,  stating 
that  he  should  shortly  sail  from  that  place  with  his  whole 
fleet  and  three  thousand  two  hundred  land  troops  for  the 
Chesapeake.  This  letter  was  received  by  General  Wash 
ington  on  the  14th  of  August.  It  produced  an  immedi 
ate  change  in  the  objects  of  the  campaign.  The  engage 
ments  of  Count  de  Grasse  in  the  West  Indies  were  such, 
that  he  could  not  promise  to  remain  on  the  coast  beyond 
the  middle  of  October.  It  being  doubtful  whether,  with 
all  the  force  that  could  be  collected,  and  with  the  fairest 
prospect  of  ultimate  success,  the  siege  of  New  York  could 
Agreed  that  be  brought  to  an  issue  by  that  time,  it  was  resolved  at 
edearmTeSm~  once  to  abandon  that  project,  and  proceed  to  Virginia 
with  the  whole  of  the  French  troops,  and  such  a  part  of 
the  American  army  as  could  be  spared  from  the  defence 
of  the  posts  on  Hudson's  River  and  in  the  Highlands. 
In  this  decision  Count  de  Rochambeau  cordially  united, 
and  the  march  to  the  south  began  without  delay. 


Count  de 
Grasse. 


should 
march  to 
Virginia. 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTO,  337 

Cornwallis  had  advanced    from    North  Carolina,    formed  CHAPTER 
a  junction    with   the    British    detachment    in   the    Chesa-       XIIL 
peake,   and  overrun  the  lower  counties    of   Virginia;   but     1781- 

he  was  checked  by  the  active  exertions   and  skilful  man-  success  of 

'  Lafayette  iu 

oeuvres  of  Lafayette,  whose  generalship  and  prudent  con-  Virginia, 
duct  merited  the  greatest  applause.  This  was  peculiarly 
gratifying  to  Washington,  who,  in  case  of  failure,  might 
have  been  censured  for  intrusting  to  so  young  an  officer 
the  hazardous  experiment  of  encountering  one  of  the  most 
experienced  and  accomplished  generals  of  the  age.  "  Be 
assured,  my  dear  Marquis,"  said  Washington  in  writing  juiy  an 
to  him,  "  your  conduct  meets  my  warmest  approbation,  as 
it  must  that  of  everybody.  Should  it  ever  be  said,  that 
my  attachment  to  you  betrayed  me  into  partiality,  you 
have  only  to  appeal  to  facts  to  refute  any  such  charge." 
Count  de  Vergennes  bore  similar  testimony.  In  a  letter 
to  Lafayette  he  said  ;  "  I  have  followed  you  step  by  step 
through  your  whole  campaign  in  Virginia,  and  should  of 
ten  have  trembled  for  you,  if  I  had  not  been  confident 
in  your1  wisdom.  It  requires  no  common  ability  and  skill 
to  enable  a  man  to  sustain  himself  as  you  have  done, 
and  during  so  long  a  time,  before  such  a  general  as  Lord 
Cornwallis,  who  is  lauded  for  his  talents  in  war ;  and  this 
too,  with  such  a  great  disproportion  in  your  forces."  The 
minister  of  war  was  also  commanded  by  the  King  to  ex 
press  the  royal  approbation  in  the  warmest  terms,  and  to 
assure  Lafayette  of  his  being  raised  to  the  rank  of  field- 
marshal  in  the  French  army,  when  his  services  should 
be  no  longer  required  in  the  United  States.* 

It  was  the  first  object  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau 


*  An  incident  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  alike  honorable  to 
the  character  of  Lafayette  and  expressive  of  his  disinterested  zeal, 
should  not  be  overlooked  in  this  place,  nor  ever  be  forgotten,  by  an 
American.  When  his  detachment  arrived  at  Baltimore,  on  its  march 
from  the  Head  of  Elk  to  the  south,  the  men  were  suffering  for  the 
want  of  suitable  clothes.  The  military  chest  was  exhausted.  He  pro 
cured  from  the  merchants  in  Baltimore,  on  his  personal  credit,  a  suf 
ficient  quantity  of  cloth  to  supply  the  want,  and  enable  the  soldiers 
43  i2 


338 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


49. 


CHAPTER    to  act  against  Cornwallis   in  Virginia.     Should  that  gen- 

X1IL       eral  retreat    to    North  Carolina,  it   was    then   intended   to 

1781.     pursue  him  with  a  part    of   the  combined  army,    and   to 

The  two  ar-  embark  the  remainder  on  board  the  French  fleet,  and  pro- 
.  ceed  with  it  to  Charleston,  which  was  at  that  time  held 
by  the  British.  The  two  armies  crossed  the  Hudson  at 
King's  Ferry,  and  marched  by  different  routes  to  Tren 
ton,  and  thence  through  Philadelphia  to  the  Head  of  Elk. 
The  stores  and  baggage,  with  one  regiment,  passed  down 
the  Delaware  by  water  to  Christiana  Creek.  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  of  course  ignorant  of  the  expected  approach 
of  Count  de  Grasse  to  the  Chesapeake,  and  much  finesse 
was  used  to  misguide  and  bewilder  him  in  regard  to  the 
design  of  these  movements ;  it  being  apprehended,  that, 
suspecting  the  real  object,  he  might  send  reinforcements 
to  Virginia  before  the  arrival  of  the  French  fleet.  Accord 
ingly  fictitious  letters  were  written  and  put  in  the  way 

to  pursue  their  march.  On  this  subject  he  wrote  to  Washington  as 
follows.  w  The  merchants  of  Baltimore  have  lent  me  a  sum  of  about 
two  thousand  pounds,  which  will  procure  some  shirts,  linen  over-alls, 
shoes,  and  a  few  hats.  The  ladies  will  make  up  the  shirts,  and  the 
over-alls  will  be  made  by  the  detachment,  so  that  our  soldiers  have  a 
chance  of  being  a  little  more  comfortable.  The  money  is  lent  upon 
my  credit,  and  I  become  security  for  the  payment  in  two  years'  time, 
when,  by  the  French  laws,  I  may  better  dispose  of  my  estate.  But 
before  that  time  I  am  to  use  my  influence  with  the  French  court,  in 
order  to  have  as  soon  as  possible  this  sum  of  money  added  to  any 
loan  Congress  will  have  been  able  to  obtain  from  them."  Alluding  to 
this  generous  act,  Washington  said,  in  a  letter  to  him ; 

"The  measures  you  had  taken  to  obtain,  on  your  own  credit,  a 
supply  of  clothing  and  necessaries  for  the  detachment,  must  entitle 
you  to  all  their  gratitude  and  affection ;  and  will,  at  the  same  time 
that  it  endears  your  name,  if  possible,  still  more  to  this  country,  be 
an  everlasting  monument  of  your  ardent  zeal  and  attachment  to  its 
cause,  and  the  establishment  of  its  independence.  For  my  own  part, 
my  dear  Marquis,  although  I  stood  in  need  of  no  new  proofs  of  your 
exertions  and  sacrifices  in  the  cause  of  America,  I  will  confess  to  you, 
that  I  shall  not  be  able  to  express  the  pleasing  sensations  I  have  ex 
perienced  at  your  unparalleled  and  repeated  instances  of  generosity 
and  zeal  for  the  service  on  every  occasion.  Suffer  me  only  to  pursue 
you  with  my  sincerest  wishes,  that  your  success  and  glory  may  al 
ways  be  equal  to  your  merits." 


JEr.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  339 

of  being  intercepted,   and  a  deceptive   provision  of  ovens,    CHAPTER 
forage,   and   boats    was  made  in    New  Jersey,    by    which       XIIL 
the   British  general  would  be  led   to  suppose,  that  an  at-     1781. 
tack  was  intended  from    that  quarter.      These    stratagems 
were  successful  to  the  extent  anticipated  ;  and  the    troops 
had  made  considerable  progress  in  their  march,  before  Sir 
Henry  Clinton  was  fully  aware  of  their  destination. 

General  Heath  was  left  in  the  command  on  Hudson's  General 
River.  The  moving  army  was  put  under  the  charge  of 
General  Lincoln.  The  soldiers,  being  mostly  from  the 
eastern  and  middle  States,  marched  with  reluctance  to  the 
southward,  and  showed  strong  symptoms  of  discontent 
when  they  passed  through  Philadelphia.  This  had  been 
foreseen  by  General  Washington,  and  he  urged  the  Su 
perintendent  of  Finance  to  advance  to  them  a  month's 
pay  in  hard  money.  But  there  was  no  such  money  in 
the  treasury.  Mr.  Morris  succeeded,  however,  in  borrow 
ing  for  this  purpose  twenty  thousand  hard  dollars  from 
the  French  commander,  which  he  promised  to  return 
within  thirty  days. 

General    Washington    and    Count  de   Rochambeau   pre-  The  two 
ceded  the  army  ;  and  the  former,  after  stopping  for  a  short  a?rTvTa"  ei 
time  in  Philadelphia,   hastened  forward   to  Mount  Vernon,  burg!am 
which  lay  in  his  route.      This  casual  visit  was  the  first     sept.  14. 
he  had  paid  to  his  home   since  he  left    it  to  attend    the 
second   Continental    Congress,    a  period   of  six  years   and 
five  months  ;  so  entirely  had  he  sacrificed  his  time,  per 
sonal    interests,    and    local  attachments  to  the  service   of 
his  country.      Nor  did  he  now  remain  any  longer  than  to 
await  the  arrival  of  Count  de  Rochambeau,  whom  he  had 
left  at  Baltimore.     The  two  generals  then  made  all  haste 
to  the  head-quarters  of  Lafayette's  army  near  Williamsburg, 
which  they  reached  on   the   14th  of  September. 

In    the    mean    time    Count  de  Grasse,    with  his  whole  French  fleet, 
fleet,  consisting  of  twenty-six  ships  of  the  line  and  sev- 


eral  frigates  entered  the  Chesapeake,  after  a  partial  engage-  Chesapeake. 
ment  with  Admiral  Graves  off  the  Capes.      He  had   also 
been  joined  by  the    Count   de    Barras,    with    the    French 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  49. 


CHAPTER 
XIII. 

1781. 


Sept.  17. 


Cornvvallis 
takes  post 
at  York- 
town  and 
Gloucester. 


Siege  of 
jforktown. 

October. 


squadron  from  Newport.  Three  thousand  men  from  the 
West  Indies,  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  St.  Simon, 
had  already  landed,  and  united  with  Lafayette.  Trans 
ports  were  immediately  despatched  up  the  Chesapeake,  to 
bring  down  the  French  and  American  troops  from  the 
Head  of  Elk  and  Annapolis.  For  the  purpose  of  concert 
ing  measures  for  a  cooperation  between  the  naval  and  land 
forces,  the  two  commanders  held  a  conference  with  Count 
de  Grasse  on  board  the  Ville  de  Paris  at  Cape  Henry. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  expecting  aid  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  hoping  the  British  force  at  sea  would  be  superior  to 
the  French,  had  taken  possession  of  Yorktown  and  Glou 
cester,  two  places  separated  by  York  River,  and  nearly 
opposite  to  each  other.  The  main  part  of  his  army  was 
at  Yorktown,  around  which  he  threw  up  strong  works 
of  defence,  and  prepared  to  sustain  a  siege.  To  this  ex 
tremity  he  was  at  length  reduced.  All  the  troops  being 
assembled,  the  American  and  French  generals  marched 
from  the  encampment  near  Williamsburg,  and  completely 
invested  Yorktown  on  the  30th  of  September.  The 
Americans  were  stationed  on  the  right,  and  the  French 
on  the  left,  in  a  semicircular  line,  each  wing  resting  on 
York  River.  The  post  at  Gloucester  was  invested  by 
Lauzun's  legion,  marines  from  the  fleet,  and  Virginia  mi 
litia,  under  the  command  of  M.  de  Choisy,  a  brigadier- 
general  in  the  French  service. 

The  siege  was  carried  on  by  the  usual  process  of 
opening  parallels,  erecting  batteries,  firing  shot,  throwing 
shells,  and  storming  redoubts.  The  enemy  were  neither 
idle  nor  inefficient  in  their  efforts  for  defence  and  an 
noyance.  The  principal  event  was  the  storming  of  two 
redoubts  at  the  same  time ;  one  by  a  party  of  the  Amer 
ican  light  infantry,  the  other  by  a  detachment  of  French 
grenadiers  and  chasseurs  ;  the  former  headed  by  Lafayette, 
the  latter  by  the  Baron  de  Viomenil.  They  were  both 
successful.  The  assailants  entered  the  redoubts  with  the 
bayonet,  in  a  brave  and  spirited  manner,  under  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  enemy.  The  advanced  corps  of  the  Amer- 


JET.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  341 

lean  party  was   led  by    Colonel   Hamilton,   "  whose    well-    CHAPTER 
known  talents  and  gallantry,"    said   Lafayette    in   his    re-       XIIIj 
port,  "were  most  conspicuous  and  serviceable."     Colonels     1781. 
Laurens,    Gimat,   and   Barber    were   also   distinguished   in 
this  assault. 

The  besiegers  pushed  forward  their  trenches,  and  kept  cessation  of 
up  an  incessant  fire  from  their  batteries,  till  the  17th  of 
October,  when,  about  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the  en 
emy  beat  a  parley,  and  Lord  Cornwallis  sent  out  a  note 
to  General  Washington  proposing  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
for  twenty-four  hours,  and  the  appointment  of  commis 
sioners  on  each  side  to  settle  the  terms  for  surrendering 
the  posts  of  Yorktown  and  Gloucester.  In  reply  General 
Washington  requested,  that,  as  a  preliminary  step,  his 
Lordship  would  communicate  in  writing  the  terms  on 
which  he  proposed  to  surrender.  This  was  complied  with, 
and  hostilities  ceased. 

The   basis   of  a   capitulation,    furnished  by  the  British  Basis  of  a 

,         ,  ,     ,  .  f     capitulation 

general,  was,    that  the    garrisons    should   be  prisoners   of   proposed  by 
war,  with  the  customary  honors ;  that  the  British  and  Ger-  general. 
man  troops    should   be    sent  to  Europe,  under  an  engage 
ment  not  to  serve  against  France  or  America  till  released 
or  exchanged ;   that  all  arms  and  public  stores  should  be 
given  up ;  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  should  retain  their 
private  property ;  and  that  the  interest  of  several   individ 
uals  in  a  civil  capacity  should  be  attended  to.     This  last 
clause  was  designed  to  protect  the  traders  and  other  Amer 
icans,  who  had  joined  the  enemy. 

Some   of  these   points   not   being    admissible.     General  Terms  pre- 

scribed  by 

Washington  transmitted  an  answer  the  next  day,  in  which  Washington. 
he  sketched  the  outlines  of  a  capitulation,  and  informed 
Lord  Cornwallis,  that  he  was  ready  to  appoint  commis 
sioners  to  digest  the  articles.  All  the  troops  in  the  gar 
risons  were  to  be  prisoners  of  war,  and  marched  into 
such  parts  of  the  country  as  could  most  conveniently  pro 
vide  for  their  subsistence  ;  the  artillery,  arms,  accoutrements, 
military  chest,  and  public  stores,  with  the  shipping,  boats, 
and  all  their  furniture  and  apparel,  were  to  be  delivered 


342 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.  41). 


CHAPTER 
XIII. 

1781  . 


Articles 
agreed  to 
and  signed. 

October  19. 


Traders  and 
others  with 
in  the  ene 
my's  lines. 


Number  of 

prisoners. 


up;  the  officers  retaining  their  side-arms,  and  both  the 
officers  and  soldiers  preserving  their  baggage  and  effects, 
except  such  property  as  had  been  taken  in  the  country, 
which  was  to  be  reclaimed.  The  surrendering  army  was 
to  receive  the  same  honors  as  had  been  granted  by  the 
British  to  the  garrison  of  Charleston.  Upon  these  general 
terms  a  treaty  was  finally  adjusted ;  the  commissioners 
being  Colonel  Laurens  and  the  Viscount  de  Noailles  on 
the  part  of  the  Americans  and  French,  and  Colonel  Dun- 
das  and  Major  Ross  on  that  of  the  British.  The  articles 
of  capitulation  were  signed  on  the  19th  of  October,  and 
in  the  afternoon  of  that  day  the  garrisons  marched  out 
and  surrendered  their  arms. 

The  traders  within  the  enemy's  lines  were  not  regarded 
as  prisoners,  and  they  were  allowed  a  certain  time  to 
dispose  of  their  property  or  remove  it ;  but  no  provision 
was  made  for  other  persons  in  a  civil  capacity  within 
the  enemy's  lines.  At  the  request  of  Lord  Cornwallis, 
however,  the  Bonetta  sloop  of  war  was  left  at  his  dispo 
sal  for  the  purpose  of  sending  an  aid-de-camp  with  de 
spatches  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton  ;  and  in  this  vessel,  which 
was  suffered  to  depart  without  examination,  all  persons 
of  the  above  description  took  passage  for  New  York  ; 
and  thus  the  British  commander  was  enabled  to  maintain 
his  good  faith  towards  those,  who  had  joined  him  in  the 
country,  without  including  them  in  the  terms  of  capitu 
lation.  The  Bonetta,  with  her  crew,  guns,  and  stores, 
was  to  return  and  be  given  up. 

The  whole  number  of  prisoners,  exclusive  of  seamen, 
was  somewhat  over  seven  thousand  men  ;  and  the  British 
loss  during  the  siege  was  between  five  and  six  hundred. 
The  combined  army  employed  in  the  siege  consisted  of 
about  seven  thousand  American  regular  troops,  upwards 
of  five  thousand  French,  and  four  thousand  militia.  The 
loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  about  three  hundred. 
The  land  forces  surrendered  to  General  Washington,  and 
became  prisoners  to  Congress ;  but  the  seamen,  ships,  and 
naval  equipments,  were  assigned  to  the  French  admiral. 


JEr.  49.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  343 

The    success   was   more    complete,    and   more   speedily  CHAPTER 
attained,    than    had    been   anticipated.      The    capture    of 

Cornwallis,   with  so  large  a  part  of  the   British   army  in  1781. 

America,  occasioned  great  rejoicings  throughout  the  coun-  congress 

try.   as  affording  a  decisive  presage   of  the  favorable   ter-  ofuiLSto 

the  officers 

mination  of  the  war.  Congress  passed  a  special  vote  of  and  troops, 
thanks  to  each  of  the  commanders,  and  to  the  officers 
and  troops.  Two  stands  of  colors,  taken  from  the  enemy 
at  the  capitulation,  were  given  to  General  Washington, 
and  two  pieces  of  field-ordnance  to  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau  and  Count  de  Grasse  respectively,  as  tokens  of  the 
national  gratitude  for  their  services.  Congress  moreover 
resolved  to  commemorate  so  glorious  an  event  by  causing 
a  marble  column  to  be  erected  at  York  town,  adorned  with 
emblems  of  the  alliance  between  France  and  the  United 
States,  and  an  inscription  containing  a  narrative  of  the 
principal  incidents  of  the  siege  and  surrender. 

General  Washington,  believing  a  most  favorable  op-  Washington 
port  unity  now  presented  itself  for  following  up  this  sue-  elJEon" 
cess  by  an  expedition  against  Charleston,  wrote  a  letter  Charleston 
to  Count  de  Grasse  the  day  after  the  capitulation,  request 
ing  him  to  join  in  it  with  his  fleet.  He  also  went  on 
board  the  admiral's  ship,  as  well  to  pay  his  respects 
and  offer  his  thanks  for  what  had  already  been  done,  as 
to  explain  and  enforce  the  practicability  and  importance 
of  this  plan.  By  the  instructions  from  his  court,  and  by 
his  engagements  to  the  Spaniards,  Count  de  Grasse  was 
bound  to  return  to  the  West  Indies  without  delay,  and 
thus  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  accede  to  the  proposal. 
It  was  then  suggested,  that  he  should  transport  a  body 
of  troops  to  Wilmington,  in  North  Carolina,  and  land  them 
there  while  on  his  voyage.  To  this  he  at  first  made  no 
objection ;  but,  when  he  ascertained  that  there  would  be 
a  difficulty  in  landing  the  men  without  running  the  risk 
of  dividing  his  fleet,  or  perhaps  of  being  driven  off  the 
coast  with  the  troops  on  board,  he  declined  the  under 
taking.  Lafayette  was  to  command  this  expedition  ;  and 
the  purpose  of  it  was  to  take  a  British  post  at  Wilming- 


344  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  49 

CHAPTER    ton,  and  then  march  into  the  interior  and  unite  with  the 
XIIT>       southern  army  under  General  Greene. 

1781.         The  troops  commanded  by  the  Marquis  de  St.    Simon 

Marquis  de     were   embarked,    and   Count    de    Grasse    set    sail    for   the 

West  Indies.      Before   his  departure,    General  Washington 

presented  him  with  two  beautiful    horses,  as  a  testimony 

of  personal  consideration  and  esteem. 

Troops  re-  As   nothing   further    could    be    effected    by    the   allied 

tire  to  their  D  .  * 

winter  can-    forces   during   the   campaign,  a  detachment  01    two    thou- 

tonments. 

sand  -men,  comprising  the  Continental  troops  from  Penn 
sylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  was  put  under  General 
St.  Clair,  with  orders  to  reinforce  General  Greene  at  the 
south.  The  troops  belonging  eastward  of  Pennsylvania 
were  transported  by  water  to  the  Head  of  Elk,  whence 
they  marched  to  their  winter  cantonments  in  New  Jersey 
and  near  Hudson's  River.  The  French  army  remained 
in  Virginia  till  the  following  summer,  the  head-quarters 
of  Count  de  Rochambeau  being  at  Williamsburg. 

prisoners.  The  prisoners  were  marched  to  Winchester  in  Virginia, 
and  Fredericktown  in  Maryland  ;  and  a  part  of  them  sub 
sequently  to  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania.  Lord  Cornwallis, 
and  the  other  principal  officers,  went  by  sea  to  New 
York  on  parole. 

Death  ofMr.  All  these  affairs  being  arranged,  General  Washington 
left  Yorktown  on  the  5th  of  November.  The  same  day 
he  arrived  at  Eltham,  where  he  was  present  at  the  death 
of  Mr.  Custis,  the  only  son  of  Mrs.  Washington.  He 
stayed  there  a  few  days  to  mingle  his  grief  with  that  of 
the  afflicted  widow  and  mother.  The  occasion  was  not 
less  trying  to  his  sympathy  than  to  his  sensibility,  for 
he  had  watched  over  the  childhood  and  youth  of  the  de 
ceased  with  a  paternal  solicitude,  and  afterwards  associat 
ed  with  him  as  a  companion,  who  possessed  his  confi 
dence  and  esteem.  Mr.  Custis  was  a  member  of  the 
Virginia  legislature,  and  much  respected  for  his  public 
and  private  character.  He  died  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
eight,  leaving  four  infant  children,  the  two  youngest  of 
whom,  a  son  and  daughter,  were  adopted  by  General 


&T  49,]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  345 

Washington,  and  they  resided  in   his  family  till  the  end    CHAPTER 
of  his  life.  XI1L 

Prom  Eltham  he  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Mount  Ver-     1781. 
non  to  Philadelphia,  receiving  and  answering  various  pub-  Washington 
lie  addresses  while    on   his   journey.      The  day  after  his  phiSiphia. 
arrival   he    attended   Congress,    being  introduced    into  the     Nov.  27. 
hall  by  two  members,  and  greeted  with  a  congratulatory 
address   by  the   President.      He    was  requested  to  remain 
for  some  time  in  Philadelphia,  both  that  he  might  enjoy 
a   respite    from    the   fatigues  of   war,   and   that   Congress 
might  avail  themselves  of  his  aid,  in  making  preparations 
for  vigorous   and   timely  efforts  to   draw  every  advantage 
from  the  recent  triumph  of  the  allied  arms. 


44 


346 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  49 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Preparations  for  another  Campaign  recommended  and  enforced  by  General 
Washington  and  approved  by  Congress.  —  Lafayette  returns  to  France. 
—  The  Affair  of  Captain  Asgill.  —  Backwardness  of  the  States  in  recruit 
ing  the  Army.  —  Proposal  to  General  Washington  to  assume  Supreme 
Power,  and  his  Reply.  —  Sir  Guy  Carleton  gives  Notice,  that  Negotia 
tions  for  Peace  had  begun.  —  The  French  Troops  march  from  Virginia, 
join  General  Washington,  and  afterwards  embark  at  Boston.  —  Dissatis 
faction  of  the  Army.  —  The  Officers  send  a  Memorial  to  Congress.  — 
The  anonymous  Addresses  at  Newburg.  —  Intelligence  arrives,  that  a 
Treaty  of  Peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris.  —  General  Washington's 
Sentiments  concerning  the  civil  Government  of  the  Union.  —  His  Cir 
cular  Letter  to  the  States.  —  He  makes  a  Tour  to  the  North.  —  Repairs 
to  Congress  at  the  Request  of  that  Body.  —  His  Farewell  Address  to 
the  Army.  —  The  British  evacuate  New  York.  —  Washington  resigns 
his  Commission,  and  retires  to  private  Life  at  Mount  Vernon. 


1782. 

Another 

campaign 

expected. 


CHAPTER  FROM  the  state  of  affairs  at  this  time,  both  in  Europe 
XIVt  and  America,  it  was  evident  that  the  war  could  not  be 
of  much  longer  duration.  Considering  the  temper  hitherto 
manifested  by  the  British  cabinet,  however,  and  the  spirit 
with  which  a  large  majority  of  the  nation  had  sustained 
the  ministerial  measures,  it  was  generally  supposed  that 
another  campaign  would  be  tried.  This  was  Washing 
ton's  belief;  and,  in  his  communications  to  Congress  and 
to  persons  of  influence  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  he 
urged  the  importance  of  being  fully  prepared.  This  he 
regarded  as  the  wisest  policy  in  any  event.  If  the  war 
continued,  the  preparations  would  be  necessary  ;  if  it 
ceased,  they  would  have  a  favorable  effect  on  the  nego 
tiations  for  peace. 

He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  people,  from  a  mistaken 

uo"ns"Vecom-  idea  of  the  magnitude  of  the  late  success  in  Virginia, 
would  deceive  themselves  with  delusive  hopes,  and  grow 
remiss  in  their  efforts.  "  To  prevent  so  great  an  evil," 
said  he,  "  shall  be  my  study  and  endeavor ;  and  I  cannot 


Vigorou 
prepara- 


-ffiT.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  347 

but   flatter   myself,   that   the    States,  rather   than   relax  in    CHAPTER 
their    exertions,  will    be    stimulated  to   the   most  vigorous       XIV> 
preparations  for  another  active,  glorious,  and  decisive  cam-     1782. 
paign,    which,  if  properly  prosecuted,   will,  I  trust,  under 
the  smiles  of  Heaven,  lead  us  to  the  end  of  this  long  and 
tedious  war,  and  set  us  down  in  the  full  security  of  the 
great  object  of  our  toils,  the  establishment  of  peace,  lib 
erty,  and  independence.     Whatever  may  be  the  policy  of 
European  courts  during  this  winter,  their  negotiations  will 
prove  too  precarious  a  dependence  for  us  to  trust  to.     Our 
wisdom  should  dictate  a  serious  preparation  for  war,  and, 
in  that  state,  we  shall  find  ourselves  in  a  situation  secure 
against  every  event." 

These  sentiments  met  the  full  concurrence  of  Congress,   congress 
They  resolved  to  keep  up  the  same  military  establishment  requisitions 

,  of  troops  and 

as  the  year  before ;  and  to  call  on  the  States  to  complete  supplies. 
their  quotas  of  troops  at  an  early  day.  They  voted  new 
requisitions  of  money  and  supplies.  These  resolves  were 
adopted  with  a  promptness,  zeal,  and  unanimity,  which 
had  rarely  been  shown  on  former  occasions.  To  aid  in 
carrying  them  into  effect,  it  was  deemed  advisable  for 
the  Commander-in-chief  to  write  two  circular  letters  to 
the  governors  of  all  the  States.  The  first,  relating  to 
finance,  was  dated  on  the  22d  of  January,  1782,  and 
contained  arguments  for  raising  money  adequate  to  the 
public  exigencies,  particularly  the  payment  and  clothing 
of  the  troops.  The  second,  dated  a  week  later,  exhibited 
the  numbers  and  condition  of  the  army  then  in  tne  field, 
and  urged  the  completing  of  the  quotas  according  to  the 
requisition  of  Congress. 

"  To  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  and  happy  conclusion,"  circular 
said  he,  "  must  be  the  fervent  wish  of  every  lover  of  his  states, 
country  ;  and  sure  I  am,  that  no  means  are  so  likely  to  January  22. 
effect  these  as  vigorous  preparations  for  another  campaign. 
Whether,  then,   we   consult   our    true   interest,   substantial 
economy,  or  sound   policy,  we  shall   find,  that  relaxation 
and  languor  are  of  all  things  to  be  avoided.     Conduct  of 
that  kind  on  our  part  will  produce  fresh  hopes  and  new 


348 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  50. 


1782. 


Necessity 
of  vigorous 
efforts  to 
recruit  the 
army. 

January  31. 


Reasons 
for  prompt 
exertions  to 
prepare  for 
another 
campaign. 


exertions  on  that  of  the  enemy ;  whereby  the  war,  which 
has  already  held  out  beyond  the  general  expectation,  may 
be  protracted  to  such  a  length,  that  the  people,  groaning 
under  the  burden  of  it,  and  despairing  of  success,  may 
think  any  change  a  change  for  the  better." 

"  However,  at  this  advanced  stage  oT  the  war,  it  might 
seem  to  be  an  insult  to  the  understanding  to  suppose  a 
long  train  of  reasoning  necessary  to  prove,  that  a  respect 
able  force  in  the  field  is  essential  to  the  establishment 
of  our  liberties  and  independence  ;  yet.  as  I  am  apprehen 
sive  the  prosperous  issue  of  the  combined  operation  in 
Virginia  may  have  (as  is  too  common  in  such  cases)  the 
pernicious  tendency  of  lulling  the  country  into  a  lethargy 
of  inactivity  and  security  ;  and,  as  I  feel  my  own  repu 
tation,  as  well  as  the  interest,  the  honor,  the  glory,  and 
happiness  of  my  country,  intimately  connected  with  the 
event,  I  will  ask  the  indulgence  to  speak  more  freely  on 
those  accounts,  and  to  make  some  of  the  observations, 
which  the  present  moment  seems  to  suggest. 

"  The  broken  and  perplexed  state  of  the  enemy's  af 
fairs,  and  the  successes  of  the  last  campaign  on  our  part, 
ought  to  be  a  powerful  incitement  to  vigorous  prepara 
tions  for  the  next.  Unless  we  strenuously  exert  ourselves 
to  profit  by  these  successes,  we  shall  not  only  lose  all  the 
solid  advantages  that  might  be  derived  from  them,  but 
we  shall  become  contemptible  in  our  own  eyes,  in  the 
eyes  of  our  enemy,  in  the  opinion  of  posterity,  and  even 
in  the  estimation  of  the  whole  world,  which  will  consider 
us  as  a  nation  unworthy  of  prosperity,  because  we  know 
not  how  to  make  a  right  use  of  it. 

"  Although  we  cannot,  by  the  best  concerted  plans, 
absolutely  command  success,  although  the  race  is  not  al 
ways  to  the  swift  nor  the  battle  to  the  strong,  yet  with 
out  presumptuously  waiting  for  miracles  to  be  wrought  in 
our  favor,  it  is  our  indispensable  duty,  with  the  deepest 
gratitude  to  Heaven  for  the  past,  and  humble  confidence 
in  its  smiles  on  our  future  operations,  to  make  use  of 
all  the  means  in  our  power  for  our  defence  and  security. 


JEr.  50.]  L I F  E    O  F    W  A  S  H  I  N  G  T  O  N.  349 

This  period  is  particularly  important,  because  no  circum-  CHAPTER 
stances  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  have  been  so  XIV> 
favorable  to  the  recruiting  service  as  the  present,  and  1782. 
because  it  is  to  be  presumed,  from  the  increase  of  popu 
lation  and  the  brilliant  prospects  before  us,  that  it  is  ac 
tually  in  our  power  to  complete  the  army  before  the 
opening  of  the  campaign.  However  flattering  these  pros 
pects  may  be,  much  still  remains  to  be  done,  which  can 
not  probably  be  effected  unless  the  army  is  recruited  to 
its  establishment ;  and  consequently  the  continuance  or 
termination  of  the  war  seems  principally  to  rest  on  the 
vigor  and  decision  of  the  States  in  this  interesting  point. 
And,  finally,  it  is  our  first  object  of  policy,  under  every 
supposable  or  possible  case,  to  have  a  powerful  army 
early  in  the  field ;  for  we  must  suppose  the  enemy  are 
either  disposed  to  prosecute  the  war,  or  to  enter  into  a 
negotiation  for  peace.  There  is  no  other  alternative.  On 
the  former  supposition,  a  respectable  army  becomes  neces 
sary  to  counteract  the  enemy,  and  to  prevent  the  accumu 
lating  expenses  of  a  lingering  war  ;  on  the  latter,  nothing 
but  a  decidedly  superior  force  can  enable  us  boldly  to 
claim  our  rights  and  dictate  the  law  at  the  pacification. 
So  that,  whatever  the  disposition  of  the  enemy  may  be, 
it  is  evidently  our  only  interest  and  economy  to  act  liber 
ally,  and  exert  ourselves  greatly  during  the  present  winter 
to  cut  off  at  once  all  the  expenses  of  the  war  by  putting 
a  period  to  it. 

"  And  soon  might  that  day  arrive,  and  we  might  hope 
to  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  peace,  if  we  could  see  again 
the  same  animation  in  the  cause  of  our  country  inspiring 
every  breast,  the  same  passion  for  freedom  and  military 
glory  impelling  our  youths  to  the  field,  and  the  same  dis 
interested  patriotism  pervading  every  rank  of  men,  that 
was  conspicuous  at  the  commencement  of  this  glorious 
revolution  ;  and  I  am  persuaded,  that  only  some  great  oc 
casion  was  wanting,  such  as  the  present  moment  exhibits, 
to  rekindle  the  latent  sparks  of  that  patriotic  fire  into  a 
generous  flame,  to  rouse  again  the  unconquerable  spirit  of 


350  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [J£T.  50. 

CHAPTER    liberty,    which   has   sometimes   seemed    to   slumber   for  a 
XIVt       while,   into  the  full  vigor  of  action." 
1782.         Such  were  his  endeavors  to  stir  up  the  principal  persons 

French  loan,  in  the  several  States  to  what  he  believed  would  be  the 
last  great  effort  for  the  establishment  of  independence 
and  an  honorable  peace.  Other  methods  were  also  used 
to  provide  means  for  prosecuting  the  war.  Succors  con 
tinued  to  be  received  from  France,  and,  by  the  persever 
ing  application  of  Franklin  to  the  French  court,  a  loan  of 
six  millions  of  livres,  payable  in  monthly  instalments,  was 
promised  for  the  coming  year.  After  the  capitulation  at 
Yorktown,  there  being  no  prospect  of  further  active  ser- 

Lafayette      vice    till    the    next   campaign,    the    Marquis   de    Lafayette 

returns  to  .  J 

France.  obtained  permission  from  Congress  to  return  on  a  visit  to 
his  native  country.  Besides  passing  resolves  complimen 
tary  to  his  character,  zeal,  and  military  conduct,  Congress 
made  him  the  bearer  of  a  letter  to  the  King  of  France, 
in  which  he  was  commended  to  the  notice  of  his  sove 
reign  in  very  warm  terms.  Much  reliance  was  placed  on 
the  representations  he  would  make  concerning  the  state 
of  affairs  in  America,  and  on  his  influence  to  procure  the 
desired  assistance  from  the  French  government.  The  min 
isters  from  the  United  States  in  Europe  were  likewise 
instructed  to  confer  with  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and 
avail  themselves  of  his  knowledge  and  counsels.* 

Affair  of  About  the  middle  of  April,  General  Washington  left 

Philadelphia  and  joined  the  army,  establishing  his  head- 
April,  quarters  at  Newburg.  He  had  hardly  arrived  in  camp, 
when  he  heard  of  an  occurrence,  which  produced  much 

*  Several  of  the  French  officers,  belonging  to  Count  de  Rocham- 
beau's  army,  returned  to  Europe  soon  after  the  capitulation  at  Yorktown. 
The  impressions  they  had  received,  respecting  Washington,  may  be 
inferred  from  a  letter  which  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  wrote  to  him, 
on  the  18th  of  April.  "I  cannot  deny  myself  the  pleasure,"  said  he, 
"of  informing  you  of  the  sentiments,  with  which  the  reports  of  the 
French  officers,  on  their  return  to  Versailles,  inspired  the  court  and 
nation  towards  your  Excellency.  Their  testimony  can  add  nothing  to 
the  universal  opinion  respecting  the  great  services,  which  you  have 
rendered  to  your  country;  but,  to  the  esteem  and  admiration  of  the 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  351 

excitement  at  the  time,  and  led  to  consequences  of  con-  CHAPTER 
siderable  notoriety,  though  in  themselves  of  little  moment.  _3 
The  particulars  are  these.  Captain  Huddy,  an  American  1782. 
officer,  who  commanded  a  small  body  of  troops  in  Mon- 
mouth  County,  New  Jersey,  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  party 
of  refugees,  conveyed  into  New  York,  and  put  in  close 
confinement.  A  few  days  afterwards  he  was  sent  out  of 
the  city,  under  the  charge  of  Captain  Lippencot,  at  the 
head  of  a  number  of  refugees,  by  whom  he  was  hanged 
on  the  heights  near  Middletown.  This  wanton  act  exas 
perated  the  people  in  the  neighborhood,  who  knew  and 
esteemed  Captain  Huddy.  Affidavits  and  a  statement  of 
facts  were  forwarded  to  General  Washington.  These  he 
laid  before  a  council  of  officers,  who  gave  it  as  their 
unanimous  opinion,  that  the  case  demanded  retaliation, 
that  the  punishment  ought  to  be  inflicted  on  the  leader 
of  the  party  by  which  the  murder  was  committed,  and 
that,  if  he  should  not  be  given  up,  an  officer  equal  in 
rank  to  Captain  Huddy  ought  to  be  selected  by  lot  from 
the  British  prisoners. 

A  representation  of   the  facts   was  accordingly   sent   to 


Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  a  demand  for  the  surrender  of 
Lippencot.  This  demand  not  beipg  complied  with,  an 
officer  was  designated  for  retaliation.  The  lot  fell  upon 
Captain  Asgill,  a  young  man  only  nineteen  years  old, 
who  was  then  a  prisoner  at  Lancaster  in  Pennsylvania. 
The  affair  was  in  suspense  for  several  months.  Although 
Lippencot  was  not  delivered  up,  yet  Sir  Henry  Clinton, 
and  his  successor  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  not  only  disavowed 

French,  will  henceforth  be  added  a  sentiment  of  affection  and  attach 
ment,  which  is  a  just  return  for  the  attentions  our  officers  have  received 
from  you,  and  for  the  progress  they  have  made  in  their  profession  by 
serving  under  your  orders."  Dr.  Franklin  wrote  also,  in  a  letter  to 
Mr.  Livingston,  the  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  dated  at  Passy,  March 
4th.  "  The  French  officers,  who  have  returned  to  France  this  winter, 
speak  of  our  people  in  the  handsomest  and  kindest  manner  ;  and  there 
is  a  strong  desire  in  many  of  the  young  noblemen  to  go  over  to  fight 
for  us  ;  there  is  no  restraining  some  of  them  ;  and  several  changes  in 
the  officers  of  their  army  have  taken  place  in  consequence." 


352 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  50. 


1782. 

Trial  of 
Lippencot. 


Asgill 
released. 


CHAPTER  the  act  as  having  been  done  without  authority,  but  repro- 
Xlv'  bated  it  with  unmeasured  severity.  The  subject  was  re 
ferred  by  them  to  a  court-martial,  and  Lippencot  was  tried. 
From  the  developements  it  appeared,  that  the  guilt  of  the 
transaction  rested  mainly  with  the  Board  of  Associated 
Loyalists  in  New  York,  and  that  Lippencot  acted  in  con 
formity  with  what  he  believed  to  be  the  orders  of  the 
board.  Hence  he  "was  acquitted,  as  not  properly  answer 
able  for  the  crime  of  the  act. 

When  these  circumstances  were  made  known,  the  whole 
matter  was  laid  before  Congress.  Considering  the  ground 
taken  by  the  British  commanders  in  disavowing  and  cen 
suring  the  act,  added  to  the  irresponsible  nature  of  Lip- 
pencot's  conduct,  General  Washington  inclined  to  release 
Captain  Asgill,  and  was  disappointed  and  dissatisfied  at 
the  delay  of  Congress  in  coming  to  a  decision  on  the 
subject.  Meanwhile  the  mother  of  Asgill,  already  borne 
down  with  family  afflictions,  which  were  increased  by  the 
impending  fate  of  her  son,  wrote  a  pathetic  letter  of  in 
tercession  to  the  French  ministry.  This  was  shown  to 
the  King  and  Q,ueen  ;  and  it  wrought  so  much  on  their 
feelings,  that  Count  de  Vergennes  by  their  direction  wrote 
to  General  Washington,  soliciting  the  liberation  of  Asgill. 
Although  this  communication  arrived  after  it  had  been 
determined  not  to  insist  on  retaliation,  yet  it  had  the  effect 
to  hasten  the  proceedings  of  Congress,  and  by  their  order 
Captain  Asgill  was  set  at  liberty. 

Little  progress  was  made  by  the  States  in  filling  up 
their  quotas  of  troops.  When  General  Washington  arrived 
in  camp,  the  whole  number  of  effective  men  in  the  north 
ern  army  was  somewhat  short  of  ten  thousand ;  nor  was 
it  much  increased  afterwards.  In  fact,  after  the  capitula 
tion  at  Yorktown,  the  conviction  was  nearly  universal, 
that  the  war  would  not  be  pursued  any  further  in  the 
United  States.  The  recruiting  service  consequently  lan 
guished.  Relieved  from  danger,  and  worn  out  with  their 
long  toils  and  sacrifices,  the  people  were  slow  to  perceive, 
that  large  preparations  would  be  the  means  of  procuring 


Army 

recruited 

slowly. 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  353 

better  terms  of  peace,  and  seemed  contented  with  the  pres-   CHAPTER 
ent   prospects.     News    arrived    in    the    first    part   of   May,       XIV- 
which  indicated  an  approaching  change  in  the  British  cab-     1782. 
met,  and  symptoms  of  pacific  measures.      Fearful   of  the 
effect  which  this  intelligence   might   produce,  Washington 
took  occasion  to  express    his  own  sentiments    without  re 
serve  in  a  circular  letter,  which  he  was  just  at  that  time 
despatching  to  the  governors  of  the  States. 

"  Upon  the  most  mature  deliberation  I  can  bestow,"  he  Washington 

_  .  , .  ,  endeavors 

observed,    "1  am  obliged  to  declare  it  as  my  candid  opm-  to  rouse  the 

,*      .      .          .  States  from 

ion,  that  the  measures  of  the  enemy  in  all  their  views,  their  apathy, 
so  far  as  they  respect  America,  are  merely  delusory  (they  Mays, 
having  no  serious  intention  to  admit  our  independence 
upon  its  true  principles),  and  are  calculated  to  quiet  the 
minds  of  their  own  people,  and  reconcile  them  to  the  con 
tinuance  of  the  war ;  while  they  are  meant  to  amuse  the 
country  into  a  false  idea  of  peace,  to  draw  us  off  from 
our  connexion  with  France,  and  to  lull  us  into  a  state 
of  security  and  inactivity,  which  having  taken  place,  the 
ministry  will  be  left  to  prosecute  the  war  in  other  parts 
of  the  world  with  greater  vigor  and  effect.  Even  if  the 
nation  and  Parliament  are  really  in  earnest  to  obtain  peace 
with  America,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  wisdom  in  us  to 
meet  them  with  great  caution  and  circumspection,  and 
by  all  means  to  keep  our  arms  firm  in  our  hands,  and, 
instead  of  relaxing  one  iota  in  our  exertions,  rather  to 
spring  forward  with  redoubled  vigor,  that  we  may  take 
the  advantage  of  every  favorable  opportunity,  until  our 
wishes  are  fully  obtained.  No  nation  ever  yet  suffered 
in  treaty  by  preparing,  even  in  the  moment  of  negotiation, 
most  vigorously  for  the  field." 

The  discontents  of   the  officers  and  soldiers,  respecting  Discontent 

.  c     ,      .  ,       ,    f  .  .  ,        of  the  troops. 

the  arrearages  of  their  pay,  had  for  some  time  increased  ; 
and,  there  being  now  a  prospect,  that  the  army  would 
ultimately  be  disbanded  without  an  adequate  provision  by 
Congress  for  meeting  the  claims  of  the  troops,  these  dis 
contents  manifested  themselves  in  audible  murmurs  and 
complaints,  which  foreboded  serious  consequences.  But 
45  K2* 


354 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.50. 


CHAPTER 
XIV. 

1782. 


Suggestion 
that  a  mon 
archy  should 
be  establish 
ed  in  the 
United 
States. 


a  spirit  still  more  to  be  dreaded  was  secretly  at  work.  In 
reflecting  on  the  limited  powers  of  Congress,  and  on  the 
backwardness  of  the  States  to  comply  with  the  most  es 
sential  requisitions,  even  in  support  of  their  own  interests, 
many  of  the  officers  were  led  to  look  for  the  cause  in 
the  form  of  government,  and  to  distrust  the  stability  of 
republican  institutions.  So  far  were  they  carried  by  their 
fears  and  speculations,  that  they  meditated  the  establish 
ment  of  a  new  and  more  energetic  system.  A  colonel 
in  the  army,  of  a  highly  respectable  character,  and  some 
what  advanced  in  life,  was  made  the  organ  for  communi 
cating  their  sentiments  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  In  a 
letter  elaborately  and  skilfully  written,  after  describing  the 
gloomy  state  of  affairs,  the  financial  difficulties,  and  the 
innumerable  embarrassments  in  which  the  country  had 
been  involved  during  the  war,  on  account  of  its  defective 
political  organization,  the  writer  adds  ; 

"  This  must  have  shown  to  all,  and  to  military  men  in 
particular,  the  weakness  of  republics,  and  the  exertions 
the  army  have  been  able  to  make  by  being  under  a  prop 
er  head.  Therefore  I  little  doubt,  that,  when  the  benefits 
of  a  mixed  government  are  pointed  out,  and  duly  consid 
ered,  such  will  be  readily  adopted.  In  this  case  it  will, 
I  believe,  be  uncontroverted,  that  the  same  abilities,  which 
have  led  us  through  difficulties,  apparently  insurmountable 
by  human  power,  to  victory  and  glory,  those  qualities,  that 
have  merited  and  obtained  the  universal  esteem  and  ven 
eration  of  an  army,  would  be  most  likely  to  conduct  and 
direct  us  in  the  smoother  paths  of  peace.  Some  people 
have  so  connected  the  ideas  of  tyranny  and  monarchy, 
as  to  find  it  very  difficult  to  separate  them.  It  may 
therefore  be  requisite  to  give  the  head  of  such  a  con 
stitution,  as  I  propose,  some  title  apparently  more  moder 
ate  ;  but,  if  all  other  things  were  once  adjusted,  I  believe 
strong  arguments  might  be  produced  for  admitting  the 
title  of  KING,  which  I  conceive  would  be  attended  with 
some  material  advantages." 


jEr.50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  355 

* 

To   this   communication,   as  unexpected   as   it  was  ex-    CHAPTER 
traordinary   in    its    contents,    Washington    replied    as    fol 
lows.  1782. 

"  Newburg,  22  May,  1782. 
«  SIR, 
"  With  a  mixture  of  great  surprise  and  astonishment.  I  washing- 

'         ton's  reply. 

have  read  with  attention  the  sentiments  you  have  sub 
mitted  to  my  perusal.  Be  assured,  Sir,  no  occurrence  in 
the  course  of  the  war  has  given  me  more  painful  sensa 
tions,  than  your  information  of  there  being  such  ideas 
existing  in  the  army,  as  you  have  expressed,  and  I  must 
view  with  abhorrence  and  reprehend  with  severity.  For 
the  present,  the  communication  of  them  will  rest  in  my 
own  bosom,  unless  some  further  agitation  of  the  matter 
shall  make  a  disclosure  necessary. 

"I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  part  of  my 
conduct  could  have  given  encouragement  to  an  address, 
which  to  me  seems  big  with  the  greatest  mischiefs,  that 
can  befall  my  country.  If  I  am  not  deceived  in  the 
knowledge  of  myself,  you  could  not  have  found  a  person 
to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disagreeable.  At  the 
same  time,  in  justice  to  my  own  feelings,  I  must  add, 
that  no  man  possesses  a  more  sincere  wish  to  see  ample 
justice  done  to  the  army  than  I  do  j  and,  as  far  as  my 
powers  and  influence,  in  a  constitutional  way,  extend, 
they  shall  be  employed  to  the  utmost  of  my  abilities  to  N 
effect  it,  should  there  be  any  occasion.  Let  me  conjure 
you,  then,  if  you  have  any  regard  for  your  country,  con 
cern  for  yourself  or  posterity,  or  respect  for  me,  to  banish 
these  thoughts  from  your  mind,  and  never  communicate, 
as  from  yourself  or  any  one  else,  a  sentiment  of  the  like 
nature.  I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

Such  was  the  language  of  Washington,  when,  at  the 
head  of  his  army  and  at  the  height  of  his  power  and 
popularity,  it  was  proposed  to  him  to  become  a  king. 
After  this  indignant  reply  and  stern  rebuke,  it  is  not 


356  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [Mr.  50. 

CHAPTER    probable  that  any  further  advances  were  made  to  him  on 
Xlv-       the  subject. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton  arrived  at  New  York  early  in  May, 
sir  Guy  and  superseded  Sir  Henry  Clinton  as  commander  of  the 
British  armies  in  America.  His  first  letter  to  Washington 
was  pacific  in  its  tone,  and  showed,  that  at  least  a  tem 
porary  change  had  taken  place  in  the  sentiments  of  Parlia 
ment  respecting  the  principles  on  which  the  war  had 
been  conducted,  and  the  policy  of  continuing  it.  Noth 
ing  of  a  positive  nature  was  communicated,  however,  till 
the  beginning  of  August,  when  Sir  Guy  Carleton  again 
Negotiations  wrote,  that  he  was  authorized  to  give  notice,  that  negotia 
tions  for  a  general  peace  had  commenced  at  Paris,  and 
that  the  independence  of  the  United  States  would  be  con 
ceded  as  a  preliminary  step.  From  this  time,  therefore, 
preparations  for  war  ceased,  and  no  further  acts  of  hostility 
were  committed  by  either  party.  It  not  being  certain, 
nevertheless,  that  the  negotiations  would  actually  result  in 
peace,'  no  part  of  the  American  army  was  dismissed,  but 
the  posture  of  defence  was  maintained  with  the  same 
caution  and  vigilance  as  before. 

Departure  of  The  French  troops  had  continued  in  Virginia  since  the 
troops.  capitulation  at  Yorktown.  They  marched  to  Hudson's 
September.  River,  and  formed  a  junction  with  the  forces  under  Wash 
ington  about  the  middle  of  September.  The  two  armies 
had  been  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  near 
Verplanck's  Point  more  than  a  month,  when  the  French 
marched  to  Boston,  where  a  fleet  was  ready  to  receive 
them,  and  sailed  before  the  end  of  December,  having  been 
in  the  country  two  years  and  a  half.  The  Baron  de  Viome- 
nil  commanded  the  troops  when  they  went  on  board  the 
fleet  at  Boston.  The  Count  de  Rochambeau,  accompanied 
by  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  sailed  some  days  later  from 
Baltimore.* 

*  On  the  15th  of  July  a  conference  was  held  between  Washington 
and  Count  de  Rochambeau,  respecting  the  future  operations  of  the 
campaign.  As  no  instructions  had  been  received  from  the  French 
court,  it  was  not  in  the  power  of  Count  de  Rochambeau  to  give  any 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  357 

General  Washington   had   drawn   the   larger  part  of  his  '  CHAPTER 
army  down    the    river    to   Verplanck's    Point,    more    as   a 


mark  of   courtesy   to    the   allied   troops   in   meeting    them     1782. 
there,   than   for  any  military  object  ;   and,  after   their  de 
parture,  he  returned   to  his   former   encampment   at  New- 
burg,    where    head-quarters   continued    till   the   army   was 
disbanded. 

The  winter  being  a  season  of  inactivity,  and  the  pros-  Dwsatisfac- 
pect  of  peace  becoming  every  day  less  doubtful,  the  offi- 
cers  and  soldiers  had  leisure  to  reflect  on  their  situation, 
and  to  look  forward  to  the  condition  awaiting  them  at  the 
end  of  the  war.  When  they  compared  their  long  services 
and  sufferings  with  the  sacrifices  of  those,  who  had  been 
engaged  only  in  the  pursuits  of  private  life,  and  with  the 
rewards  hitherto  received,  they  felt  that  they  had  claims, 
as  well  on  the  gratitude  and  generosity,  as  on  the  justice 
of  their  country.  At  the  same  time,  various  circumstances 
conspired  to  make  them  apprehensive,  that  these  claims 
would  neither  be  adequately  met  nor  duly  estimated. 
Congress  had  no  funds;  the  States  were  extremely  back 
ward  in  applying  the  only  remedy  by  an  effectual  system 
of  taxation ;  and  the  resource  of  foreign  loans  was  nearly 
exhausted.  It  was  natural,  that  this  state  of  things,  added 
to  long  arrearages  of  pay,  and  accounts  unsettled  and 

decided  information  as  to  the  time  a  French  fleet  might  be  expected 
on  the  coast  from  the  West  Indies,  or  its  strength  when  arrived.  He 
had  reason  to  suppose,  however,  that  it  would  come  to  the  northward ; 
and,  as  the  sickly  season  was  approaching  in  Virginia,  he  had  put  his 
troops  under  marching  orders  about  the  1st  of  July,  and  expected  they 
would  reach  Baltimore  before  the  end  of  the  month.  It  was  agreed, 
therefore,  that  the  French  army  should  remain  a  few  days  at  Baltimore, 
till  further  instructions  or  intelligence  should  be  received,  and  that, 
unless  special  reasons  might  appear  to  the  contrary,  the  army  should 
continue  its  march  northwardly,  and  join  the  American  forces  on  the 
Hudson.  This  plan  was  thought  advisable,  moreover,  to  prevent  Sir 
Guy  Carleton  from  sending  detachments  from  New  York  to  Jamaica, 
where  they  might  be  turned  against  the  French  in  the  West  Indies. 
An  elaborate  memoir,  pointing  out  various  plans  of  a  campaign,  was 
presented  by  General  Washington  to  Count  de  Rochambeau,  who 
forwarded  it  to  the  French  court. 


358 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


50. 


in  the  army. 


CHAPTER    without   any   security  for   a  future    liquidation   of    them, 
XIV>       should  cause  much  excitement  and  concern. 

"  To  judge  rightly  of  the  motives,  which  produced  this 
uneasy  temper  in  the  army,  it  will  be  necessary  to  recol-  . 
lect  that  the  resolution  of  October,  1780,  granting  half- 
pay  for  life  to  the  officers,  stood  on  the  mere  faith  of  a 
government  possessing  no  funds,  which  would  enable  it 
to  perform  its  engagements.  From  requisitions  alone,  to 
be  made  on  sovereign  states,  were  the  supplies  to  be 
drawn,  which  should  satisfy  these  meritorious  public  credi 
tors  ;  and  the  ill  success  attending  these  requisitions,  while 
the  dangers  of  war  were  still  impending,  furnished  melan 
choly  presages  of  their  unproductiveness  in  time  of  peace. 
In  addition  to  this  reflection,  of  itself  sufficient  to  dis 
turb  the  tranquillity  at  first  occasioned  by  this  resolution, 
there  were  other  considerations  of  decisive  influence. 

"  The  dispositions  manifested  by  Congress  were  so  un 
friendly  to  the  half-pay  establishment,  as  to  extinguish 
the  hope,  that  any  funds  they  might  acquire  would  be 
applied  to  that  object.  Since  the  passage  of  the  resolu 
tion,  the  articles  of  confederation,  which  required  the 
concurrence  of  nine  States  to  any  act  appropriating  public 
money,  had  *  been  adopted  ;  and  nine  States  had  never 
been  in  favor  of  the  measure.  Should  the  requisitions 
of  Congress  therefore  be  respected,  or  should  permanent 
funds  be  granted  by  the  States,  the  prevailing  sentiment 
of  the  nation  was  too  hostile  to  the  compensation,  which 
had  been  stipulated,  to  leave  a  probability  that  it  would 
be  substantially  made.  This  was  not  merely  the  senti 
ment  of  the  individuals  then  administering  the  govern 
ment,  which  might  change  with  a  change  of  men.  It 
was  known  to  be  the  sense  of  the  States  they  represent 
ed  ;  and  consequently  the  hope  could  not  be  indulged, 
that,  on  this  subject,  a  future  Congress  would  be  more 
just,  or  would  think  more  liberally.  As,  therefore,  the 
establishment  of  that  independence,  for  which  they  had 
fought  and  suffered,  appeared  to  become  more  certain,  as 
the  end  0f  their  toils  approached,  the  officers  became  more 


JET.  50.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  359 

attentive  to  their  own  situation  :  and  the  inquietude  of  the    CHAPTER 
army   increased  with   the    progress   of  the    negotiation   of        XIV> 
peace"*  1782- 

In  the  month  of  December,  the  officers  in   camp  deter-  office™  send 

a  memorial 

mined  to  address  Congress  on  the  subject  of  their  griev-  to  congress, 
ances.  A  memorial  was  accordingly  drawn  up,  which  December, 
was  understood  to  express  the  sentiments  of  the  army. 
It  contained  a  representation  of  the  money  actually  due 
to  them,  a  proposal  that  the  half-pay  for  life  should  be 
commuted  for  a  specific  sum,  and  a  request  that  se 
curity  should  be  given  by  the  government  for  fulfilling 
its  engagements.  The  commutation  it  was  believed  would 
be  more  generally  acceptable  to  the  public  than  half-pay 
for  life,  which  had  always  been  opposed  by  a  strong  party 
as  favoring  the  idea  of  a  pension  list  and  a  privileged 
class,  and  as  hostile  to  republican  institutions.  Three  offi 
cers  were  deputed  as  a  committee  to  carry  this  memorial 
to  Congress,  and  instructed  to  use  their  endeavors  to  ob 
tain  for  it  a  successful  hearing. 

The    dissensions,  which  had  long  existed   in  Congress,   Proceeding 

•  f  of  Congress 

were  brought  to  bear  on  this  subject.     Many  of  the  mem-  on  the  me- 

_  _  ,     mortal  of  the 

bers  were  disposed  to  do  ample  justice  to  the  army,  and  officers. 
to  all  other  public  creditors,  by  assuming  their  claims  January  25. 
as  a  Continental  charge,  and  providing  for  the  settlement 
of  them  by  a  Continental  fund  and  securities  ;  while 
others,  jealous  of  state  rights  and  state  sovereignty,  dis 
approved  this  course,  and  urged  the  plan  of  referring  un 
settled  accounts  to  the  respective  States.  Congress  took 
the  memorial  into  consideration,  and  passed  resolves  in 
definite  in  their  character,  and  not  such  as  were  likely  to 
answer  the  expectations  or  quiet  the  uneasiness  of  the 
army.  The  claims  of  public  creditors  were  recognised, 
but  no  scheme  was  suggested  for  establishing  funds,  or 
giving  security.  On  an  estimate  of  the  average  ages  of 
the  officers,  it  was  decided,  that  half-pay  for  life  was 
equivalent  to  five  years'  whole  pay  ;  but  the  requisite 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  Vol.  IV.  p.  580. 


360 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[>ET.  51. 


1783. 


Newburg 
Addresses. 

March  10. 


Meeting  of  • 
the  officers 
appointed. 

March  11. 


number  of  nine  States  could  not  be  obtained  in  favor 
of  the  commutation.  Apprehending  a  defeat,  if  they 
pressed  the  subject,  and  hoping  that  the  vote  would  ulti 
mately  be  carried,  the  committee  thought  it  prudent  to 
delay  further  proceedings,  and  one  of  them  returned  to 
camp  with  a  letter  containing  a  report  of  what  had  been 
done. 

The  representations  -thus  communicated  were  by  no 
means  satisfactory  to  the  officers.  Disappointed  and  irri 
tated,  many  of  them  were  for  resorting  to  measures,  which 
should  convince  Congress,  not  only  of  the  justice  of  their 
demands,  but  of  their  resolution  to  enforce  them.  Hence 
originated  the  famous  Newburg  Addresses.  At  a  private 
consultation  of  several  officers  it  was  agreed,  that  a  meet 
ing  of  the  general  and  field  officers,  a  commissioned  offi 
cer  from  each  company,  and  a  delegate  from  the  medical 
staff,  ought  to  be  called  for  the  purpose  of  passing  a  series 
of  resolutions,  which  should  be  forwarded  to  their  com 
mittee  at  Congress.  On  the  10th  of  March  a  notification 
to  this  effect  was  circulated  in  camp,  fixing  the  time  and 
stating  the  object.  The  same  day  an  anonymous  ad 
dress  to  the  army  was  sent  out,  written  in  a  strain  of 
passionate  and  stirring  eloquence,  and  extremely  well 
suited  to  excite  the  feelings  and  rouse  the  spirit  of  those 
for  whom  it  was  intended.  Foreseeing  the  fatal  con 
sequences  that  might  result  from  an  assembling  of  the 
officers  under  such  circumstances,  and  at  the  same  time 
deeply  impressed  with  the  justice  of  their  complaints  and 
the  reality  of  their  wrongs,  Washington  had  a  delicate 
task  to  perform ;  but  he  executed  it  with  his  characteristic 
decision,  firmness,  and  wisdom.  He  sought  rather  to 
guide  and  control  the  proceedings  thus  begun,  than  to 
check  or  discountenance  them  by  any  act  of  severity. 

In  general  orders  the  next  morning,  after  censuring 
the  anonymous  paper  and  invitation  as  irregular  and  dis 
orderly,  he  appointed  a  day  and  hour  for  the  meeting  of 
the  officers,  when  they  might  "  devise  what  further 
measures  ought  to  be  adopted,  as  most  rational,  and  best 


X.T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  361 

calculated  to  attain  the  object  in  view."  This  was  fol-  CHAPTER 
lowed  by  another  anonymous  address,  in  a  tone  more 
subdued  than  the  former,  but  expressing  similar  senti-  1783. 
ments,  and  representing  the  orders  as  favorable  to  the 
purpose  desired,  the  time  of  meeting  only  being  changed. 
The  Commander-in-chief,  however,  took  care  to  frustrate 
the  design  of  this  interpretation  by  conversing  individually 
with  those  officers  in  whom  he  had  the  greatest  confi 
dence,  setting  before  them  in  a  strong  light  the  danger 
that  would  attend  a  rash  or  precipitate  act  in  such  a  crisis, 
inculcating  moderation,  and  using  his  utmost  efforts  to 
appease  their  discontents,  and  persuade  them  to  deliber 
ate  without  passion,  and  under  a  deep  conviction  that 
the  vital  interests  of  their  country  were  involved  in  the 
measures  they  should  adopt. 

When  the  officers  were  assembled  at  the  time  appoint-  washing- 
ed,  General  Washington  addressed  them  in  very  impressive  to  the  om- 
terms,  reminding  them  of  the  cause  for  which  they  had 
taken  up  arms,  the  fidelity  and  constancy  with  which 
they  had  hitherto  devoted  themselves  to  that  cause,  and 
the  sacred  trust  which  was  still  reposed  in  them  as  the 
defenders  of  their  country's  liberty ;  appealing  to  the  hon 
or  and  patriotism,  by  which  they  had  so  nobly  and  gen 
erously  shown  themselves  to  be  actuated  in  the  perils  of 
the  field,  and  amidst  the  unexampled  sufferings  of  a  pro 
tracted  war ;  and  imploring  them  not  to  cast  a  shade  over 
the  glory  they  had  acquired,  nor  tarnish  their  well-earned 
reputation,  nor  lessen  their  dignity,  by  an  intemperate  or 
indiscreet  act  at  the  moment  when  the  great  object  of 
their  toils  was  achieved,  and  the  world  was  loud  in  its 
praise  of  their  valor,  fortitude,  and  success.  He  acknowl 
edged  the  equity  of  their  claims,  and  the  reasonableness 
of  their  complaints ;  but  he  deprecated  the  idea,  that  on 
this  account  they  should  distrust  the  plighted  faith  of 
their  country,  or  the  intentions  of  Congress ;  expressing 
his  firm  belief,  that,  before  they  should  be  disbanded, 
every  thing  would  be  adjusted  to  their  satisfaction ;  and 
pledging  himself,  from  a  sense  of  gratitude  for  their  past 
46  L2 


362 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  51. 


1783. 


Proceedings 
of  the  offi 
cers. 


Washing- 
ton's  ac 
count  of  the 
transactions. 

March  19. 


services,  and  from  the  attachment  he  felt  to  an  army, 
which  had  adhered  to  him  in  every  vicissitude  of  fortune, 
to  employ  all  his  abilities  and  his  best  exertions  to  pro 
cure  for  them  complete  justice,  as  far  as  it  could  be 
done  consistently  with  the  great  duty  he  owed  to  his 
country,  and  to  the  authority  which  every  citizen  was 
bound  to  respect. 

After  speaking  these  sentiments,  and  others  of  a  similar 
tendency,  suited  to  soothe  their  feelings  and  inspire  con 
fidence,  he  retired  from  the  assembly.  The  deliberation 
of  the  officers  was  short,  and  their  decision  prompt  and 
unanimous.  They  passed  resolutions,  thanking  the  Com 
mander-in-chief  for  the  course  he  had  pursued,  and  ex 
pressive  of  their  unabated  attachment;  and  also  declaring 
their  unshaken  reliance  on  the  good  faith  of  Congress  and 
their  country,  and  a  determination  to  bear  with  patience 
their  grievances  till  in  due  time  they  should  be  redressed. 
A  full  account  of  the  transactions  was  transmitted  to 
Congress  and  published  in  their  journals. 

The  incidents  are  clearly  and  briefly  related  by  General 
Washington  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Harrison  of  Virginia, 
written  immediately  after  their  occurrence. 

"  You  have  not  been  unacquainted,  I  dare  say,  with 
the  fears,  the  hopes,  the  apprehensions,  and  the  expecta 
tions  of  the  army,  relative  to  the  provision  which  is  to 
be  made  for  them  hereafter.  Although  a  firm  reliance 
on  the  integrity  of  Congress,  and  a  belief  that  the  public 
would  finally  do  justice  to  all  its  servants  and  give  an 
indisputable  security  for  the  payment  of  the  half-pay  of 
the  officers,  had  kept  them  amidst  a  variety  of  sufferings 
tolerably  quiet  and  contented  for  two  or  three  years  past  ; 
yet  the  total  want  of  pay,  the  little  prospect  of  receiving 
any  from  the  unpromising  state  of  the  public  finances, 
and  the  absolute  aversion  of  the  States  to  establish  any 
Continental  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  debt  due  to 
the  army,  did  at  the  close  of  the  last  campaign  excite 
greater  discontents,  and  threaten  more  serious  and  alarm 
ing  consequences,  than  it  is  easy  for  me  to  describe  or 


iEr.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  363 

you    to   conceive.      Happily  for  us,  the  officers  of  highest  CHAPTER 

rank  and  greatest  consideration  interposed  ;  and  it  was  de-  XIV' 

terrnined  to  address  Congress  in  an  humble,  pathetic,  and  1783. 
explicit   manner. 

"While  the    sovereign    power    appeared    perfectly   well  ms  opinion 

i        i  t         ci  of  the  New- 

dlSpOSed  to  do  justice,  it  was  discovered  that  the  States  burg  ad- 
would  enable  them  to  do  nothing  ;  and,  in  this  state  of 
affairs,  and  after  some  time  spent  on  the  business  in 
Philadelphia,  a  report  was  made  by  the  delegates  of  the 
army,  giving  a  detail  of  the  proceedings.  Before  this 
could  be  fully  communicated  to  the  troops,  while  the 
minds  of  all  were  in  a  peculiar  state  of  inquietude  and 
irritation,  an  anonymous  writer,  though  he  did  not  step 
forth  and  give  his  name  boldly  to  the  world,  sent  into 
circulation  an  address  to  the  officers  of  the  army,  which, 
in  point  of  composition,  in  elegance  and  force  of  expres 
sion,  has  rarely  been  equalled  in  the  English  language, 
and  in  which  the  dreadful  alternative  was  proposed,  of 
relinquishing  the  service  in  a  body  if  the  war  continued, 
or  retaining  their  arms  in  case  of  peace,  until  Congress 
should  comply  with  all  their  demands.  At  the  same 
time,  'and  at  the  moment  when  their  minds  were  in 
flamed  by  the  most  pathetic  representations,  a  general 
meeting  of  the  officers  was  summoned  by  another  anony 
mous  production. 

"  It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  the 
consequences,  had  the  author  succeeded  in  his  first  plans. 
But,  measures  having  been  taken  to  postpone  the  meet 
ing,  so  as  to  give  time  for  cool  reflection  and  counterac 
tion,  the  good  sense  of  the  officers  has  terminated  this 
affair  in  a  manner,  which  reflects  the  greatest  glory  on 
themselves,  and  demands  the  highest  expressions  of  grati 
tude  from  their  country." 

Thus,    by    the    prudent   measures  of   the   Commander-  Tranquillity 


in-chief,  the  excitement  was  allayed,  and  tranquillity  was  htpm-  b] 
restored  to  the  army.  Nor  did  he  delay  to  fulfil  the 
pledge  he  had  made,  writing  to  Congress  with  an  earnest 
ness  and  force  of  argument,  which  showed  him  to  be 


364 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  51. 


1783, 


News  of 
peace  ar 
rives. 


CHAPTER  moved  not  less  by  his  feelings,  than  by  a  sense  of  duty 
in  asserting  the  rights  and  just  claims  of  those,  who,  to 
use  his  own  words,  "had  so  long,  so  patiently,  and  so 
cheerfully  suffered  and  fought  under  his  direction,"  and 
urging  a  speedy  decision  in  their  favor.  His  representa 
tions  and  appeals  were  not  disregarded.  The  subject 
was  again  considered  in  Congress,  and  the  requisite  num 
ber  of  States  voted  for  the  commutation  of  half-pay,  and 
for  the  other  provisions  solicited  by  the  officers  in  their 
memorial.* 

In  a  few  days  the  joyful  news  arrived,  that  a  prelim 
inary  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  at  Paris.  The 
intelligence  was  brought  in  a  French  vessel  from  Cadiz, 
with  a  letter  from  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  was 
then  at  that  place  preparing  for  an  expedition  to  the 
West  Indies  under  Count  d'Estaing.  Shortly  afterwards 
Sir  Guy  Carleton  communicated  the  same,  as  from  official 
authority,  and  announced  a  cessation  of  hostilities.  A  pro 
clamation  to  this  effect  was  made  to  the  American  army 
on  the  19th  of  April,  precisely  eight  years  from  the  day 
on  which  the  first  blood  was  shed  in  this  memorable  con 
test  at  Lexington. 

Although  the  military  labors  of  General  Washington 
were  now  drawing  to  a  close,  in  the  attainment  of  the 
great  object  to  which  he  had  devoted  himself  with  an 
ardor,  constancy,  endurance,  and  singleness  of  purpose, 
that  had  never  been  surpassed  by  any  commander,  yet 
his  anxiety  for  the  future  was  scarcely  diminished.  The 
love  of  liberty,  which  had  prompted  him  to  such  trials 
and  disinterested  exertions  in  the  cause  of  his  country, 
was  equally  alive  to  the  success  of  that  cause  in  building 
up  the  fabric  of  freedom  on  a  firm  and  durable  basis. 


*  The  anonymous  addresses  were  from  the  pen  of  Major  John  Arm 
strong,  at  that  time  an  aid-de-camp  to  General  Gates.  They  were 
written  at  the  request  of  several  officers,  who  believed  that  the  tardy 
proceedings  of  Congress,  and  the  reluctance  of  that  body  to  recognise 
the  claims  of  the  public  creditors,  called  for  a  more  decided  expres 
sion  of  the  sentiments  of  the  army. 


^T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  365 

In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Hamilton,  who  was  then  a  dele-    CHAPTER 
gate  in  Congress  from  the  State   of  New  York,   he  said;       XIV' 
"  My  wish  to   see   the    union  of    these   States  established      1783. 

upon   liberal  and   permanent  principles,  and  inclination    to   washing- 
ton's  re 
contribute   my   mite   in   pointing   out    the   defects   of    the  marks  on 

J.  ,  the  state  of 

present  constitution,  are  equally  great.  All  my  private  the  country 
letters  have  teemed  with  these  sentiments,  and,  whenever  March  si. 
this  topic  has  been  the  subject  of  conversation,  I  have 
endeavored  to  diffuse  and  enforce  them ;  but  how  far  any 
further  essay  by  me  might  be  productive  of  the  wished- 
for  end,  or  appear  to  arrogate  more  than  belongs  to  me, 
depends  so  much  upon  popular  opinion,  and  the  temper 
and  dispositions  of  the  people,  that  it  is  not  easy  to  de 
cide.  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  however,  for  the  thoughts, 
which  you  have  promised  me  on  this  subject,  and  as  soon 
as  you  can  make  it  convenient.  No  man  in  the  United 
States  is  or  can  be  more  deeply  impressed  with  the  ne 
cessity  of  a  reform  in  our  present  confederation  than 
myself.  No  man  perhaps  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it 
more  sensibly ;  for  to  the  defects  thereof,  and  want  of 
power  in  Congress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the  prolonga 
tion  of  the  war,  and  consequently  the  expenses  occasioned 
by  it.  More  than  half  the  perplexities  I  have  experienced 
in  the  course  of  my  command,  and  almost  the  whole  of 
the  difficulties  and  distress  of  the  army,  have  had  their 
origin  here.  But  still,  the  prejudices  of  some,  the  designs 
of  others,  and  the  mere  machinery  of  the  majority,  make 
address  and  management  necessary  to  give  weight  to 
opinions,  which  are  to  combat  the  doctrines  of  those  dif 
ferent  classes  of  men  in  the  field  of  politics." 

To   Lafayette  he  wrote  ;  "  We  are  now  an  independent  Letter  to 
•  ••'))  !e.   and  have   yet   to   learn    political   tactics.      We    are 
placed  among   the  nations  of  the  earth,   and  have  a  char-     Apnl  5> 

•n>r  to  establish  ;  but  how  we  shall  acquit  ourselves 
nine  must  discover.  The  prohnbility  is  (at  least  I  fear 
it),  that  local  or  State  politics  will  nterfpre  too  much  with 
(  in  more  liberal  an<!  ''vf-  vcrnmerit,  which 

wisdom   and  bl  of  prejudice, 


366 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  51. 


1783. 


Plan  for  a 
peace  estab 
lishment. 


Circular  let 
ter  to  the 
States. 

June  8. 


would  dictate  ;  and  that  we  shall  be  guilty  of  .many  blun 
ders  in  treading  this  boundless  theatre,  before  we  shall 
have  arrived  at  any  perfection  in  this  art ;  in  a  word,  that 
the  experience,  which  is  purchased  at  the  price  of  diffi-. 
culties  and  distress,  will  alone  convince  us,  that  the  honor, 
power,  and  true  interest  of  this  country  must  be  measured 
by  a  Continental  scale,  and  that  every  departure  there 
from  weakens  the  Union,  and  may  ultimately  break  the 
band  which  holds  us  together.  To  avert  these  evils,  to 
form  a  new  constitution,  that  will  give  consistency,  sta 
bility,  and  dignity  to  the  Union,  and  sufficient  powers  to 
the  great  council  of  the  nation  for  general  purposes,  is  a 
duty  incumbent  upon  every  man,  who  wishes  well  to  his 
country,  and  will  meet  with  my  aid  as  far  as  it  can  be 
rendered  in  the  private  walks  of  life." 

The  preparation  of  a  plan  for  a  peace  establishment, 
which  had  been  solicited  by  Congress,  and  some  prelimi 
nary  arrangements  with  the  British  commander  in  regard 
to  the  evacuation  of  New  York,  occupied  him  several 
weeks.  For  these  latter  objects  he  had  a  personal  con 
ference  with  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  Orangetown. 

The  circular  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  the  governors 
of  the  States,  as  his  last  official  communication,  and  which 
was  designed  to  be  laid  before  the  several  legislatures,  is 
remarkable  for  its  ability,  the  deep  interest  it  manifests 
for  the  officers  and  soldiers,  who  had  fought  the  battles 
of  their  country,  the  soundness  of  its  principles,  and  the 
wisdom  of  its  counsels.  Four  great  points  he  aims  to 
enforce  as  essential  in  guiding  the  deliberations  of  every 
public  body,  and  as  claiming  the  serious  attention  of  eve 
ry  citizen,  namely,  an  indissoluble  union  of  the  States ; 
a  sacred  regard  to  public  justice ;  the  adoption  of  a  proper 
military  peace  establishment ;  and  a  pacific  and  friendly 
disposition  among  the  people  of  the  States,  which  should 
induce  them  to  forget  local  prejudices,  and  incline  them 
to  mutual  concessions  for  the  advantage  of  the  community. 
These  he  calls  the  pillars  by  which  alone  independence 
and  national  character  can  be  supported.  On  each  of  these 


J£T.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  367 

topics  he  remarks   at  considerable  length,  with  a  felicity   CHAPTER 
of  style   and  cogency  of  reasoning  in  all  respects  worthy       XIV* 
of  the  subject.     No  public  address  could  have  been  better     1783. 
adapted  to  the  state  of  the  times ;  and  coming  from  such 
a  source,  its  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  people  must 
have  been  effectual  and  most  salutary. 

Many  of  the  troops  went  home  on  furlough:  and  Gen-  Tour  to  the 
eral  Washington,  having  little  to  do  in  camp  till  the  arri 
val  of  the  definitive  treaty,  resolved  to  employ  the  interval 
in  making  a  tour  to  the  northward,  for  the  double  purpose 
of  gratifying  his  curiosity  in  visiting  the  scenes  of  the 
late  military  operations  in  that  quarter,  and  of  ascertaining 
from  observation  the  natural  resources  of  the  country.  In 
company  with  Governor  Clinton  he  ascended  the  Hudson 
to  Albany,  and  proceeded  thence  over  the  battle-fields  of 
Saratoga,  as  far  as  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  Turn 
ing  then  to  the  Mohawk  River,  he  extended  his  journey 
westward  to  Fort  Schuyler.  He  was  absent  from  New- 
burg  nineteen  days.  Ever  regarding  the  condition  and 
affairs  of  his  country  on  a  comprehensive  scale,  and  fixing 
his  thoughts  on  its  importance  as  a  nation,  he  saw,  while 
on  this  tour,  the  immense  advantages  that  would  result 
from  a  water  communication  between  the  Hudson  and 
the  great  lakes,  and  believed  in  its  practicability.  His 
hopes  and  his  anticipations  have  since  been  realized  in 
the  magnificent  work,  opening  a  passage  for  boats  by  a 
canal  from  the1  Hudson  to  Lake  Erie,  and  effected  by 
the  enterprise  and  wealth  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

When  he  returned  to  Newburg,  he  found  a  letter  from  Attends 
the  President  of  Congress,  asking  his  attendance  on  that 
assembly,  then  in  session  at  Princeton.  The  object  of 
this  request  was,  to  consult  him  on  the  arrangements  for 
peace,  and  other  public  concerns.  While  he  was  making 
preparations  to  leave  camp,  Congress  conferred  on  him 
new  honors.  It  was  voted  unanimously,  that  an  eques 
trian  statue  of  General  Washington  should  be  erected  at 
the  place  where  the  residence  of  Congress  should  be  estab 
lished,  and  that  it  should  be  executed  by  the  best  artist 


368  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jET.  51. 

CHAPTER    in  Europe,  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Minister  of 

Z' the   United  States  at  the  Court  of  Versailles.* 

Leaving   the   army   under   the    immediate  command  of 
Addressed      General    Knox.  the    officers   higher   in   rank   having   gone 

by  the  Presi-    .  „,.      ,  .  IT, 

dent  of  con-  home  by  permission,  Washington  obeyed  the  summons  of 
Congress,  and  went  to  Princeton,  where  he  was  intro 
duced  into  the  assembly  while  in  session  by  two  of  the 
members  appointed  for  the  purpose.  He  was  then  ad 
dressed  by  the  President,  who  congratulated  him  on  the 
success  of  the  war,  in  which  he  had  acted  so  conspicu 
ous  and  important  a  part.  "  In  other  nations,"  said  the 
President,  "  many  have  performed  eminent  services,  for 
which  they  have  deserved  the  thanks  of  the  public.  But 
to  you,  Sir,  peculiar  praise  is  due.  Your  services  have 
been  essential  in  acquiring  and  establishing  the  freedom 
and  independence  of  your  country.  They  deserve  the 
grateful  acknowledgments  of  a  free  and  independent  na 
tion."  To  this  address  Washington  replied  in  the  pres 
ence  of  Congress,  and  then  retired.  A  house  was  pro 
vided  for  him  at  Rocky  Hill,  three  or  four  miles  from 
Princeton,  where  he  resided,  holding  conferences  from  time 

*  The  following  is  the  description  of  this  statue,  as  contained  in  the 
Journals  of  Congress.  "  Resolved,  that  the  statue  be  of  bronze  ;  the 
General  to  be  represented  in  a  Roman  dress,  holding  a  truncheon  in 
his  right  hand,  and  his  head  encircled  with  a  laurel  wreath;  the  statue 
to  be  supported  by  a  marble  pedestal,  on  which  are  to  be  represented, 
in  basso-rilievo,  the  following  principal  events  of  the  war,  in  which 
General  Washington  commanded  in  person ;  namely,  the  evacuation  of 
Boston  ;  the  capture  of  the  Hessians  at  Trenton  ;  the  battle  of  Prince 
ton  ;  the  action  of  Monmouth ;  and  the  surrender  of  York.  On  the  up 
per  part  of  the  front  of  the  pedestal  to  be  engraved  as  follows ;  '  The 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  ordered  this  statue  to  be  erected 
in  the  year  of^our  Lord  1 783,  in  honor  of  George  Washington,  the  illus 
trious  Commander-in-chief  of  the ^  armies  of  the  United  States  of  Jlmenca 
during  the  war,  which  vindicated  and  secure'!  their  liberty,  sovereignty^ 
and  independence.''"  The  intention  of  this  rosolve  was  not  fulfilled 
But  Congress  have  recently  voted  a  colossal'  st.it  ue  in  marble,  which  is 
to  be  executed  by  Greenough,  0  <>  distinguished  American  artist  at 
Florence.  It  is  to  occupy  tho  c"nt»- •  <,f  the  -r  at  rotunda  in  the  Cap 
itol  at  the  seat  of  th^  nations^  ;  r  . 


JET.  51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  369 

to    time  with  committees   and   members  of  Congress,  and  CHAPTER 
giving    counsel    on    such   subjects  as  were  referred  to  his       XIV< 

consideration.  1783. 

A  large  part  of  the  officers   and  soldiers  had  been  per-  Disbanding 

,  .         /.  i  r-  of  the  army. 

mitted  during  the  summer  to  retire  from  the  army  on  fur 
lough,  and  Congress  issued  a  proclamation,  on  the  18th  of 
October,  discharging  them  from  further  service,  and  all 
others  who  had  been  engaged  to  serve  during  the  war. 
The  army  was  thus  in  effect  disbanded.  A  small  force 
only  was  retained,  consisting  of  such  troops  as  had  been 
enlisted  for  a  definite  time,  till  the  peace  establishment 
should  be  organized. 

This  proclamation  was  followed  by  General  Washing-  washing- 
ton's  farewell  address  to  the  army,  a  performance  not  less  weii  address 
admirable  in  its  principles  and  its  objects,  than  his  circu 
lar  letter  to  the  States.  To  his  cordial  and  affectionate 
thanks  for  the  devotedness  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  to 
him  through  the  war,  and  for  the  manner  in  which  they 
had  discharged  their  duty,  he  adds  seasonable  advice  as 
to  their  conduct  in  resuming  the  character  of  private  citi 
zens,  and  in  contributing  to  the  support  of  civil  govern 
ment.  "  Let  it  be  known  and  remembered,"  said  he, 
"  that  the  reputation  of  the  federal  armies  is  established 
beyond  the  reach  of  malevolence  ;  and  let  a  consciousness 
of  their  achievements  and  fame  still  incite  the  men,  who 
composed  them,  to  honorable  actions ;  under  the  persua 
sion,  that  the  private  virtues  of  economy,  prudence,  and 
industry,  will  not  be  less  amiable  in  civil  life,  than  the 
more  splendid  qualities  of  valor,  perseverance,  and  enter 
prise  were  in  the  field.  Every  one  may  rest  assured, 
that  much,  very  much,  of  the  future  happiness  of  the 
officers  and  men  will  depend  upon  the  wise  and  manly 
conduct,  which  shall  be  adopted  by  them  when  they  are 
mingled  with  the  great  body  of  the  community.  And, 
although  the  General  has  so  frequently  given  it  as  his 
opinion  in  the  most  public  and  explicit  manner,  that,  un 
less  the  principles  of  the  Federal  Government  were  proper 
ly  supported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased,  the 
47  M2 


370 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JE.T.  51. 


1783. 


Sir  Guy 
Carleton  re 
ceives  or 
ders  to  evac 
uate  New 
York. 


Washington 
takes  pos 
session  of 
New  York. 

Nov.  25. 


honor,  dignity,  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be  lost  for 
ever;  yet  he  cannot  help  repeating,  on  this  occasion,  so 
interesting  a  sentiment,  and  leaving  it  as  his  last  injunc 
tion  to  every  officer  and  every  soldier,  who  may  view  the 
subject  in  the  same  serious  point  of  light,  to  add  his  best 
endeavors  to  those  of  his  worthy  fellow  citizens  towards 
effecting  these  great  and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our 
very  existence  as  a  nation  so  materially  depends." 

At  length  Sir  Guy  Carleton  received  orders  from  the 
ministry  to  evacuate  New  York,  and  gave  notice  to  Gen 
eral  Washington  that  he  should  soon  be  ready  for  that 
event.  Delay  had  been  occasioned  by  the  want  of  trans 
ports  in  sufficient  numbers  to  send  to  Nova  Scotia  the 
refugees,  who  htid  sought  protection  in  New  York  during 
the  war,  and  the  large  amount  of  goods,  stores,  and  mili 
tary  supplies,  which  had  accumulated  in  that  city.  Many 
of  these  persons  would  gladly  have  remained  in  the  coun 
try,  having  property  which  they  desired  to  recover,  and 
relatives  and  friends  whom  they  were  reluctant  to  aban 
don  ;  but  they  were  exiled  by  the  laws /of  the  States,  and 
could  not  be  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  a  residence  till 
these  laws  were  repealed. 

Washington  repaired  to  West  Point,  to  which  place 
General  Knox  had  drawn  the  troops,  that  still  remained 
in  the  service.  Arrangements  were  made  with  Governor 
Clinton,  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
by  which  the  city  was  to  be  delivered  into  his  charge. 
A  detachment  of  troops  marched  from  West  Point  to 
Haerlem,  and  was  joined  there  by  General  Washington 
and  Governor  Clinton.  In  the  morning  of  the  25th  of  No 
vember,  they  advanced  to  the  upper  part  of  the  city, 
where  they  continued  till  one  o'clock,  when  the  British 
parties  retired  from  the  posts  in  that  quarter,  and  were 
followed  by  the  American  infantry  and  artillery,  preceded 
by  a  corps  of  dragoons.  Meantime  the  British  troops  em 
barked.  Possession  being  thus  taken  of  the  city,  the  mili 
tary  officers,  and  the  civil  officers  of  the  State,  made  a 
public  entry.  The  General  and  Governor  rode  at  the 


JEx.51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  371 

head    of    the   procession   on   horseback.      Then    came    in    CHAPTER 
regular   succession    the    lieutenant-governor   and    members      XIV> 
of  the  council,  General  Knox  and  the  officers  of  the  army,     1783. 
the    speaker   of  the   assembly   and    citizens.      They  were 
escorted  by%  a  body  of  Westchester  light-horse,  as  a  com 
pliment  to  the    Governor  and  civil   authority;    the  Conti 
nental  military  jurisdiction  being  supposed  to  have  ceased, 
or  at  least  to  have  been    suspended    in    deference    to    the 
civil  power  of  the  State.     Governor  Clinton  gave  a  public 
entertainment,    with    which    the    transactions    of  the   day 
were  closed.      Perfect  order  and  quiet  prevailed   from  the 
beginning  to  the  end,  and  no  untoward  incident  occurred 
to  mar  the    interest  of   an   occasion,  which   had    been   so 
long  wished  for,  and  was  so  joyfully  welcomed. 

A  trial  of  feeling  now  awaited  the  Commander-in-chief,  His  last 

'     meeting 

which  for  the  moment  was  more  severe  and  painful,  than  with  the 

1  •  officers. 

any  he  had  been  called  to  bear.     The  time  had  arrived, 

3  Dec.  4. 

when  he  was  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  his  companions  in 
arms,  to  many  of  whom  he  was  bound  by  the  strongest 
ties  of  friendship,  and  for  all  of  whom  he  felt  a  lively 
gratitude  and  sincere  regard.  "  This  affecting  interview 
took  place  on  the  4th  of  December.  At  noon,  the  princi 
pal  officers  of  the  army  assembled  at  Frances's  tavern, 
soon  after  which  their  beloved  commander  entered  the 
room.  His  emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  concealed. 
Filling  a  glass,  he  turned  to  them  and  said,  '  With  a 
heart  full  of  love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you; 
I  most  devoutly  wish,  that  your  latter  days  may  be  as 
prosperous  and  happy,  as  your  former  ones  have  been 
glorious  and  honorable.'  Having  drunk,  he  added,  'I 
cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my  leave,  but  shall 
be  obliged  if  each  of  you  will  come  and  take  me  by 
the  hand.'  General  Knox,  being  nearest,  turned  to  him. 
Washington,  incapable  of  utterance,  grasped  his  hand,  and 
embraced  him.  In  the  same  affectionate  manner  he  took 
leave  of  each  succeeding  officer.  The  tear  of  manly  sen 
sibility  was  in  every  eye  ;  and  not  a  word  was  articulat 
ed  to  interrupt  the  dignified  silence,  and  the  tenderness 


372  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  51 

CHAPTER  of  the  scene.  Leaving  the  room,  he  passed  through  the 
XIV-  corps  of  light  infantry,  and  walked  to  White  Hall,  where 
1783.  a  barge  waited  to  convey  him  to  Paulus  Hook.  The 
whole  company  followed  in  mute  and  solemn  procession, 
with  dejected  countenances,  testifying  feelings  of  delicious 
melancholy,  which  no  language  can  describe.  Having 
entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  company,  and,  wav 
ing  his  hat,  bid  them  a  silent  adieu.  They  paid  him  the 
same  aifectionate  compliment ;  and,  after  the  barge  had 
left  them,  returned  in  the  same  solemn  manner  to  the 
place  where  they  had  assembled."  * 

Resigns  his         Congress  had  adjourned  from  Princeton  to  Annapolis  in 

commission 

to  congress.  Maryland.  Washington  travelled  slowly  to  that  place, 
Dec.  25.  greeted  everywhere  on  the  road  by  the  acclamations  of 
his  fellow  citizens,  and  the  most  gratifying  tokens  of  their 
love  and  respect.  As  he  passed  along,  public  addresses 
were  presented  to  him  by  the  legislatures  of  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  Maryland,  the  Philosophical  Society 
and  University  in  Philadelphia,  citizens  of  towns  in  their 
corporate  capacity,  religious  societies,  and  various  incorpo 
rated  associations.  Arrived  at  the  seat  of  Congress,  he 
informed  the  President,  that  he  was  ready  to  resign  the 
commission,  with  which  he  had  been  honored  in  the  ser 
vice  of  his  country.  This  ceremony  was  performed  in 
the  Hall  of  Congress  on  the  23d  of  December,  all  the 
members  and  a  large  concourse  of  spectators  being  pres 
ent.  At  the  close  of  his  address  on  this  occasion,  he 
said ;  "  Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I 
retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action ;  and,  bidding  an 
affectionate  farewell  to  this  august  body,  under  whose  or 
ders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my  commission, 
and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employments  of  public  life.'7 
He  then  advanced  and  gave  his  commission  into  the 
hands  of  the  President,  who  replied  to  his  address.  The 
ceremony  being  ended,  he  withdrew  from  the  assembly, 
divested  of  his  official  character,  and  sustaining  no  other 
rank  than  that  of  a  private  citizen. 

*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  II.  p.  57. 


^T.51.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  373 

The  next  morning  he  left  Annapolis  and  reached  Mount    CHAPTER 
Vernon  the   same   day,  having   been   absent   in   the   com-       XIV* 
mand  of  the  army  somewhat   more  than  eight  years  and     ]783« 
a  half,  during   which  period   he   had    never  been   at   his  Retires  to 

private  life 

own  house  except  accidentally  while  on  his  way  with 
Count  de  Rochambeau  to  Yorktown,  and  in  returning 
from  that  expedition.* 

*  For  an  account  of   General  Washington's  expenses   during  the 
time  he  had  command  of  the  army,  see  APPENDIX,  No.  III. 


374 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.  61. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


1784. 

Devotes 
himself  to 
his  private 

affairs. 


He  declines  receiving  pecuniary  Compensation  for  his  public  Services.  — 
His  Feelings  on  being  relieved  from  the  Burden  of  Office.  —  Devotes  him 
self  to  Agriculture.  —  Makes  a  Tour  to  the  Western  Country. —  His  ex 
tensive  Plans  for  internal  Navigation.  —  These  Plans  adopted  by  the  State 
of  Virginia.  —  Visit  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  to  America.  —  Washing 
ton  refuses  to  accept  a  Donation  from  the  State  of  Virginia.  —  His  liberal 
Acts  for  the  Encouragement  of  Education.  —  Approves  the  Countess  of 
Huntington's  Scheme  for  civilizing  and  Christianizing  the  Indians.  —  His 
Operations  in  Farming  and  Horticulture.  —  Visitors  at  Mount  Vernon.  — 
His  Habits.  —  Houdon's  Statue.  —  Condition  of  the  Country  and  Defects 
of  the  Confederacy.  —  Washington's  Sentiments  thereon.  —  First  Steps 
towards  effecting  a  Reform.  —  Convention  at  Annapolis.  —  Proposal  for  a 
general  Convention,  and  Washington  appointed  a  Delegate  from  Virginia. 

—  His  Reasons  for  wishing   to  decline.  —  Society   of  the   Cincinnati.  — 
Washington  accepts  the  Appointment  as  Delegate.  —  Attends  the  Conven 
tion,  is  chosen  its  President,  and  affixes  his   Name   to  the  New  Constitu 
tion.  —  His   Opinion    of  the  Constitution.  —  It  is  adopted  by  the  People. 

—  Washington  chosen  the  first  President  of  the  United  States. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON  believed  his  career  as  a  public 
man  to  be  now  at  an  end.  He  seems  indeed  to  have 
formed  a  resolution  never  again  to  leave  his  retirement, 
unless  called  out  by  some  great  exigency  in  the  affairs 
of  his  country,  which  at  that  time  he  neither  foresaw  nor 
expected.  However  much  he  might  have  been  gratified 
with  the  honors  bestowed  upon  him  by  his  countrymen, 
with  the  success  of  his  long  and  unwearied  services,  and 
the  applause  of  the  whole  civilized  world,  it  was  never 
theless  with  a  heartfelt  delight  which  none  of  these  could 
give,  that  he  returned  to  the  quiet  scenes  and  congenial 
employments  of  private  life.  For  we  may  here  repeat 
what  has  been  said  in  a  former  part  of  this  narrative, 
that  no  occupations  interested  him  so  much,  or  engaged 
his  thoughts  so  constantly,  as  those  of  the  practical  agri 
culturist.  He  was  fond  of  adorning  and  improving  his 
grounds  as  an  amusement,  and  was  devoted  to  the  culti- 


MT.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  375 

vation  of  his  farms,  upon  a  thorough,  economical,  and  sys-   CHAPTER 
tematic  plan,  both  as  a  means  of  increasing    his  property,       xv' 
and  as  being  suited  to  his  tastes  and  early  habits.  1784. 

His  first  care,  after  establishing  himself  at  Mount  Ver- 
non,  was  to  examine  minutely  into  the  state  of  his  private 
affairs,  which  had  become  deranged  by  his  long  absence 
and  the  disorders  of  the  times.  His  fortune  was  ample 
for  a  republican  citizen,  and  a  man  who  derived  neither 
consequence  nor  pleasure  from  display, .but  it  had  neces 
sarily  suffered  a  diminution  during  the  war.  Adhering 
rigidly  to  the  resolution  he  had  formed,  when  he  accepted 
the  command  of  the  army,  not  to  receive  any  remunera 
tion  from  the  public,  either  in  the  shape  of  pay  or  other 
pecuniary  reward,  he  now  considered  it  a  duty  to  repair 
the  losses  he  had  sustained,  as  well  by  economy  in  his 
style  of  living,  as  by  all  the  usual  efforts  to  increase  the 
productiveness  of  his  estates. 

Some  of  his  countrymen,  estimating  his  serviced  to  the  Refuses  to 

,,.  ...  ,.  .  ,..  .  .  .       receive  re- 

public  at  their  just  value,  and  knowing  the  injury  his  pn-  numeration 
vate  affairs  had  suffered  in  consequence  of  them,   hoped  to  HC  services, 
change   his   purpose   of  refusing    pecuniary   compensation. 
A  few  days  before  he  resigned  his  commission,    the  Su 
preme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania  sent  the  follow 
ing  instructions  on  this  subject  to  the  delegates  in  Congress 
from  that   State. 

"  Though  his  Excellency  General  Washington  proposes 
in  a  short  time  to  retire,  yet  his  illustrious  actions  and 
virtues  render  his  character  so  splendid  and  venerable, 
that,  it  is  highly  probable,  the  admiration  and  esteem  of 
the  world  may  make  his  life  in  a  very  considerable  de 
gree  public,  as  numbers  will  be  desirous  of  seeing  the 
great  and  good  man,  who  has  so  eminently  contributed 
to  the  happiness  of  a  nation.  His  very  services  to  his 
country  may  therefore  subject  him  to  expenses,  unless  he 
permits  her  gratitude  to  interpose. 

"  We  are  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  disinterestedness 
and  generosity  of  his  soul.  He  thinks  himself  amply  re 
warded  for  all  his  labors  and  cares,  by  the  love  and 


376 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEx.  52. 


1784. 


prosperity  of  his  fellow  citizens.  It  is  true,  no  rewards 
they  can  bestow  can  be  equal  to  his  merits.  But  they 
ought  not  to  suffer  those  merits  to  be  burdensome  to  him. 
We  are  convinced  that  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  would 
regret  such  a  consequence. 

"  We  are  aware  of  the  delicacy,  with  which  this 
subject  must  be  treated.  But,  relying  upon  the  good 
sense  of  Congress,  we  wish  it  may  engage  their  early 
attention." 

These  instructions  were  received  by  the  delegates,  and 
a  copy  was  forwarded  to  General  Washington  after  he  had 
arrived  at  Mount  Vernon.  It  was  not  thought  advisable 
to  lay  them  before  Congress,  or  take  any  steps  in  fulfil 
ling  them,  without  his  previous  knowledge  and  approba 
tion.  In  this  case,  as  in  every  other,  he  acted  consistently 
with  his  character.  He  promptly  declined  the  intended 
favor.  All  proceedings  on  the  subject  were  accordingly 
stopped.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that  the  sentiments 
of  the  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania  would  have 
been  responded  to  by  the  whole  nation,  and  that  a  liberal 
grant  from  Congress  would  everywhere  have  met  with  a 
cordial  assent. 

The  feelings  of  Washington,  on  being  relieved  from 
the  solicitude  and  burdens  of  office,  were  forcibly  ex 
pressed  in  letters  to  his  friends.  "  At  length,"  said  he, 
February  i.  in  writing  to  Lafayette,  "  I  am  become  a  private  citizen, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac ;  and,  under  the  shadow  of 
my  own  vine  and  my  own  figtree,  free  from  the  bustle 
of  a  camp,  and  the  busy  scenes  of  public  life,  I  am  sol 
acing  myself  with  those  tranquil  enjoyments,  of  which 
the  soldier,  who  is  ever  in  pursuit  of  fame,  the  statesman, 
whose  watchful  days  and  sleepless  nights  are  spent  in 
devising  schemes  to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  own, 
perhaps  the  ruin  of  other  countries,  as  if  this  globe  was 
insufficient  for  us  all,  and  the  courtier,  who  is  always 
watching  the  countenance  of  his  prince,  in  hopes  of 
catching  a  gracious  smile,  can  have  very  little  conception. 
I  have  not  only  retired  from  all  public  employments,  but 


His  feelings 
on  being  re 
lievecffrom 
the  burdens 
of  office. 


KT.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  377 

I   am  retiring  within  myself,   and  shall  be  able   to  view    CHAPTER 
the  solitary  walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of  private  life,  with        xv' 
a  heartfelt  satisfaction.      Envious    of    none,    I   am   deter-     1784. 
mined  to  be  pleased  with  all;   and  this,  my  dear  friend, 
being  the  order  for  my  march,  I  will  move  gently  down 
the  stream  of  life,  until  I  sleep  with  my  fathers." 

To  General  Knox  he  wrote ;  "  I  am  just  beginning  to  Letter  to 
experience  that  ease  and  freedom  from  public  cares,  which,  Knox. 
however  desirable,  takes  some  time  to  realize  ;  for,  strange  February  20. 
as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true,  that  it  was  not 
till  lately  I  could  get  the  better  of  my  usual  custom  of 
ruminating,  as  soon  as  I  waked  in  the  morning,  on  the 
business  of  the  ensuing  day  ;  and  of  my  surprise  at  find 
ing,  after  revolving  many  things  in  my  mind,  that  I  was 
no  longer  a  public  man,  nor  had  any  thing  to  do  with 
public  transactions.  I  feel  now,  however,  as  I  conceive 
a  wearied  traveller  must  do,  who,  after  treading  many 
a  painful  step  with  a  heavy  burden  on  his  shoulders,  is 
eased  of  the  latter,  having  reached  the  haven  to  which 
all  the  former  were  directed,  and  from  his  house-top  is 
looking  back,  and  tracing  with  an  eager  eye  the  mean 
ders  by  which  he  escaped  the  quicksands  and  mires  which 
lay  in  his  way  ;  and  into  which  none  but  the  all-power 
ful  Guide  and  Dispenser  of  human  events  could  have  pre 
vented  his  falling." 

The  time  and  thoughts  of  Washington  were  now  con-  Hospitality 
fined  to  his  farms,  and  to  such  acts  of  hospitality  as  were 
demanded  by  the  numerous  visits  from  strangers  and  his 
acquaintances,  who  were  drawn  to  Mount  Vernon  by  mo 
tives  of  curiosity,  admiration,  and  respect.  However  oner 
ous  these  visits  might  be,  on  some  occasions,  his  house 
was  open  to  all  that  came,  and  his  personal  civilities  were 
so  rendered  as  to  strengthen  the  affections  of  his  friends, 
and  win  the  esteem  of  those,  who  had  known  him  only 
by  his  fame,  and  revered  him  for  his  public  character. 
And  it  is  but  just  to  say,  that  in  all  these  duties  Mrs. 
Washington  performed  her  part  with  such  discretion,  assi 
duity,  and  courtesy,  without  ostentation  on  the  one  hand 
48  N2* 


378 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  52. 


Makes  a 
tour  to  the 
Western 
country. 


CHAPTER  or  constraint  on  the  other,  as,  at  the  same  time  that  it 
proved  the  goodness  of  her  heart  and  her  power  to  please, 
insured  the  comfort  and  enjoyment  of  her  guests,  and  con 
vinced  them  of  the  domestic  harmony  and  happiness,  that 
reigned  in  the  mansion  at  Mount  Vernon. 

In  the  month  of  September,  1784,  Washington  made  a 
tour  to  the  Western  country,  for  the  purpose  of  inspect 
ing  the  lands  he  owned  beyond  the  Allegany  Mountains, 
and  also  of  ascertaining  the  practicability  of  opening  a 
communication  between  the  head  waters  of  the  rivers  run 
ning  eastward  into  the  Atlantic,  and  those  that  flow  west 
ward  to  the  Ohio.  The  extent  of  this  journey  was  six 
hundred  and  eighty  miles,  the  whole  of  which  he  travel 
led  on  horseback,  using  pack-horses  for  the  conveyance 
of  a  tent,  the  necessary  baggage,  and  such  supplies  as 
could  not  be  procured  in  the  wild  and  unsettled  regions 
through  which  he  was  to  pass.  He  crossed  the  mountains 
by  the  usual  route  of  Braddock's  Road,  and  spent  sev 
eral  days  in  surveying  and  inspecting  his  lands  on  the 
Monongahela  River,  a  part  of  which  was  occupied  by  set 
tlers.  His .  first  intention  was  to  descend  the  Ohio,  as 
he  had  done  in  the  year  1770,  to  the  Great  Kenhawa, 
where  he  owned  a  large  tract  of  wild  land  ;  but  the  hos 
tile  temper  of  the  Indians  rendering  this  expedition  haz 
ardous,  and  the  motive  not  being  strong  enough  to  induce 
him  to  run  risks,  he  advanced  westward  no  farther  than 
the  Monongahela.  Returning  by  a  circuitous  route,  he 
passed  through  the  heart  of  the  wilderness,  first  ascending 
the  Monongahela  River,  and  thence  traversing  the  coun 
try  far  to  the  south  between  the  ridges  of  the  Allegany 
Mountains,  with  the  special  view  of  deciding  the  question 
in  his  own  mind,  whether  the  Potomac  and  James  Rivers 
could  be  connected  by  internal  navigation  with  the  west 
ern  waters.  He  conversed  on  the  subject  with  every  in 
telligent  person  he  met,  and  kept  a  journal  in  which  he 
recorded  the  results  of  his  observations  and  inquiries. 

His  thoughts  had  been  turned  to  this  enterprise  before 
the  revolution ;  and,  since  the  peace,  he  had  used  un- 


JET.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  379 

wearied  diligence  by  an  extensive  correspondence  to  pro-  CHAPTER 

cure  facts  respecting  the  rivers  falling  into  the  Ohio  from       xv> . 

the  west,  and  into  the  great  Lakes,  and  also  the  distances  1784. 

from  various  navigable  points  in  those  rivers  and  lakes  to  Letter  to  the 

legislature  of 

the  head  waters  of  the  streams  flowing  towards  the  Atlan-  Virginia  on 

internal 

tic.  Soon  after  returning  from  his  western  tour,  he  com-  navigation, 
municated  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  the  fruits  of  his 
investigations  in  a  letter,  one  of  the  ablest,  most  saga 
cious,  and  most  important  productions  of  his  pen.  Pre 
senting  first  a  clear  state  of  the  question,  and  showing 
the  practicability  of  facilitating  the  intercourse  of  trade 
between  the  east  and  the  west  by  improving  and  ex 
tending  the  water  communications,  he  then  proceeds  by  a 
train  of  unanswerable  argument  and  illustration  to  explain 
the  immense  advantages,  that  would  arise  from  such  a 
measure,  in  strengthening  the  union  of  the  States,  multi 
plying  the  resources  of  trade,  and  promoting  the  prosperity 
of  the  country. 

"  I  need  not  remark  to  you,"   said  he,   "  that  the  flanks  Arguments 
and  rear  of  the  United  States  are  possessed  by  other  pow-  witotor- 

.  course  with 

ers,  and  formidable  ones  too  ;  nor  how  necessary  it  is  to  the  western 
apply  the  cement  of  interest  to  bind  all  parts  of  the  Union 
together  by  indissoluble  bonds,  especially  that  part  of  it, 
which  lies  immediately  west  of  us,  with  the  middle  States. 
For  what  ties,  let  me  ask,  should  we  have  upon  those 
people  ?  How  entirely  unconnected  with  them  shall  we 
be,  and  what  troubles  may  we  not  apprehend,  if  the  Span 
iards  on  their  right,  and  Great  Britain  on  their  left,  in 
stead  of  throwing  stumblingblocks  in  their  way,  as  they 
now  do,  should  hold  out  lures  for  their  trade  and  alliance  ? 
What,  when  they  get  strength,  which  will  be  sooner  than 
most  people  conceive  (from  the  emigration  of  foreigners, 
who  will  have  no  particular  predilection  towards  us,  as 
well  as  from  the  removal  of  our  own  citizens),  will  be 
the  consequence  of  their  having  formed  close  connexions 
with  both  or  either  of  those  powers,  in  a  commercial 
way  ?  It  needs  not,  in  my  opinion,  the  gift  of  prophecy 
to  foretell. 


380 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


|>ET.  52. 


CHAPTER 
XV. 

1784. 


"  The  western  States  (I  speak  now  from  my  own  ob 
servation)  stand  as  it  were  upon  a  pivot.  The  touch  of 
a  feather  would  turn  them  any  way.  They  have  looked 
down  the  Mississippi,  until  the  Spaniards,  very  impolitical- 
ly  I  think  for  themselves,  threw  difficulties  in  their  way ; 
and  they  looked  that  way  for  no  other  reason,  than  be 
cause  they  could  glide  gently  down  the  stream  ;  without 
considering,  perhaps,  the  difficulties  of  the  voyage  back 
again,  and  the  time  necessary  to  perform  it  in ;  and  be 
cause  they  have  no  other  means  of  coming  to  us  but  by 
long  land  transportations  and  unimproved  roads.  These 
causes  have  hitherto  checked  the  industry  of  the  present 
settlers ;  for,  except  the  demand  for  provisions,  occasioned 
by  the  increase  of  population,  and  a  little  flour,  which  the 
necessities  of  the  Spaniards  compel  them  to  buy,  they 
have  no  incitements  to  labor.  But  smooth  the  road,  and 
make  easy  the  way  for  them,  and  then  see  what  an  influx 
of  articles  will  be  poured  upon  us  j  how  amazingly  our 
exports  will  be  increased  by  them,  and  how  amply  we 
shall  be  compensated  for  any  trouble  and  expense  we  may 
encounter  to  effect  it. 

"  A  combination  of  circumstances  makes  the  present 
conjuncture  more  favorable  for  Virginia,  than  for  any  other 
State  in  the  Union,  to  fix  these  matters.  The  jealous  and 
untoward  disposition  of  the  Spaniards  on  one  hand,  and 
the  private  views  of  some  individuals,  coinciding  with  the 
general  policy  of  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  on  the  other, 
to  retain  as  long  as  possible  the  posts  of  Detroit,  Niagara, 
and  Oswego,  (which,  though  done  under  the  letter  of  the 
treaty,  is  certainly  an  infraction  of  the  spirit  of  it,  and 
injurious  to  the  Union,)  may  be  improved  to  the  greatest 
advantage  by  this  State,  if  she  would  open  the  avenues 
to  the  trade  of  that  country,  and  embrace  the  present  mo 
ment  to  establish  it.  It  only  wants  a  beginning.  The 
western  inhabitants  would  do  their  part  towards  its  execu 
tion.  Weak  as  they  are,  they  would  meet  us  at  least 
half  way,  rather  than  be  driven  into  the  arms  of  foreign 
ers,  or  be  made  dependent  upon  them  ;  which  would 


JET.  52.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  381 

eventually  either  bring  on  a  separation  of  them  from  us,  CHAPTER 

or  a  war  between  the  United  States  and  one  or  the  other  xv< 

of  those  powers,  most  probably  with  the  Spaniards."  1784. 

At   this   time   the    State    of  Virginia,    being   large   and  surveys  of 

0          .  D  the  western 

powerful,    stretching   on    one    side   to    the    Atlantic  ocean  rivers  rec 
ommended. 

and  on  the  other  to  the  western  waters,  and  having  in 
its  bosom  two  noble  rivers  descending  from  the  summits 
of  the  Alleganies,  he  thought  the  most  favorably  situated 
for  beginning  the  great  work.  He  recommended,  there 
fore,  as  a  preliminary  step,  that  commissioners  should  be 
appointed  to  survey  the  Potomac  and  James  Rivers  from 
tide-water  to  their  sources,  and  the  portages  between 
them  and  the  principal  western  streams,  following  these 
streams  to  their  junction  with  the  Ohio,  measuring  with 
accuracy  the  distances,  noting  the  obstructions  to  be  re 
moved,  and  estimating  the  probable  expense.  He  also 
advised  a  similar  survey  of  the  rivers  west  of  the  Ohio 
as  far  as  Detroit.  "  These  things  being  done,"  said  he, 
"  I  shall  be  mistaken  if  prejudice  does  not  yield  to  facts, 
jealousy  to  candor,  and  finally,  if  reason  and  nature,  thus 
aided,  do  not  dictate  what  is  right  and  proper  to  be 
done."  The  governor  laid  this  letter  before  the  legis 
lature.  It  was  the  first  suggestion  of  the  great  system 
of  internal  improvements,  which  has  since  been  pursued 
in  the  United  States. 

A  short  time  before  his  journey  to  the  west,  Wash-  visit  of  La- 
ington  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  at  Mount  Vernon  Moumever- 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  for  whom  he  cherished  the 
warmest  friendship,  heightened*  by  gratitude  for  the  dis 
interestedness  and  ardor  with  which  he  had  espoused  the 
cause  of  American  freedom,  and  the  signal  services  he 
had  rendered.  Two  or  three  months  were  passed  by 
Lafayette  in  the  middle  and  eastern  States,  and  in  No 
vember  he  arrived  at  Richmond  in  Virginia.  Washington 
met  him  at  that  place,  where  they  were  both  received 
with  public  honors  by  the  legislature  then  in  session. 
They  returned  together  to  Mount  Vernon ;  and,  when 
Lafayette's  visit  was  concluded,  Washington  accompanied 
him  on  his  way  to  Annapolis. 


382 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  52. 


1784. 

Departure  of 
Lafeyette. 


Dec.  8. 


Companies 
for  internal 
navigation 
organized. 


In  a  letter  to  Lafayette's  wife  he  said ;  "  We  restore 
the  Marquis  to  you  in  good  health,  crowned  with  wreaths 
of  love  and  respect  from  every  part  of  the  Union."  The* 
parting  of  the  two  friends  was  affecting,  and  showed  the 
strength  of  the  ties  by  which  they  were  united.  As  soon 
as  he  reached  home,  Washington  wrote  to  him  as  fol 
lows.  "  In  the  moment  of  our  separation,  upon  the  road 
as  I  travelled,  and  every  hour  since,  I  have  felt  all  that 
love,  respect,  and  attachment  for  you,  with  which  length 
of  years,  close  connexion,  and  your  merits  have  inspired 
me.  I  often  asked  myself,  as  our  carriages  separated, 
whether  that  was  the  last  sight  I  ever  should  have  of 
you  ?  And,  though  I  wished  to  say  No,  my  fears  an 
swered  Yes.  I  called  to  mind  the  days  of  my  youth, 
and  found  they  had  long  since  fled  to  return  no  more  ; 
that  I  was  now  descending  the  hill  I  had  been  fifty- 
two  years  climbing,  and  that,  though  I  was  blest  with 
a  good  constitution,  I  was  of  a  short-lived  family,  and 
might  soon  expect  to  be  entombed  in  the  mansion  of 
my  fathers.  These  thoughts  darkened  the  shades,  and 
gave  a  gloom  to  the  picture,  •  and  consequently  to  my 
prospect  of  seeing  you  again."  This  melancholy  presage 
was  fulfilled.  They  never  met  afterwards.  But  their  at 
tachment  remained  indissoluble,  and  Washington  lived  to 
sympathize  in  the  misfortunes  of  his  friend,  and  to  have 
the  consolation  of  using  all  the  means  in  his  power  to 
rescue  him  from  the  sufferings  he  so  long  endured  in  a 
cruel  imprisonment. 

The  hopes  of  General  Washington,  in  regard  to  his 
favorite  scheme  of  internal  navigation,  were  more  than 
realized.  The  legislature  of  Virginia,  after  duly  consider 
ing  his  letter  to-  the  governor,  not  only  appointed  the 
commission  for  surveys,  but  organized  two  companies, 
called  the  Potomac  Company  and  the  James  River  Com 
pany,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  plan  into  effect. 
They  moreover  complimented  him  without  a  dissenting 
voice,  by  a  donation  of  fifty  shares  in  the  former  com 
pany,  and  one  hundred  shares  in  the  latter ;  the  fifty 


JET.  52.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  383 

shares  •being  estimated  at  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  the  CHAPTER 
others  at  five  thousand  pounds  sterling.  Aware  of  his 
delicacy  on  the  subject  of  receiving  money  from  the  pub-  1785. 
lie,  the  legislature  contrived  to  frame  the  preamble  of  the 
act  in  such  language,  as,  it  was  hoped,  would  remove 
his  scruples.  "  It  is  the  desire  of  the  representatives  of 
this  commonwealth  to  embrace  every  suitable  occasion  of 
testifying  their  sense  of  the  unexampled  merits  of  George 
Washington  towards  his  country  ;  and  it  is  their  wish  in 
particular,  that  those  great  works  for  its  improvement, 
which,  both  as  springing  from  the  liberty  which  he  has 
been  so  instrumental  in  establishing,  and  as  encouraged 
by  his  patronage,  will  be  durable  monuments  of  his 
glory,  may  be  made  monuments  also  of  the  gratitude  of 
his  country." 

If  he  was  highly  gratified,  as  he  must  have  been,  with  Washington 
this   public   testimony   of    affection    and   respect,    he    was 


scarcely  less  embarrassed  by  it.  Not  that  he  hesitated,  Virginia. 
as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue,  but  the  grant  had 
been  made  in  so  liberal  a  manner,  and  from  motives  so 
pure,  that  he  feared  a  refusal  might  be  regarded  in  an 
unfavorable  light,  as  evincing  either  ingratitude  to  his 
friends,  or  a  disposition  to  gain  applause  by  a  show  of 
disinterestedness,  unusual  if  not  unnecessary.  He  stated 
his  difficulties  freely  in  private  letters  to  the  governor, 
and  to  some  of  the  principal  members  of  the  legislature  ; 
declaring,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  could  not,  consist 
ently  with  his  principles,  accept  the  proffered  gift  in  such 
a  way,  that  he  should  derive  from  it  any  emolument  to 
himself.  A  positive  decision  was  not  required  till  the 
next  session  of  the  legislature,  when  he  wrote  officially 
to  the  governor  declining  the  grant  ;  but,  lest  the  opera 
tions  of  the  companies  should  be  retarded  by  withdrawing 
the  subscriptions  for  the  shares,  which  had  been  made 
by  the  treasurer  on  his  account,  he  suggested,  that,  if 
the  Assembly  should  think  proper  to  submit  to  him  the 
appropriation  of  them  for  some  object  of  a  public  nature, 
he  would  accept  the  trust.  His  proposition  was  cheerfully 


384 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  53. 


CHAPTER 
XV. 

1785. 


Contributes 
to  the  sup 
port  of  edu 
cation. 


Appointed 
chancellor 
of  William 
and  Mary 
College. 


acceded  to ;  and,  by  an  act  of  the  Assembly,  th»  shares 
were  assigned  to  such  public  objects,  as  he  should  direct 
during  his  life,  or  by  his  last  will  and  testament. 

The  purpose,  which  he  first  had  in  view,  was  the  en 
couragement  of  education,  and  this  purpose  was  ultimately 
accomplished.  Some  time  before  his  death,  he  made  over 
the  shares  in  the  James  River  Company  to  an  institution 
in  Rockbridge  County,  then  called  Liberty  Hall  Academy. 
The  name  has  since  been  changed  to  Washington  College. 
The  fifty  shares  in  the  Potomac  Company  he  bequeathed 
in  perpetuity  for  the  endowment  of  a  university  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  under  the  auspices  of  the  govern 
ment  ;  and,  if  such  a  seminary  should  not  be  established 
by  the  government,  the  fund  was  to  increase  till  it  should 
be  adequate,  with  such  other  resources  as  might  be  ob 
tained,  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  design.  The  es 
tablishing  of  a  national  university  was  always  one  of  his 
favorite  schemes.  He  recommended  it  in  his  messages 
to  Congress,  and  often  in  his  letters  spoke  of  the  advan 
tages,  which  would  be  derived  from  it  to  the  nation.* 

It  may  here  be  added,  that  he  was  a  zealous  advocate 
for  schools  and  literary  institutions  of  every  kind,  and 
sought  to  promote  them,  whenever  an  opportunity  offered, 
by  his  public  addresses  and  by  private  benefactions.  In 
this  spirit  he  accepted  the  chancellorship  of  William  and 
Mary  College,  being  earnestly  solicited  by  the  trustees.  In 
his  answer  to  them,  accepting  the  appointment,  he  said ; 
"  I  rely  fully  in  your  strenuous  endeavors  for  placing  the 
system  on  such  a  basis,  as  will  render  it  most  beneficial 
to  the  State  and  the  republic  of  letters,  as  well  as  to  the 
more  extensive  interests  of  humanity  and  religion."  The 


*  The  donation  to  Washington  College  has  been  productive,  and  the 
proceeds  arising  from  it  have  contributed  essential  aid  to  that  institu 
tion.  No  part  of  the  other  fund  has  been  as  yet  employed  for  liter 
ary  purposes.  The  Potomac  Company  seems  to  have  been  merged  in 
the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  Company.  The  shares  appropriated 
by  Washington's  will  are  doubtless  held  in  trust  by  the  latter  company 
for  their  destined  object. 


JET.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  385 

chancellor's    duty    consisted   chiefly  in  suggesting  and  ap-  CHAPTER 
proving  measures  for  the  management  of  the  college,  and       xv' 

in  recommending  professors  and  teachers  to  fill  vacancies  1785. 
in  the  departments  of  instruction. 

The  acts  of  charity  by  which  he  contributed  from  his  Donation  for 

_  /*  11      the  educa- 

pnvate  means  to  foster  education  were  not  few  nor  small,  tiononndi- 
During  many  years,  he  gave  fifty  pounds  annually  for  the  dren. 
instruction  of  indigent  children  in  Alexandria;  and  by 
will  he  left  a  legacy  of  four  thousand  dollars,  the  net 
income  of  which  was  to  be  used  for  the  same  benevolent 
object  for  ever.  Two  or  three  instances  are  known,  in 
which  he  offered  to  pay  the  expenses  of  young  men 
through  their  collegiate  course.  When  General  Greene 
died,  he  proposed  to  take  under  his  protection  one  of  the 
sons  of  his  departed  friend,  pay  the  charges  of  his  edu 
cation,  and  bring  him  forward  into  life.  Fortunately  the 
circumstances,  in  which  General  Greene  left  his  family, 
rendered  this  act  of  munificence  and  paternal  care  unne 
cessary.  Other  examples  might  be  cited;  and,  from  his 
cautious  habit  of  concealing  from  the  world  his  deeds  of 
charity,  it  may  be  presumed  many  others  are  unknown, 
in  which  his  heart  and  his  hand  were  open  to  the  relief 
of  indigent  merit. 

The  Countess  of  Huntington,  celebrated  for  her  reli-  Favors  the 
gious  enthusiasm  and  liberal  charities,  formed  a  scheme  ?iun«ngtJny 
for  civilizing  and  Christianizing  the  North  American  In- 
dians.  Being  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Ferrers,  who 
was  descended  through  the  female  line  from  a  remote 
branch  of  the  Washington  family,  she  claimed  relation 
ship  to  General  Washington,  and  wrote  to  him  several 
letters  respecting  her  project  of  benevolence  and  piety  in 
America.  It  was  her  design  to  form,  at  her  own  charge, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  some  of  the  Indian  tribes,  a  set 
tlement  of  industrious  emigrants,  who,  by  their  example 
and  habits,  should  gradually  introduce  among  them  the 
arts  of  civilization ;  and  missionaries  were  to  teach  them 
the  principles  of  Christianity.  Lady  Huntington  proposed, 
that  the  government  of  the  United  States  should  grant 
49  o2 


386 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  53. 


1785, 


CHAPTER  a  tract  of  wild  lands  upon  which  her  emigrants  and  mis- 
xv<  sionaries  should  establish  themselves.  A  scheme,  prompt 
ed  by  motives  so  pure,  and  founded  on  so  rational  a 
basis,  gained  at  once  the  approbation  arid  countenance  of 
Washington.  He  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress,  and 
to  the  governors  of  some  of  the  States,  expressing  favor 
able  sentiments  of  Lady  Huntington's  application.  Politi 
cal  and  local  reasons  interfered  to  defeat  the  plan.  In  the 
first  place,  it  was  thought  doubtful  whether  a  colony  of 
foreigners  settled  on  the  western  frontier,  near  the  En 
glish  on  one  side  and  the  Spaniards  on  the  other,  would 
in  the  end  prove  conducive  to  the  public  tranquillity. 
And,  in  the  next  place,  the  States  individually  had  ceded 
all  their  wild  lands  to  the  Union,  and  Congress  were  not 
certain  that  they  possessed  power  to  grant  any  portion 
of  the  new  territory  for  such  an  object.  Hence  the  pro 
ject  was  laid  aside,  although  Washington  oifered  to  fa 
cilitate  it  as  far  as  he  could  on  a  smaller  scale,  by  allow 
ing  settlers  to  occupy  his  own  lands,  and  be  employed 
according  to  Lady  Huntington's  views. 

In  the  spring  of  1785,  he  was  engaged  for  several 
weeks  in  planting  his  grounds  at  Mount  Vernon  with  trees 
and  shrubs.  To  this  interesting  branch  of  husbandry  he 
had  devoted  considerable  attention  before  the  war,  and 
during  that  period  he  had  endeavored  to  carry  out  his 
plans  of  improvement.  In  some  of  his  letters  from  camp, 
he  gave  minute  directions  to  his  manager  for  removing 
and  planting  trees  j  but  want  of  skill  and  other  causes 
prevented  these  directions  from  being  complied  with,  ex 
cept  in  a  very  imperfect  manner.  The  first  year  after  the 
war,  he  applied  himself  mainly  to  farming  operations, 
with  the  view  of  restoring  his  neglected  fields  and  com 
mencing  a  regular  system  of  practical  agriculture.  He 
gradually  abandoned  the  cultivation  of  tobacco,  which 
exhausted  his  lands,  and  substituted  wheat  and  grass,  as 
better  suited  to  the  soil,  and  in  the  aggregate  more  profit 
able.  He  began  a  new  method  of  rotation  of  crops,  in 
which  he  studied  the  particular  qualities  of  the  soil  in 


His  farming 
operations. 


JEr.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  387 

the  different  parts  of  his  farms,  causing  wheat,  maize,  po-    CHAPTER 
tatoes,   oats,  grass,  and  other  crops  to  succeed  each  other       xv< 
in   the  same  field  at  stated   times.      So   exact   was  he  in     1785. 
this  method,  that  he  drew  out  a  scheme  in  which  all  his 
fields  were  numbered,  and  the  crops  assigned  to  them  for 
several   years   in   advance.      It   proved  so  successful,   that 
he  pursued  it  to  the  end  of  his  life,  with  occasional  slight 
deviations  by  way  of  experiment. 

Having  thus  arranged  and  systematized  his  agricultural  occupied  in 

.  .  planting  his 

operations,   he  now   set  himself  at  work  in  earnest  to  ex-  grounds  at 

.  e.  i         ^         '  Mount  Ver- 

ecute  his  purpose  of  planting  and  adorning  the  grounds  non. 
around  the  mansion-house.  In  the  direction  of  the  left 
wing,  and  at  a  considerable  distance,  was  a  vegetable 
garden  ;  and  on  the  right,  at  an  equal  distance,  was 
another  garden  for  ornamental  shrubs,  plants,  and  flowers. 
Between  these  gardens,  in  front  of  the  house,  was  a  spa 
cious  lawn,  surrounded  by  serpentine  walks.  Beyond  the 
gardens  and  lawn  were  the  orchards.  Very  early  in  the 
spring  he  began  with  the  lawn,  selecting  the  choicest 
trees  from  the  woods  on  his  estates,  and  transferring 
them  to  the  borders  of  the  serpentine  walks,  arranging 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  produce  symmetry  and 
beauty  in  the  general  effect,  intermingling  in  just  pro 
portions  forest  tress,  evergreens,  and  flowering  shrubs.  He 
attended  personally  to  the  selection,  removal,  and  planting 
of  every  tree  ;  and  his  Diary,  which  is  very  particular 
from  day  to  day  through  the  whole  process,  proves  that 
he  engaged  in  it  with  intense  interest,  and  anxiously 
watched  each  tree  and  shoot  till  it  showed  signs  of  re 
newed  growth.  Such  trees  as  were  not  found  on  his  own 
lands,  he  obtained  from  other  parts  of  the  country,  and 
at  length  his  design  was  completed  according  to  his 
wishes. 

The  orchards,  gardens,  and  green-houses   were  next  re-  Hi 
plenished  with  all   the  varieties  of  rare    fruit-trees,  vege- 
tables,  shrubs,  and  flowering  plants,  which  he  could   pro 
cure.     This  was  less  easily  accomplished ;  but,  horticulture 
being   with   him  a  favorite    pursuit,  he   continued   during 


388 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[>ET.  53. 


His  numer 
ous  avoca 
tions. 


CHAPTER   his  life  to  make  new  accessions  of  fruits  and  plants,  both 
xv> native  and  exotic.     Priming  trees  was  one  of  his  amuse- 

1785.  ments  ;  and  in  the  proper  season  he  might  be  seen  almost 
daily  in  his  grounds  and  gardens  with  a  pruning-hook  or 
other  horticultural  implements  in  his  hands.  Skilful  gar 
deners  were  sought  by  him  from  Europe,  whose  knowl 
edge  and  experience  enabled  him  to  execute  his  plans. 

Although  relieved  from  public  cares,  he  soon  discovered, 
that  the  prospect,  which  he  had  so  fondly  cherished,  of 
enjoying  the  repose  of  retirement,  was  much  brighter  than 
the  reality.  Writing  to  General  Knox,  he  said,  "  It  is 
not  the  letters  from  my  friends,  which  give  me  trouble, 
or  add  aught  to  my  perplexity.  It  is  references  to  old 
matters,  with  whbh  I  have  nothing  to  do  ;  applications 
which  oftentimes  cannot  be  complied  with  ;  inquiries 
which  would  require  the  pen  of  a  historian  to  satisfy  ; 
letters  of  compliment,  as  unmeaning  perhaps  as  they  are 
troublesome,  but  which  must  be  attended  to ;  and  the 
commonplace  business,  which  employs  my  pen  and  my 
time,  often  disagreeably.  Indeed  these,  with  company, 
deprive  me  of  exercise,  and,  unless  I  can  obtain  relief, 
must  be  productive  of  disagreeable  consequences."  The 
applications,  of  which  he  complains,  were  chiefly  from 
officers  or  other  persons,  who  had  been  connected  with 
the  army,  and  who  wished  to  obtain  from  him  certificates 
of  character,  or  of  services  rendered  during  the  war,  or 
some  other  statement  from  his  pen,  for  the  purpose  of 
substantiating  claims  upon  the  government.  His  real  at 
tachment  to  all  who  had  served  faithfully  in  the  army, 
as  well  as  his  humanity,  prompted  him  to  comply  with 
these  requests ;  but  in  many  cases  they  were  unreasonable, 
and  in  all  troublesome,  as  they  required  an  examination 
of  his  voluminous  papers,  and  a  recurrence  to  facts  which 
often  could  not  be  easily  ascertained.  And  then  his  cor 
respondence  on  topics  of  public  interest,  friendship,  and 
civility,  with  persons  in  Europe  and  America,  was  very 
extensive.  Add  to  this,  his  private  affairs,  the  keeping  of 
accounts,  and  his  letters  of  business.  For  more  than  two 


^T.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  389 

years  after  the  close  of  the  war  he  had  no  clerk  or  secre-    CHAPTER 
tary,  and  he  was  therefore  incessantly  employed  in  writ-        xv> 
ing.     At   length   this   labor  was  in   some   degree    lessened      1785. 
by  the  aid  of  Mr.   Lear,  who    became   his   secretary,  and 
resided    in    his  family  many  years   on  terms   of   intimate 
friendship. 

The  multitude  of  visitors   at  Mount  Vernon  increased,   visitor,  at 

Mount  Ver 

They  came  from  the  Old  World  and  the  New.  Among  «<>n. 
them  were  foreigners  of  distinction,  particularly  from 
France  and  other  countries  on  the  continent  of  Europe, 
bringing  letters  of  introduction  from  the  Marquis  de  La 
fayette,  Count  de  Rochambeau,  Count  d'Estaing,  and 
some  of  the  other  general  officers,  who  had  served  in 
America.  The  celebrated  authoress  and  champion  of  lib 
erty,  Catherine  Macaulay  Graham,  professed  to  have  cross 
ed  the  Atlantic  for  the  sole  purpose  of  testifying  in  per 
son  her  admiration  of  the  character  and  deeds  of  Wash 
ington.  His  own  countrymen,  in  every  part  of  the  Union, 
as  may  well  be  supposed,  were  not  less  earnest  in  their 
good  will,  or  less  ready  to  prove  their  respect  and  attach 
ment.  Some  came  to  keep  alive  friendship,  some  to  ask 
counsel  on  public  affairs,  and  many  to  gratify  a  natural 
and  ardent  curiosity.  This  throng  of  visitors  necessarily 
demanded  much  of  his  time  ;  but  in  other  respects  the 
task  of  receiving  them  was  made  easy  by  the  admirable 
economy  of  the  household  under  the  management  of 
Mrs.  Washington. 

His  habits  were  uniform,  and  nearly  the  same  as  they  His  daily 
had  been  previously  to  the  war.  He  rose  before  the  sun, 
and  employed  himself  in  his  study,  writing  letters  or  read 
ing,  till  the  hour  of  breakfast.  When  breakfast  was  over, 
his  horse  was  ready  at  the  door,  and  he  rode  to  his  farms 
and  gave  directions  for  the  day  to  the  managers  and  la 
borers.  Horses  were  likewise  prepared  for  his  guests, 
whenever  they  chose  to  accompany  him,  or  to  amuse 
themselves  by  excursions  into  the  country.  Returning 
from  his  fields,  and  despatching  such  business  as  happen 
ed  to  be  on  hand,  he  went  again  to  his  study,  and  con- 

o2* 


390  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  |>ET.  53, 

CHAPTER    tinned  there  till   three  o'clock,  when   he   was    summoned 

xv>        to  dinner.      The   remainder  of  the  day  and   the   evening 

1785.     were  devoted  to   company,  or   to  recreation  in  the  family 

circle.     At  ten  he  retired  to  rest.     From  these   habits  he 

seldom  deviated,  unless   compelled   to  do   so  by  particular 

circumstances. 

Houdon's  The  State  of  Virginia  having  resolved  to  erect  a  statue 

Washington,  in  honor  of  General  Washington,  the  governor  was  author 
ized  to  employ  an  artist  in  Europe  to  execute  it.  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  in  Paris,  were  commis 
sioned  to  select  the  artist  and  make  the  contract.  They 
chose  M.  Houdon,  who  was  accounted  one  of  the  first 
statuaries  of  his  time.  It  was  the  intention,  that  the 
statue  should  bear  an  exact  resemblance  to  the  original. 
M.  Houdon  engaged  in  the  undertaking  with  great  en 
thusiasm,  and  came  to  America  in  the  same  vessel,  that 
conveyed  Dr.  Franklin  home  from  his  long  and  brilliant 
mission  to  France.  He  was  at  Mount  Vernon  three  weeks, 
in  the  Month  of  October,  1785,  and  modelled  a  bust  of 
General  Washington,  as  exact  in  all  its  lineaments  as  his 
skill  could  make  it.  The  statue  is  a  precise  copy  of  the 
model,  and  is  undoubtedly  the  best  representation  of  the 
original  that  exists.* 

*  Three  statues  of  Washington  have  been  executed,  by  three  of  the 
most  eminent  artists  in  modern  times ;  the  first  by  Houdon,  the  second 
by  Canova,  and  the  third  by  Chantrey.  The  statue  by  Houdon  stands 
in  the  Capitol  at  Richmond,  and  is  believed  to  be  as  perfect  a  resem 
blance  of  the  original,  both  in  the  features  and  the  figure,  as  the  sculp 
tor's  art  will  admit  The  costume  is  modern,  being  that  in  which 
General  Washington  was  accustomed  to  appear  as  Commander-in- 
chief.  Critics  have  objected  to  this  style  of  dress,  as  neither  classical, 
graceful,  nor  suited  to  the  dignity  of  the  art  However  this  may  be,  it 
will  always  give  pleasure  as  presenting  an  exact  representation,  and  as 
calling  up  historical  associations.  Canova's  statue  was  made  for  the 
State  of  North  Carolina.  It  is  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  a  Roman 
costume.  The  artist  aimed  to  exhibit  his  conception  of  the  character, 
rather  than  the  bodily  resemblance,  of  Washington.  This  splendid 
specimen  of  art  has  been  mutilated,  and  nearly  destroyed,  by  a  fire 
which  consumed  the  Capitol  at  Raleigh.  Chantrey's  statue  was  pro 
cured  by  a  private  subscription,  and  is  placed  in  the  Statehouse  at 


£/r.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  391 

However  much  Washington  was  devoted  to  his  private    CHAPTER 
pursuits,  so  congenial  to  his  taste  and  so  exacting  in  their         v' 
claims  on  his  attention,  yet  neither  his  zeal  for  the  pub-     1785- 
lie  good,  nor  the  importunity  of  his  correspondents,  would  2j^J«J.J° 
allow   his   thoughts   to   be    withdrawn    from   the   political  JjJe(J|JJJtrof 
condition  of  his  country.      His  opinions   were  asked   and 
his  advice  was  sought  by  the  patriotic  leaders  in  the  pub 
lic  councils,  and  by  such  eminent  persons  as  had  been  his 
coadjutors  in   the   great  work  of  independence,  who  now 
looked  with  concern  upon  the  system  of  national  govern 
ment,   which   was   confessedly  inadequate   to   stand  by  its 
own  strength,  much  less  to  sustain  the  Union  of  the  States. 
This  union   had   hitherto  been  preserved  by  the  pressure 
of  war.     It  was  rather  the  last  resort  of  a  stern  necessity, 
than  the  spontaneous  choice  of  all  the  thirteen  republics. 
Peace  had  taken  away  its  main  props,  and  was  fast  dis 
solving  the  slender  bands  by  which  it  was  bound  togeth 
er.      Congress  was  its   centre    of  action ;   and   this   body, 
imperfectly  organized,  possessing  little  real  authority,  never 
confident   in   what   it   possessed,    and   often   distracted   by 
party  discords,  had  become  almost  powerless. 

The  confederation  had  proved  itself  to  be  defective  in 


Boston.  The  costume  is  a  military  cloak,  which  displays  the  figure 
to  advantage.  The  effect  is  imposing  and  good  ;  but,  instead  of  con 
fining  himself  to  a  close  delineation  of  the  features,  the  sculptor, 
like  Canova,  has  allowed  some  latitude  to  his  genius  in  expressing 
his  idea  of  the  character  of  his  subject.  The  Washington  Monu 
ment  at  Baltimore,  in  memory  of  the  FATHER  OF  HIS  COUNTRY,  is  a 
tribute  worthy  of  the  name,  and  most  honorable  to  the  liberality  and 
public  spirit  by  which  it  was  erected. 

Innumerable  casts  have  been  taken  from  moulds  formed  upon  Hou- 
don's  bust.  It  is  rare,  however,  to  find  an  accurate  one.  The 
moulds  have  been  so  often  repeated  from  imperfect  casts,  with  the 
attempts  of  bungling  fabricators  to  correct  or  improve  them,  that  the 
features  have  become  changed  and  distorted,  till  very  little  of  the 
original  likeness  remains,  and  all  the  spirit  is  gone.  The  busts  com 
monly  sold  in  Italy  are  from  a  different  artist,  probably  some  one 
who  came  to  America  after  Houdon.  Their  resemblance  to  Wash 
ington  is  scarcely  perceptible.  The  best  casts  from  Houdon's  bust 
are  those  executed  by  Deville,  in  the  Strand,  London. 


392  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [fix.  53. 

CHAPTER  many  points  absolutely  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  a 
x^'  national  government,  if  not  to  its  very  existence.  The 
1785.  most  remarkable  of  these  defects  was  the  want  of  power 
to  regulate  commerce,  and  to  provide  for  the  payment  of 
debts  contracted  by  the  confederacy.  Without  such  power 
it  was  impossible  to  execute  treaties,  fulfil  foreign  en 
gagements,  or  cause  the  nation  to  be  respected  abroad ; 
and  equally  so,  to  render  justice  to  public  creditors  at 
home,  and  to  appease  the  clamor  of  discontent  and  dis 
affection,  which  so  glaring  a  breach  of  public  faith  would 
naturally  raise. 

washing-          It  was  evident  to  all,  that  an  alarming  crisis  was  near 
mentson       at  hand,  scarcely  less  to  be  dreaded    than  the  war  from 

the  state 

affairs1'*5  wmch  the  country  had  just  emerged,  unless  a  timely 
and  effectual  remedy  could  be  provided.  Washington's 
sentiments  were  often,  freely,  and  feelingly  expressed. 
•{  That  we  have  it  in  our  power,"  said  he,  "  to  become 
one  of  the  most  respectable  nations  upon  earth,  admits, 
in  my  humble  opinion,  of  no  doubt,  if  we  would  but 
pursue  a  wise,  just,  and  liberal  policy  towards  one  an 
other,  and  keep  good  faith  with  the  rest  of  the  world. 
That  our  resources  are  ample  and  increasing,  none  can 
deny ;  but,  while  they  are  grudgingly  applied,  or  not  ap 
plied  at  all,  we  give  a  vital  stab  to  public  faith,  and 
shall  sink,  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  into  contempt.  It  has 
long  been  a  speculative  question  among  philosophers  and 
wise  men,  whether  foreign  commerce  is  of  real  advantage 
to  any  country ;  that  is,  whether  the  luxury,  effeminacy, 
and  corruptions,  which  are  introduced  along  with  it,  are 
counterbalanced  by  the  convenience  and  wealth  which  it 
brings.  But  the  decision  of  this  question  is  of  very  little 
importance  to  us.  We  have  abundant  reason  to  be  con 
vinced,  that  the  spirit  of  trade,  which  pervades  these 
States,  is  not  to  be  restrained.  It  behoves  us  then  to 
establish  just  principles ;  and  this  cannot,  any  more  than 
other  matters  of  national  concern,  be  done  by  thirteen 
heads,  differently  constructed  and  organized.  The  neces 
sity,  therefore,  of  a  controlling  power  is  obvious ;  and  why 
it  should  be  withheld  is  beyond  my  comprehension." 


JEr.  53.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  393 

Again,  in  writing  to  Mr.  Jay ;  "  To  be  fearful  of  in-  CHAPTER 
vesting  Congress,  constituted  as  that  body  is,  with  ample  xv> 
authorities  for  national  purposes,  appears  to  me  the  very  1785. 
climax  of  popular  absurdity  and  madness.  Could  Con-  Powers  of 
gress  exert  them  for  the  detriment  of  the  public,  with-  sufficient. 
out  injuring  themselves  in  an  equal  or  greater  proportion? 
Are  not  their  interests  inseparably  connected  with  those 
of  their  constituents  ?  By  the  rotation  of  appointment, 
must  they  not  mingle  frequently  with  the  mass  of  citi 
zens  ?  Is  it  not  rather  to  be  apprehended,  if  they  were 
possessed  of  the  powers  before  described,  that  the  indi 
vidual  members  would  be  induced  to  use  them,  on  many 
occasions,  very  timidly  and  inefficaciously  for  fear  of  los 
ing  their  popularity  and  future  election?  We  must  take 
human  nature  as  we  find  it.  Perfection  falls  not  to  the 
share  of  mortals.  Many  are  of  opinion,  that  Congress 
have  too  frequently  made  use  of  the  suppliant,  humble 
tone  of  requisition  in  applications  to  the  States,  when 
they  had  a  right  to  assert  their  imperial  dignity  and  com 
mand  obedience.  Be  that  as  it  may,  requisitions  are  a 
perfect  nullity  where  thirteen  sovereign,  independent,  dis 
united  States  are  in  the  habit  of  discussing  and  refusing 
compliance  with  them  at  their  option.  Requisitions  are 
actually  little  better  than  a  jest  and  a  by-word  through 
out  the  land.  If  you  tell  the  legislatures  they  have  vio 
lated  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  invaded  the  prerogatives 
of  the  confederacy,  they  will  laugh  in  your  face.  What 
then  is  to  be  done?  Things  cannot  go  on  in  the  same 
train  for  ever.  It  is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  observe, 
that  the  better  kind  of  people,  being  disgusted  with  the 
circumstances,  will  have  their  minds  prepared  for  any  rev 
olution  whatever.  We  are  apt  to  run  from  one  extreme 
to  another.  To  anticipate  and  prevent  disastrous  contin 
gencies  would  be  the  part  of  wisdom  and  patriotism. 

"What  astonishing  changes  a  few  years  are  capable  of 
producing.      I   am   told,    that   even   respectable   characters 
speak  of  a  monarchical   form  of  government  without  hor 
ror.     From  thinking   proceeds   speaking ;  thence  to  acting 
50 


394  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEn.  54 

CHAPTER  is  often  but  a  single  step.  But  how  irrevocable  and  tre 
mendous  !  What  a  triumph  for  our  enemies  to  verify 
their  predictions!  What  a  triumph  for  the  advocates  of 
despotism  to  find,  that  we  are  incapable  of  governing  our 
selves,  and  that  systems  founded  on  the  basis  of  equal 
liberty  are  merely  ideal  and  fallacious  !  Would  to  God, 
that  wise  measures  may  be  taken  in  time  to  avert  the 
consequences  we  have  but  too  much  reason  to  apprehend." 
Nor  were  his  apprehensions  confined  to  the  defects  in 


Bions  from 

the  system  of  government  and  the  modes  of  administering 
it.  The  intrigues  of  designing  and  unprincipled  men, 
little  restrained  by  the  arm  of  an  efficient  power,  were 
still  more  to  be  feared.  "  There  are  errors  in  our  nation 
al  government,"  he  said,  "  which  call  for  correction  ;  loud 
ly,  I  would  add.  We  are  certainly  in  a  delicate  situation  ; 
but  my  fear  is,  that  the  people  are  not  yet  sufficiently 
misled  to  retract  from  error.  To  be  plainer,  I  think 
there  is  more  wickedness  than  ignorance  mixed  in  our 
councils.  Ignorance  and  design  are  difficult  to  combat 
Out  of  these  proceed  illiberal  sentiments,  improper  jeal 
ousies,  and  a  train  of  evils,  which  oftentimes  in  republican 
governments  must  be  sorely  felt  before  they  can  be  re 
moved.  The  former,  that  is  ignorance,  being  a  fit  soil 
for  the  latter  to  work  in,  tools  are  employed  which  a  gen 
erous  mind  would  disdain  to  use  ;  and  which  nothing  but 
time,  and  their  own  puerile  or  wicked  productions,  can 
show  the  inefficacy  and  dangerous  tendency  of.  I  think 
often  of  our  situation,  and  view  it  with  concern:" 

Demagogues  are  the  natural  fruit  of  republics  ;  and  the 
fabled  Upas  could  not  be  more  poisonous  or  desolating  to 
the  soil  from  which  it  springs.  Envious  of  his  superiors, 
panting  for  honors  which  he  is  conscious  he  can  never 
deserve,  endowed  with  no  higher  faculties  than  cunning 
and  an  impudent  hardihood,  reckless  of  consequences,  and 
grovelling  alike  in  spirit  and  motive,  the  demagogue  seeks 
first  to  cajole  the  people,  then  to  corrupt,  and  last  of  all 
to  betray  and  ruin  them.  When  he  has  brought  down 
the  high  to  a  level  with  himself,  and  depressed  the  low 


JET.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  395 

till  they  are  pliant  to  his  will,  his  work  is  achieved.    The    CHAPTER 
treachery  of  a  Catiline  or  a  Borgia  may  be  detected  by  a        xv> 
fortunate    accident,    and    crushed   in  its  infancy;    but  the     1786. 
demagogue,    under  his  panoply  of  falsehood  and  chicane, 
may   gradually   sap   the   foundations   of  social  order,    and 
his   country    may  be  left   with    no   other    recompense    for 
the  ruin  he  has  wrought   and    the  misery  he  has  caused, 
than  the  poor  consolation  of  execrating   his  name. 

In  short,  the  embarrassments  growing  out  of  the  weak-  Jeaiouaies  of 
ness  of  the  confederacy,  the  utter  inability  of  Congress  to 
collect  the  means  for  paying  the  public  debts  or  to  pro 
vide  for  their  security,  the  jealousies  of  the  States,  and 
the  factious  spirit  of  individuals,  filled  the  mind  of  every 
true  friend  to  his  country  with  gloom  and  despondency. 
Congress  had  recommended  an  impost,  or  rate  of  duties, 
which  was  to  be  uniform  in  all  the  States,  and  the  pro 
ceeds  of  which  were  to  be  appropriated  to  relieve  the 
national  wants.  The  States  came  tardily  into  this  meas 
ure,  as  it  seemed  to  be  yielding  a  power,  which  was 
claimed  as  a  special  prerogative  of  State  sovereignty.  The 
States,  in  which  commerce  chiefly  centred,  were  influen 
ced  by  another  motive.  A  larger  amount  would  be  drawn 
from  the  revenue  in  such  States,  than  in  others  of  equal 
or  greater  extent,  population,  and  internal  wealth.  The 
fact  was  overlooked  or  disregarded,  that  the  consumers, 
wherever  they  resided,  actually  paid  the  impost,  and  that 
the  commercial  States,  by  controlling  the  impost  in  their 
own  ports,  enjoyed  advantages  which  the  others  did  not 
possess.  New  York  never  acceded  to  the  recommendation 
of  Congress  in  such  a  manner  as  to  make  it  operative ; 
and,  as  the  success  of  the  measure  everywhere  depended 
on  the  caprice  of  the  legislatures,  and  a  rigid  system  of 
collection  faithfully  administered,  there  was  but  little  hope 
of  its  answering  the  important  end  of  supplying  the  na 
tional  treasury. 

A  dissolution  of  the   Union,  or  an  early  and   thorough  A  reform 
reform,  was  inevitable.     The  mode  of  effecting  the  latter,  neceM 
and  saving  the  republic,  was  a  theme  upon  which  Wash- 


396 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  54. 


1786, 


CHAPTER  ington  dwelt  with  deep  solicitude  in  his  correspondence 
and  conversations  with  his  friends.  By  a  concurrence  of 
favorable  circumstances  his  advice  and  personal  efforts 
were  made  available  at  the  beginning  of  the  train  of 
events,  which  ended  in  the  achievement  of  the  constitu 
tion,  "  To  form  a  compact  relative  to  the  navigation  of 
the  rivers  Potomac  and  Pocomoke,  and  of  part  of  the  bay 
of  Chesapeake,  commissioners  were  appointed  by  the  leg 
islatures  of  Virginia-  and  Maryland,  who  assembled  at 
Alexandria,  in  March,  1785.  While  at  Mount  Vernon  on 
a  visit,  they  agreed  to  propose  to  their  respective  gov 
ernments  the  appointment  of  other  commissioners,  with 
power  to  make  conjoint  arrangements,  to  which  the  assent 
of  Congress  was  to  be  solicited,  for  maintaining  a  naval 
force  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  to  establish  a  tariff  of  du 
ties  on  imports,  to  which  the  laws  of  both  States  should 
conform.  When  these  propositions  received  the  assent  of 
the  legislature  of  Virginia,  an  additional  resolution  was 
passed,  directing  that  which  respected  the  duties  on  im 
ports  to  be  communicated  to  all  the  States  in  the  Union,' 
which  were  invited  to  send  deputies  to  the  meeting."  * 
Accordingly,  in  January  following,  the  Assembly  of 
Virginia  appointed  commissioners,  who  were  instructed  to 
meet  such  as  should  be  appointed  by  the  other  States, 
"  to  take  into  consideration  the  trade  of  the  United  States, 
to  examine  the  relative  situation  and  trade  of  the  said 
States,  to  consider  how  far  a  uniform  system  in  their  com 
mercial  relations  may  be  necessary  to  their  common  inter 
est  and  their  permanent  harmony,  and  to  report  to  the 
several  States  such  an  act  relative  to  this  great  object, 
as,  when  unanimously  ratified  by  them,  will  enable  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled  effectually  to  provide 
for  the  same."  The  commissioners  met  at  Annapolis,  in 
September,  1786.  Five  States  only  sent  deputies,  and 
some  of  these  came  with  such  limited  powers,  that  it  was 
soon  ascertained  that  nothing  could  be  done  towards 


Commis 
sioners  meet 
at  Anna 
polis. 

September. 


*  MARSHALL'S  Life  of  Washington,  2d  edition,  Vol.  II.  p.  105. 


JEr.  54.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  397 

effecting    the    object   for   which    they  had  come   together.    CHAPTER 
Their    deliberations    ended    in  a  report  to  their  respective    _J^_ 
States,  in  which  they  represented    the  defects  of  the  fed-     1786. 
era!  system,  and  the  necessity  of  a  revision.      They  like 
wise   recommended   another   convention  of   deputies    from 
all  the  States,  furnished  with  requisite  powers,  who  should 
meet  at  Philadelphia  on  the  second  day  of  May.     At  the 
same    time    they   sent  a  letter  to  Congress,    accompanied 
with  a  copy  of  their  report  to   the   States. 

When  the  legislature  of  Virginia  assembled,  the  report  Virginia 
of  the  deputies   was  taken  into  consideration,   and  it  was  delegates  to 
resolved   to   appoint   seven   delegates    to  meet  those  from  convention, 
the  other   States  in  a  general   convention.      Washington's  December  4. 
name  was  put  at  the  head  of  the  list,  and  he  was  chosen 
by  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  representatives.      The  intel 
ligence    was   first   communicated  to  him  by  Mr.  Madison, 
then  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  afterwards  officially 
by  the  governor. 

He  was  not  a  little  embarrassed  with   this  choice,   for,  Washington 

although  he  heartily  approved  the  measure,  yet  he  thought  adefega'te 

•..'-.  to  the  con- 

there  were  reasons   01    a  personal   nature,    which  made  it  vemion. 

inexpedient,  if  not  improper,  for  him  to  take  any  part  in 
it.  He  did  not  absolutely  decline,  but  suggested  his  dif 
ficulties,  and  expressed  a  hope,  that  some  other  person 
would  be  appointed  in  his  place.  As  the  weight  of  his 
name  and  the  wisdom  of  his  counsels  were  felt  to  be 
extremely  important,  in  giving  dignity  and  success  to  the 
proceedings  of  the  convention,  and  as  several  months 
would  intervene  before  the  meeting,  neither  the  gov 
ernor  nor  his  other  friends  pressed  him  to  a  hasty  de 
cision,  trusting  that  time  and  reflection  would  remove 
his  doubts. 

His  objections  were  frankly  stated,  and  they  are  among  His  objec- 
the  many  evidences  of  his  scrupulous  regard  to  directness  ceding  the" 

i  .  .  <*  i  •      -I '  r  /  /  -r      •  i        appoint- 

and  consistency  in  every  act  of  his  life.     "  It  is  not  only  ment. 
inconvenient  for  me  to  leave  home,"  said  he  to  the  gov-     Dec.2i. 
ernor,    "  but  there  will  be,   I  apprehend,  too  much   cause 
to  charge  my  conduct  with  inconsistency  in  again  appearing 


398 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  54. 


Society  of 
the  Cincin 
nati. 


CHAPTER  on  a  public  theatre,  after  a  public  declaration  to  the  con- 
xv*  trary  j  and  it  will,  I  fear,  have  a  tendency  to  sweep  me 
1786.  back  into  the  tide  of  public  affairs,  when  retirement  and 
ea*se  are  so  much  desired  by  me,  and  so  essentially  neces 
sary."  There  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  when  he  resigned 
his  commission  in  the  army,  he  firmly  believed  nothing 
could  again  occur  to  draw  him  from  the  retirement,  to 
which  he  returned  with  such  unfeigned  satisfaction,  and 
which  no  other  consideration  than  the  superior  claims  of 
his  country  could  induce  him  to  forego.  On  the  present 
occasion  he  was  not  convinced,  that  his  services  would  be 
more  valuable  than  those  of  other  citizens,  whose  ability 
and  knowledge  of  public  affairs,  as  his  modesty  would 
persuade  him,  better  qualified  them  for  the  task  of  de 
vising  and  maturing  a  system  of  civil  government. 

There  was  another  objection,  also,  which  seemed  to  bear 
with  considerable  weight  on  his  mind.*  At  the  close  of 
the  war,  some  of  the  officers  had  formed  themselves  into 
an  association,  called  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  establish  a  bond  of  union  and  fel 
lowship  between  the  officers,  who  had  served  together 
during  the  war,  and  were  then  about  to  be  separated,  and 
particularly  to  raise  a  permanent  fund  for  the  relief  of 
unfortunate  members,  their  widows,  and  orphans.  Al 
though  Washington  was  not  concerned  in  forming  this 
society,  yet  he  was  well  pleased  with  its  benevolent  de 
sign,  and  consented  to  be  its  president.  Unexpectedly  to 
him,  however,  and  to  all  others  connected  with  it,  a  very 
general  dissatisfaction  arose  throughout  the  country,  in  re 
gard  to  some  of  the  principles  upon  which  the  society 
was  founded.  It  was  to  be  hereditary  in  the  families  of 
the  members  ;  it  had  a  badge,  or  order,  offensive  in  repub 
lican  eyes,  as  imitating  the  European  orders  of  knight 
hood  ;  it  admitted  foreign  officers,  who  had  served  in 
America,  and  their  descendants ;  it  provided  for  an  indefi 
nite  accumulation  of  funds,  which  were  to  be  disposed  of 
at  the  discretion  of  the  members.  Discontents  grew  into 
clamorous  censures.  Pamphlets  were  written  against  the 


JEr.  54.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  399 

society,   and   it    was   denounced   as   antirepublican,    and   a    CHAPTER 
dangerous  political   engine.      At  the   first   general  meeting,        xv' 
which  was  held  at  Philadelphia  in  May,   1784,  Washing-     1786. 
ton  exerted    himself  successfully  to  have  the  most  objec 
tionable    features   altered,    and    the   articles   of    association 
were  new  modelled  conformably  to  his  suggestions.     After 
these   changes   the  alarmists    were   less  vehement  in  their 
attacks  ;  but  they  were  not  silenced,  and  the  society  con 
tinued    to    be    looked   upon   with    jealousy   and    disappro 
bation. 

A  second  general  meeting  was  to  take    place  in    Phila- 
delphia   at   the    time  appointed  for  the  assembling  of  the 


^    r  .     .  .  of  the  so- 

convention.  Before  receiving  notice  that  he  was  chosen  ciety. 
a  delegate,  Washington  had  written  a  circular  letter  to  the 
branches  of  the  Society  in  the  different  States,  declaring 
his  intention  to  resign  the  presidency,  and  giving  reasons 
why  it  would  be  inconvenient  for  him  to  attend  the  gen 
eral  meeting.  He  thought  himself  thus  placed  in  a  deli 
cate  situation.  Were  he  to  be  present  at  the  convention, 
the  members  of  the  Cincinnati  Society  might  suppose  they 
had  just  grounds  for  suspecting  his  sincerity,  or  even  of 
charging  him  with  having  deserted  the  officers,  who  had 
so  nobly  supported  him  during  the  war,  and  always  mani 
fested  towards  him  uncommon  respect  and  attachment. 
Having  a  grateful  sense  of  their  affection,  and  reciprocating 
in  reality  all  their  kind  feelings,  he  was  reluctant  to  put 
himself  in  a  condition,  by  which  their  favorable  senti 
ments  would  be  altered,  or  their  sensibility  in  any  degree 
wounded. 

Again,  some  of  his  friends  in  various  parts  of  the  conn-  HIS  friends 
try  expressed  themselves  doubtingly  in  their  letters,  as  to  propriety  of 
the  propriety  of  his   going  to  the  convention,    and   some  thec 
advised    against   it.      Many    thought    the    scheme    illegal, 
since  there  was  no  provision   in   the   articles  of  the  con 
federation  for   such   a   mode  of   revision,  and   it   had   not 
been    proposed    by   Congress.      It   was   feared,    therefore, 
that  the  doings  of  the  convention  would  end  in  a  failure, 
and  perhaps  in  the  disgrace  of  the  delegates.     They,  who 


400  LIFE    OFWASHINGTON.  [  JEr.  54- 

CHAPTER    were  perplexed  with  apprehensions  of  this  sort,  were  un- 
xv<       willing  that  the  brilliant  reputation  of  Washington  should 
1786.     be  put  to  the  hazard  of  being  tarnished   by   an   abortive 
experiment,  and  believed  the  interests  of  the  country  re 
quired    it    to   be    held    in    reserve    for  a  more    fitting    op 
portunity, 
obstacles  re-       These  obstacles,  formidable  for  a  time,  were  at  last  re- 

moved. 

moved.  Congress  took  the  subject  into  consideration,  and 
recommended  to  the  States  to  send  delegates  to  the  con 
vention  for  the  purposes  mentioned  in  the  Annapolis  re 
port.  Thus  the  measure  was  sanctioned  by  law.  Congress 
likewise  appointed  the  second  Monday  in  May,  as  the  day 
for  the  delegates  to  assemble  at  Philadelphia.  The  time 
was  fixed  with  reference  to  the  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati, 
which  was  to  be  a  week  earlier,  whereby  General  Wash 
ington  would  be  enabled  to  join  his  brethren  of  that  fra 
ternity,  should  he  think  proper,  and  explain  his  motives 
for  declining  to  be  again  elected  president. 
He  resolves  After  these  proceedings,  and  after  it  was  found  that  the 

to  attend  the 

convention,  more  enlightened  part  of  the  community  very  generally 
approved  the  scheme  of  the  convention,  his  friends  every 
where  urged  him  to  accept  the  appointment  as  one  of  the 
delegates  from  Virginia,  and  he  acceded  to  their  wishes. 
Another  circumstance  had  much  influence  in  bringing  him 
to  this  decision.  It  began  to  be  whispered,  that  the  per 
sons  opposed  to  the  convention  were  at  heart  monarchists, 
and  that  they  were  glad  to  see  the  distractions  of  the 
country  increasing,  till  the  people  should  be  weary  of 
them,  and  discover  their  only  hope  of  security  to  consist 
in  a  strong  government  as  it  was  generally  called,  or,  in 
other  words,  a  constitutional  monarchy  ;  for  no  one  was 
ever  supposed  to  dream  of  a  despotic  power  in  America. 
It  has  been  said  and  believed,  that  a  small  party,  in  de 
spair  of  better  things,  actually  meditated  such  a  project, 
and  turned  their  eyes  to  some  of  the  royal  families  in 
Europe  for  a  sovereign  suited  to  control  the  jarring  ele 
ments  of  republicanism  in  the  United  States.  However 
this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  no  imagined  remedy  could 


JET.  55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  401 

have  been  more  severely  reprobated  by  Washington.     We    CHAPTER 
have  seen  with  what  a  stern  rebuke  the  proposal  to  be  a       xv' 
king    was   met  by   him,  even  when    he   literally  had    the     1787 
power  of  the  nation  in   his  hands.      From   the  beginning 
of  the  revolution  to  the  end  of  his  life,  he  was  an  uncom 
promising  advocate  for  a  republican  system.      In  the   ab 
stract  he  regarded  it  as  the  best ;  and  he  had  faith  enough 
in  the  virtue    of  the   people,  and  in  the  efficacy  of  their 
former   habits,   to   convince  him  that  it  might  be  success 
fully  established.      At   all   events   he   was  for  having   the 
experiment  thoroughly  tried ;  and  his  whole  conduct  proves, 
that,  in  regard  to  himself,  he  was  ready  to  risk  his  repu 
tation,  his  property,  and  his  life,  if  necessary,  in  a  cause 
so    momentous    to   the  welfare  of  his  country  and  to  the 
social  progress  of  mankind. 

He  did  not  go  to  the  convention  unprepared  for  the 
great  work  there  to  be  undertaken.  His  knowledge  of 
the  institutions  of  his  own  country  and  of  its  political 
forms,  both  in  their  general  character  and  minute  and 
affiliated  relations,  gained  by  inquiry  and  long  experience, 
was  probably  as  complete  as  that  of  any  other  man.  But 
he  was  not  satisfied  with  this  alone.  He  read  the  history 
and  examined  the  principles  of  the  ancient  and  modern 
confederacies.  There  is  a  paper  in  his  handwriting,  which 
contains  an  abstract  of  each,  and  in  which  are  noted  in  a 
methodical  order,  their  chief  characteristics,  the  kinds  of 
authority  they  possessed,  their  modes  of  operation,  and 
their  defects.  The  confederacies  analyzed  in  this  paper 
are  the  Lycian,  Amphictyonic,  Achaean,  Helvetic,  Belgic, 
and  Germanic.  He  also  read  the  standard  works  on  gen 
eral  politics  and  the  science  of  government,  abridging  parts 
of  them,  according  to  his  usual  practice,  that  he  might 
impress  the  essential  points  more  deeply  on  his  mind. 
He  was  apprehensive,  that  the  delegates  might  come  to 
gether  fettered  with  instructions,  which  would  embarrass 
and  retard,  if  not  defeat,  the  salutary  end  proposed. 
"  My  wish  is,"  said  he,  "  that  the  convention  may  adopt 
no  temporizing  expedients,  but  probe  the  defects  of  the 
51  P2* 


402  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JE-r.  55. 

CHAPTER    constitution   to  the    bottom,    and    provide    a    radical    cure, 

XVt        whether  they  are  agreed  to  or  not.      A   conduct   of    this 

1787.     kni(}   wju  stamp  wisdom  and  dignity  on  their  proceedings, 

and  hold   up  a  light,   which  sooner  or  later  will  have  its 

influence."      Such   were    the   preparations,    and    such   the 

sentiments,  with   which  he  went  to  the  convention. 

Elected  pres-        His    arrival   at   Philadelphia  was   attended  with   public 

connvenftion!  honors.  At  Chester  he  was  met  by  General  MifHin,  Speak- 
MayH.  el  of  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  and  several  officers 
and  gentlemen  of  distinction,  who  proceeded  with  him 
from  that  place.  At  Gray's  Ferry  a  company  of  light- 
horse  took  charge  of  him  and  escorted  him  into  the  city. 
His  first  visit  was  to  Dr.  Franklin,  at  that  time  President 
of  Pennsylvania.  All  the  States  were  represented  in  the 
convention,  except  Rhode  Island  ;  and,  when  the  body 
was  organized  for  business,  General  Washington  was  elect 
ed  by  a  unanimous  vote  to  the  president's  chair.  The 
convention  was  in  session  four  months,  and  the  diligence 
of  the  members  is  proved  by  the  fact,  that  they  sat  from 
five  to  seven  hours  a  day.  The  result  was  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  which  was  proposed  to  be  sub 
stituted  (or  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  On  the  17th 
of  September,  1787,  the  constitution  was  signed  by  all 
the  members  present,  except  three,  and  forwarded  with  a 
letter  to  Congress.  By  that  assembly  it  was  sent  to  the 
State  legislatures,  for  the  purpose  of  being  submitted  in 
each  State  to  a  convention  of  delegates  chosen  by  the 
people,  in  conformity  with  a  resolve  of  the  general  con 
vention. 

constitution         The    constitution,    as   it   came  from   the    hands    of   its 

of  the  United    ,,  111  n  /. 

states.  framers,  was  regarded  by  no  one  as  theoretically  perfect. 
To  form  a  compact,  which  should  unite  thirteen  indepen 
dent  republics  into  a  consolidated  government  possessing  a 
control  over  the  whole,  was  not  a  work  of  easy  attain 
ment,  even  if  there  had  been  a  uniformity  in  the  pre 
viously  established  systems  of  the  several  States.  The 
difficulty  was  increased  by  the  wide  differences  in  their 
situation,  extent,  habits,  wealth,  and  particular  interests. 


J£T.  55.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  403 

Rights    and    privileges   were    to  be    surrendered,    not   al-    CHAPTER 
ways   in  proportion   to  the  advantages    which   seemed   to 
be  promised  as  an  equivalent.     In  short,   the  constitution     1787. 
was    an  amicable    compromise,    the  result  of  mutual  def 
erence     and    concession.      Dr.   Franklin   said,    in   a   short  opinions  of 

.  '  Franklin  and 

speech  near  the  close  ot  the  convention ;  "I  consent  to  Washington. 
this  constitution,  because  I  expect  no  better,  and  because 
I  am  not  sure  it  is  not  the  best.  The  opinions  I  have 
had  of  its  errors  I  sacrifice  to  the  public  good."  And 
Washington  wrote  not  long  afterwards ;  "  There  are  some 
things  in  the  new  form,  I  will  readily  acknowledge,  which 
never  did,  and  I  am  persuaded  never  will,  obtain  my 
cordial  approbation  ;  but  I  did  then  conceive,  arid  do  now 
most  firmly  believe,  that  in  the  aggregate  it  is  the  best 
constitution,  that  can  be  obtained  at  this  epoch,  and  that 
this,  or  a  dissolution,  awaits  our  choice,  and  is  the  only 
alternative."  Again  ;  "  It  appears  to  me  little  short  of  a 
miracle,  that  the  delegates  from  so  many  States,  different 
from  each  other  in  their  manners,  circumstances,  and 
prejudices,  should  unite  in  forming  a  system  of  national 
government,  so  little  liable  to  well-founded  objections.  Nor 
am  I  yet  such  an  enthusiastic,  partial,  or  undiscriminating 
admirer  of  it,  as  not  to  perceive  it  is  tinctured  with  some 
real  though  not  radical  defects." 

Similar  sentiments  were  doubtless  entertained  by  all  the  constitution 

~  .         ,  the  best  that 

prominent  friends  to  the  constitution.  Faulty  as  it  was,  could  then 
they  looked  upon  it  as  the  best  that  could  be  made,  in 
the  existing  state  of  things,  and  as  such  they  wished  it 
to  be  fairly  tried.  It  was  moreover  remarkable,  that  what 
one  called  a  defect,  another  thought  its  most  valuable 
part,  so  that  in  detail  it  was  almost  wholly  condemned 
and  approved.  This  was  a  proof,  that  there  was  nothing 
in  it  essentially  bad,  and  that  it  approached  very  nearly 
to  a  just  medium.  If  we  judge  from  the  tenor  of  Wash* 
ingtmi's  letters,  after  it  was  sent  out  to  the  world,  he 
wafched  its  fate  with  anxious  solicitude,  and  was  animated 
with  joy  at  the  favor  it  gradually  gained  with  the  public 
and  its  ultimate  triumph.  It  was  universally  agreed,  that 


404  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JEr.  56. 

CHAPTER   his  name  affixed  to  the  constitution  carried  with  it  a  most 

xv'     ,  effective    influence  on  the  minds  of  the  people. 

The  legislatures  of  all  the  States,  which  had  been  rep- 
tionJof'the  resented  m  tne  general  convention,  directed  State  conven- 
adotetinforthe  ^ons  to  De  assembled,  consisting  of  delegates  chosen  by 
con8titution.  tke  people  for  the  express  purpose  of  deciding  on  the 
adoption  of  the  constitution.  The  ratification  of  nine 
States  was  necessary  to  give  it  validity  and  effect.  The 
conventions  in  the  several  States  met  at  different  times, 
and  it  was  nearly  a  year  before  the  requisite  number  had 
passed  a  decision.  In  the  mean  time,  both  the  friends 
and  opponents  of  the  constitution  were  extremely  active. 
The  weight  of  opinion,  however,  was  found  everywhere 
to  preponderate  on  the  side  of  the  constitution.  In  some 
of  the  States  it  was  adopted  unanimously,  and  in  nearly 
all  of  them  the  majority  was  much  larger  than  its  most 
zealous  advocates  had  ventured  to  hope.  Amendments 
were  recommended  in  some  instances,  but  in  none  was 
the  ratification  clogged  by  positive  conditions  of  this  sort. 
The  same  spirit  of  compromise  and  mutual  concession 
seemed  to  prevail,  that  had -been  manifested  in  the  gener 
al  convention.  In  fine,  though  the  opposition  was  strong, 
and  upheld  by  a  few  of  the  ablest  and  best  men  in  the 
country,  yet  the  popular  voice  was  so  decidedly  express 
ed  on  the  other  side,  as  to  afford  the  most  encouraging 
presages  of  the  successful  operation  of  the  new  form  of 
government. 

constitution       Each  State  convention  transmitted    to  Congress  a  testi- 
the  requisite  monial  of  its  ratification,  signed  by  all  its  members.     When 

number  of 

states.  these  testimonials  had  been  received  from  the  requisite 
number  of  States,  an  act  was  passed  by  Congress  ap 
pointing  a  day  for  the  people  throughout  the  Union,  to 
choose  electors  of  a  President  of  the  United  States,  ac 
cording  to  the  constitution,  and  another  day  for  the  electors 
to  meet  and  vote  for  the  person  of  their  choice.  The 
former  election  was  to  take  place  on  the  first  Wednesday 
in  February,  1789,  and  the  latter  on  the  first  Wednesday 
in  March  following. 


JEr.56.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  405 

It  was  no  sooner  ascertained,  that  the  constitution  would    CHAPTER 
probably    be    adopted,   than  the  eyes  of  the  nation   were        XVt 
turned    upon    Washington,  as  the  individual  to  be  select-     1788. 
ed  for  that  office,  the  highest,  most   honorable,  and   most  The  public 
responsible,  that  could  be  conferred  by  the  suffrages  of  a  upon  wash- 
free    people.      His  reluctance  to  being  farther  engaged   in 
public   life    was   well   known,    but   every  one  knew  also, 
that  he  never  refused  to  obey  the  call  of  his  country,  or 
to  make  personal  sacrifices  for  the  public  good.     This  was 
a  ground  of  hope  and  of  confidence.     In  him  the  whole 
people  would   be  united.      As  to  other   candidates,    there 
would   be    differences   of  opinion,   rivalships,  and,   it   was 
feared,  unhappy  divisions,  that  might  mar  the  work  so  suc 
cessfully    begun,    and   perhaps   end   in  its  overthrow   and 
ruin.      The  interest  felt  in  the  subject,  therefore,  was  in 
tense  ;  and  at  no  period,  even  during  the  struggle  of  the 
revolution,  was  the  strong  support  of  Washington  more  ne 
cessary,  than  at  this  crisis. 

The  public  sentiment  was  too  openly  and  loudly  pro 
claimed  to  be  concealed  from  him.  Indeed  those  of  his 
compatriots  and  associates,  whose  intimacy  entitled  them 
to  use  such  a  freedom,  began  early  to  prepare  him  for 
the  result,  by  such  arguments  and  advice,  as  they  knew 
would  be  candidly  considered,  and  be  the  best  suited  to 
act  upon  his  mind.  Some  time  before  the  election,  in 
reply  to  a  letter  in  which  the  subject  had  been  brought 
pointedly  before  him  by  a  gentleman,  then  a  member  of 
Congress,  he  wrote  as  follows. 

"Should  the  contingency  you  suggest  take  place,  and 
should  my  unfeigned  reluctance  to  accept  the  office  be 

V  i    /»  i  .     in  public 

overcome  by  a  deference   to  the  reasons  and  opinions  of   we. 
my    friends,    might    I  not,  after  the  declarations   I   have     sept.  a. 
made,   (and   Heaven   knows  they  were  made   in  the  sin 
cerity   of  my   heart),    in   the    judgment   of  the   impartial 
world  and    of    posterity,  be    chargeable    with  levity    and 
inconsistency,    if  not  with  rashness  and  ambition?     Nay, 
farther,  would   there  not  be  some  apparent  foundation  for 
the    two    former    charges?     Now    justice    to   myself  and 


406 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  57. 


CHAPTER   tranquillity  of  conscience  require,  that  I  should  act  a  part, 
xv>        if  not   above   imputation,    at  least  capable  of  vindication. 
1789,     Nor  wiu  yOU  conceive  me  to  be  too  solicitous   for   repu 
tation.     Though  I  prize  as  I  ought  the  good   opinion  of 
my  fellow  citizens,  yet,   if  I  know  myself,  I  would  not 
seek  or  retain  popularity  at  the  expense  of  one  social  duty 
or  moral  virtue. 

"  While  doing  what  my  conscience  informed  me  was 
right,  as  it  respected  my  God,  my  country,  and  myself, 
I  could  despise  all  the  party  clamor  and  unjust  censure, 
which  might  be  expected  from  some,  whose  personal  en 
mity  might  be  occasioned  by  their  hostility  to  the  govern 
ment.  I  am  conscious,  that  I  fear  alone  to  give  any  real 
occasion  for  obloquy,  and  that  I  do  not  dread  to  meet 
with  unmerited  reproach.  And  certain  I  am,  whensoever 
I  shall  be  convinced  the  good  of  my  country  requires 
my  reputation  to  be  put  in  risk,  regard  for  my  own  fame 
will  not  come  in  competition  with  an  object  of  so  much 
magnitude.  If  I  declined  the  task,  it  would  lie  upon 
quite  another  principle.  Notwithstanding  my  advanced  sea 
son  of  life,  my  increasing  fondness  for  agricultural  amuse 
ments,  and  my  growing  love  of  retirement,  augment  and 
confirm  my  decided  predilection  for  the  character  of  a 
private  citizen,  yet  it  would  be  no  one  of  these  motives, 
nor  the  hazard  to  which  my  former  reputation  might  be 
exposed,  nor  the  terror  of  encountering  new  fatigues  and 
troubles,  that  would  deter  me  from  an  acceptance  ;  but  a 
belief,  that  some  other  person,  who  had  less  pretence,  and 
less  inclination  to  be  excused,  could  execute  all  the  duties 
full  as  satisfactorily  as  myself." 

chosen  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  his  scruples  yielded  to  the  earnest 

president  of          ....  .  -,•'.-.  , 

the  united  solicitations  of  his  friends,  to  mature  reflection,  and  to 
the  counsels  of  his  unerring  judgment.  The  day  of  elec 
tion  came,  and  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  was  chosen,  by  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  electors,  and  probably  without  a 
dissenting  voice  in  the  whole  nation,  the  first  President 
of  the  United  States. 


States. 


.  57.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


407 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


He  receives  official  Notice  of  being  chosen  President.  —  His  Journey  to  the 
Seat  of  Government  at  New  York.  —  His  Oath  of  Office  and  Inaugural 
Speech.  —  Acquaints  himself  with  the  State  of  public  Affairs.  —  His  At 
tention  to  his  private  Pursuits.  —  His  Manner  of  receiving  Visits  and  en 
tertaining  Company.  —  Afflicted  with  a  severe  Illness.  —  Death  of  his 
Mother.  —  Executive  Departments  formed,  and  the  Officers  appointed.  — 
Judiciary  System  organized.  —  Washington's  Opinion  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  —  His  Rule  in  Appointments  to  Office. 

IT  being  known  that  the  choice  of  the  people  had 
fallen  on  General  Washington  for  President,  he  made 
preparations  to  begin  the  duties  of  the  office  as  soon  as 
his  election  should  be  notified  to  him  by  the  proper  au 
thority.  The  4th  of  March  was  assigned  as  the  day  for 
the  meeting  of  Congress,  but  a  quorum  did  not  come 
together  till  a  month  later.  The  votes  of  the  electors 
were  then  opened  and  counted ;  and  a  special  messenger 
was  despatched  to  Mount  Vernon  with  a  letter  from  the 
President  of  the  Senate  to  General  Washington,  conveying 
official  intelligence  of  his  election.  John  Adams  was  at 
the  same  time  declared  to  be  chosen  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States.  Two  days  after  receiving  the  noti 
fication,  Washington  left  home  for  New  York,  which  was 
then  the  seat  of  Congress. 

His  feelings  on  this  occasion  are  indicated  in  the  fol 
lowing  extract  from  his  Diary,  written  on  the  day  of  his 
departure.  "  About  ten  o'clock  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount 
Yernon,  to  private  life,  and  to  domestic  felicity ;  and,  with 
a  mind  oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  painful  sensa 
tions  than  I  have  words  to  express,  set  out  for  New 
York  in  company  with  Mr.  Thomson  and  Colonel  Hum 
phreys,  with  the  best  disposition  to  render  service  to  my 
country  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but  with  less  hope  of 
answering  its  expectations."  The  whole  journey  was  a 


1789. 

Leaves 
Mount  Ver 
non  to  enter 
upon  his 
public  du 
ties. 


April  16. 


Journey  to 
the  seat  of 
Congress. 


408 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


RT.  57. 


His  public 
entry  into 
New  York. 


CHAPTER   kind  of  triumphal  procession.     He  had  hardly  left  his  own 
XVL       house,   when   he    was    met   by    a  company   of  gentlemen 

1789.  from  Alexandria,  who  proceeded  with  him  to  that  town, 
where  an  entertainment  was  provided  for  him,  and  where 
he  received  and  answered  a  public  address.  The  people 
gathered  to  see  him  as  he  passed  along  the  road.  When 
he  approached  the  several  towns,  the  most  respectable 
citizens  came  out  to  meet  and  welcome  him  ;  he  was 
escorted  from  place  to  place  by  companies  of  militia ;  and 
in  the  principal  cities  his  presence  was  announced  by  the 
firing  of  cannon,  ringing  of  bells,  and  military  display. 

A  committee  of  Congress,  consisting  of  three  members 
of  the   Senate  and  five  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 

April  23.  was  appointed  to  meet  him  in  New  Jersey  and  attend  him 
to  the  city  of  New  York.  To  Elizabethtown  Point  came 
many  other  persons  of  distinction,  and  the  heads  of  the 
several  departments  of  government.  He  was  there  re 
ceived  in  a  barge,  splendidly  fitted  up  for  the  occasion, 
and  rowed  by  thirteen  pilots  in  white  uniforms.  This 
was  followed  by  vessels  and  boats,  fancifully  decorated, 
and  crowded  with  spectators.  When  the  President's  barge 
came  near  to  the  city,  a  salute  of  thirteen  guns  was  fired 
from  the  vessels  in  the  harbor,  and  from  the  Battery.  At 
the  landing  he  was  again  saluted  by  a  discharge  of  ar 
tillery,  and  was  joined  by  the  governor  and  other  officers 
of  the  State,  and  the  corporation  of  the  city.  A  proces 
sion  was  then  formed,  headed  by  a  long  military  train, 
which  was  followed  by  the  principal  officers  of  the  State 
and  city,  the  clergy,  foreign  ministers,  and  a  great  con 
course  of  citizens.  The  procession  advanced  to  the  house 
prepared  for  the  reception  of  the  President.  The  day 
was  passed  in  festivity  and  joy,  and  in  the  evening  the 
city  was  brilliantly  illuminated. 

The  first  public  act  of  the  President  was  that  of  tak 
ing  the  oath  of  office.  It  was  decided  by  Congress,  that 
this  should  be  done  with  some  ceremony.  In  the  morn 
ing  of  the  day  appointed,  April  30th,  at  nine  o'clock, 
religious  services  suited  to  the  occasion  were  performed 


Takes  the 
oath  of 
office. 

April  SO. 


JET.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  409 

in  all  the  churches  of  the  city.  At  twelve  the  troops  CHAPTER 
paraded  before  the  President's  door,  and  soon  afterwards  XVT 
came  the  committees  of  Congress  and  the  heads  of  de-  1789. 
partments  in  carriages,  to  attend  him  to  the  Federal  Hall, 
where  the  two  houses  of  Congress  were  assembled.  The 
procession  moved  forward  with  the  troops  in  front,  next 
the  committees  and  heads  of  departments,  then  the  Presi 
dent  in  a  coach  alone,  followed  by  the  foreign  ministers, 
civil  officers  of  the  State,  and  citizens.  Arrived  at  the 
Hall,  he  ascended  to  the  senate-chamber,  and  passed 
thence  to  a  balcony  in  front  of  the  house,  where  the 
oath  was  administered  to  him  in  presence  of  the  people 
by  Chancellor  Livingston.  The  President  returned  to  the 
senate-chamber,  in  the  midst  of  loud  acclamations  from 
the  surrounding  throng  of  spectators,  and  delivered  to  the 
two  branches  of  Congress  his  Inaugural  Speech.  He 
then  went  on  foot  to  St.  Paul's  Church,  where  prayers 
were  read  by  the  bishop,  and  the  ceremonies  were  closed. 
Tokens  of  joy  were  everywhere  exhibited,  as  on  the  day 
of  his  arrival,  and  at  night  there  was  a  display  of  illu 
minations  and  fireworks. 

Under  auspices  thus  favorable,  Washington  entered 
again  upon  the  career  of  public  life,  surrounded  and  sus 
tained  by  the  eminent  leaders,  who  had  acted  with  him 
in  establishing  the  liberties  of  his  country,  and  cheered 
with  the  conviction  of  having  received  the  voluntary  suf 
frage  and  possessing  the  good  wishes  of  every  American 
citizen.  Yet  he  was  aware,  that  the  task  he  had  under 
taken  was  one  of  no  common  responsibility  or  easy  exe 
cution.  The  hopes  and  expectations  of  his  countrymen, 
he  knew,  were  in  proportion  to  the  unanimity  with  which 
they  had  crowned  him  with  honors,  and  laid  the  burden 
of  their  public  cares  on  his  shoulders.  A  new  system 
of  government  was  to  be  put  in  action,  upon  which  de 
pended  the  destiny  of  his  country,  and  with  the  good 
or  ill  success  of  which  his  future  reputation  would  be 
identified. 

In  his  inaugural  speech,  after  expressing  his  deep  sense 


52  <*2  ralspeech' 


410  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  |J£T.  57. 

CHAPTER  of  the  magnitude  of  the  trust  confided  to  him,  the  strug- 
XVI<  gles  his  mind  had  undergone  in  deciding  to  accept  it, 
1789.  ail(j  a  consciousness  of  his  deficiencies,  he  added;  "  In 
this  conflict  of  emotions,  all  I  dare  aver  is,  that  it  has 
been  my  faithful  study  to  collect  my  duty  from  a  just 
appreciation  of  every  circumstance  by  which  it  might  be 
affected.  All  I  dare  hope  is,  that,  if  in  accepting  this  task 
I  have  been  too  much  swayed  by  a  grateful  remembrance 
of  former  instances,  or  by  an  affectionate  sensibility  to 
this  transcendent  proof  of  the  confidence  of  my  fellow 
citizens,  and  have  thence  too  little  consulted  my  incapaci 
ty,  as  well  as  disinclination  for  the  weighty  and  untried 
cares  before  me,  my  error  will  be  palliated  by  the  motives 
which  misled  me,  and  its  consequences  be  judged  by  my 
country  with  some  share  of  the  partiality  in  which  they 
originated."  With  these  sentiments,  and  with  fervent  sup 
plications  to  the  Almighty  Being,  whose  guidance  and 
overruling  Providence  he  acknowledged  in  all  the  events 
of  his  life,  he  commenced  the  arduous  duties  of  chief 
Refuses  com-  magistrate  of  the  nation.  In  conformity  with  the  rule  to 
MS  services,  which  he  had  hitherto  adhered,  he  gave  notice  to  Con 
gress,  that  he  should  accept  no  other  compensation  for 
his  services,  than  such  as  would  be  necessary  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  his  household  and  other  charges  incident 
to  his  public  station. 

Examines  As   the   various   departments   of  government  under  the 

ofethePheads    new   system    could    not    be    instituted,  till   Congress    had 

of  depart-  J 

ments.  passed  laws  for  their  organization  and  support,  the  busi 
ness  belonging  to  these  departments  continued  to  be  trans 
acted  by  the  officers,  who  had  previously  been  charged 
with  it.  Mr.  Jay  acted  as  secretary  of  foreign  affairs,  and 
General  Knox  as  secretary  of  war.  The  treasury  was 
under  the  control  of  a  board  of  commissioners.  The  Pres 
ident  requested  from  each  of  them  an  elaborate  report,  that 
he  might  become  acquainted  with  the  actual  state  of  the 
government  in  all  its  foreign  and  domestic  relations. 
These  reports  he  read  and  condensed  with  his  own  hand, 
particularly  that  from  the  treasury  board,  till  he  made  him- 


2Ex.  57.]  L1FEOFWASHINGTON.  411 

self  master  of  their  contents.     In  regard  to  foreign  affairs,    CHAPTER 
he  pursued  a  still  more  laborious  process.      With  pen   in 


hand  he  perused  from  beginning  to  end  the  official  cor-  1789. 
respondence,  deposited  in  the  public  archives,  from  the 
date  of  the  treaty  of  peace  at  the  termination  of  the  war 
till  the  time  he  entered  upon  the  Presidency.  These  vo 
luminous  papers  he  abridged  and  studied,  according  to  his 
usual  practice,  with  the  view  of  fixing  in  his  mind  every 
important  point  that  had  been  discussed,  as  well  as  the 
history  of  what  had  been  done. 

Among  the  private  reasons,  which  had  disinclined  him  HIS  private 
to  leave  his  retirement  at  Mount  Vernon,  were  his  grow 
ing  attachment  to  agriculture,  and  his  desire  to  pursue 
the  system  adopted  for  the  cultivation  of  his  farms. 
Since  the  war  he  had  devoted  himself  with  equal  de 
light  and  constancy  to  this  pursuit,  and  brought  his  plans 
into  a  train,  which  promised  the  most  satisfactory  results. 
He  had  procured  from  Europe  the  works  of  the  best 
writers  on  the  subject,  which  he  read  with  diligence  and 
reflection,  drawing  from  them  such  scientific  principles 
and  practical  hints,  as  he  could  advantageously  use  in 
improving  his  modes  of  agriculture.  He  was  resolved  to 
mature  his  designs,  and  in  the  intervals  of  public  duties 
to  bestow  a  part  of  his  leisure  upon  that  object.  With 
his  chief  manager  at  Mount  Vernon  he  left  full  and  mi 
nute  directions  in  writing,  and  exacted  from  him  a  week 
ly  report,  in  which  were  registered  the  transactions  of 
each  day  on  all  the  farms,  such  as  the  number  of  labor 
ers  employed,  their  health  or  sickness,  the  kind  and 
quantity  of  work  executed,  the  progress  in  planting,  sow 
ing,  or  harvesting  the  fields,  the  appearance  of  the  crops 
at  various  stages  of  their  growth,  the  effects  of  the 
weather  on  them,  and  the  condition  of  the  horses,  cattle, 
and  other  live  stock.  By  these  details  he  was  made  per 
fectly  acquainted  with  all  that  was  done,  and  could  give 
his  orders  with  almost  as  much  precision  as  if  he  had 
been  on  the  spot. 

Once  a  week  regularly,  and  sometimes  twice,  he  wrote 


412 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER 
XVI. 

1789. 

Directions 
to  the  man 
ager  of  his 
farms. 


Rules  for  re 
ceiving  and 
entertaining 
company. 


to  the  manager,  remarking  on  his  report  of  the  preceding 
week,  and  adding  new  directions.  These  letters  frequently 
extended  to  two  or  three  sheets,  and  were  always  written 
with  his  own  hand.  Such  was  his  laborious  exactness, 
that  the  letter  he  sent  away  was  usually  transcribed  from 
a  rough  draft.  A  press  copy  was  taken  of  the  transcript, 
which  was  carefully  filed  with  the  manager's  report  for 
his  future  inspection.  In  this  habit  he  persevered  with 
unabated  diligence  through  the  whole  eight  years  of  his 
Presidency,  except  during  the  short  visits  he  occasionally 
made  to  Mount  Vernon,  at  the  close  of  the  sessions  of 
Congress,  when  his  presence  could  be  dispensed  with  at 
the  seat  of  government.  He  moreover  maintained  a  large 
correspondence  on  agriculture  with  gentlemen  in  Europe 
and  America.  His  letters  to  Sir  John  Sinclair,  Arthur 
Young,  and  Dr.  Anderson,  have  been  published,  and  are 
well  known.  Indeed  his  thoughts  never  seemed  to  flow 
more  freely,  nor  his  pen  to  move  more  easily,  than  when 
he  was  writing  on  agriculture,  extolling  it  as  a  most  at 
tractive  pursuit,  and  describing  the  pleasure  he  derived 
from  it  and  its  superior  claims  not  only  on  the  practical 
economist,  but  on  the  statesman  and  philanthropist. 

The  President  had  not  been  long  in  New  York,  before 
he  found  it  necessary  to  establish  rules  for  receiving  vis- 
iters  and  entertaining  company.  There  being  no  precedent 
to  serve  as  a  guide,  this  was  an  affair  of  considerable  del 
icacy  and  difficulty.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  essential 
to  maintain  the  dignity  of  the  office  by  such  forms  as 
would  inspire  deference  and  respect ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  the  nature  of  republican  institutions  and  the  habits 
of  the  people  required  the  chief  magistrate  to  be  accessible 
to  every  citizen  on  proper  occasions  and  for  reasonable 
purposes.  A  just  line  was  therefore  to  be  drawn  between 
too  much*  pomp  and  ceremony  on  the  one  hand,  and  an 
extreme  of  familiarity  on  the  other.  Regard  was  also  to 
be  had  to  the  President's  time  and  convenience.  After 
a  short  experiment  of  leaving  the  matter  to  the  discretion 
of  the  public,  it  was  proved,  that  without  some  fixed  rule 


JET.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  413 

he    would    never    have    an   hour   at  his  disposal.      From    CHAPTER 
breakfast  till   dinner  his  door  was  besieged   with  persons       XVL 
calling   to   pay   their   respects,    or   to   consult   him   on   af-      1789. 
fairs -of  little  moment.      His  sense  of  duty  to  the  claims 
of  his  office,  and  to  himself,  convinced  him  that  this  prac 
tice  could  not  be  endured.     The  Vice-President,  Mr.  Jay, 
Mr.  Madison,  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  other  gentlemen,  concur 
red  in  this  opinion,    and  by  their  advice  a  different  mode 
was  adopted. 

Every  Tuesday,  between    the  hours  of  three  and  four,   ceremoni- 

.  ,  ,        °us  and  so- 

he  was  prepared  to  receive  such  persons  as  chose  to  call,  ciai  visits 
Foreign  ministers,  strangers  of  distinction,  and  citizens, 
came  and  went  without  ceremony.  The  hour  was  passed 
in  free  conversation  on  promiscuous  topics,  in  which  the 
President  joined.  Every  Friday  afternoon  the  rooms  were 
open  in  like  manner  for  visits  to  Mrs.  Washington,  which 
were  on  a  still  more  sociable  footing,  and  at  which  Gen 
eral  Washington  was  always  present.  These  assemblages 
were  in  the  nature  of  public  levees,  and  they  did  not 
preclude  such  visits  of  civility  and  friendship,  between  the 
President's  family  and  others,  as  is  customary  in  society. 
On  affairs  of  business  by  appointment,  whether  with  pub 
lic  officers  or  private  citizens,  the  President  was  always 
ready  to  bestow  his  time  and  attention.  He  accepted 
no  invitations  to  dinner,  but  invited  to  his  own  table 
foreign  ministers,  officers  of  the  government,  and  stran 
gers,  in  such  numbers  at  once  as  his  domestic  establish 
ment  would  accommodate.  On  these  occasions  there  was 
neither  ostentation  nor  restraint,  but  the  same  simplicity 
and  ease  with  which  his  guests  had  been  entertained  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

No  visits  were  received  on  Sundays.  In  the  morning 
he  uniformly  attended  church,  and  in  the  afternoon  he 
retired  to  his  private  apartment.  The  evening  was  spent 
with  his  family,  and  then  an  intimate  friend  would  some 
times  call,  but  promiscuous  company  was  not  admitted.* 

*  For  an  account  of  his  religious  opinions  and  habits,  see  APPEN 
DIX,  No.  IV.  Also,  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  XII.  p.  399. 


414  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jET.  S9. 

CHAPTER         Having  laid  down  these  general  rules,  which  soon  be 
came  known  to  the  public,  he  found  relief  from  a  heavy 


1789-     tax  upon  his  time,  and  more  leisure  for  a  faithful  discharge 
seized  with    of  his  duties.      In   the    course    of  the    summer,    however, 

a  dangerous 

illness.  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  malady,  which  reduced  him 
very  low,  and  which  for  a  few  days  was  thought  to  en 
danger  his  life.  He  was  confined  six  weeks  to  his  bed, 
and  it  was  more  than  twelve  before  his  strength  was 
restored.  A  constitution  naturally  strong,  and  the  attend 
ance  of  Dr.  Bard,  a  physician  equally  eminent  for  the 
excellence  of  his  character  and  skill  in  his  profession, 
enabled  him  to  rise  from  an  illness  the  most  painful  and 
trying  that  he  had  ever  endured.  From  the  effects  of  it 
he  never  entirely  recovered. 

Death  of  his  He  had  hardly  gained  strength  to  go  abroad,  when  he 
heard  of  the  death  of  his  mother,  who  died  in  August, 
at  the  age  of  eighty-two.  Writing  to  his  sister  on  this 
occasion  he  said  ;  "  Awful  and  affecting  as  tae  death  of 
a  parent  is,  there  is  consolation  in  knowing,  that  Heaven 
has  spared  ours  to  an  age  beyond  which  few  attain,  and 
favored  her  with  the  full  enjoyment  of  her  mental  facul 
ties,  and  as  much  bodily  strength  as  usually  falls  to  the 
lot  of  fourscore.  Under  these  considerations,  and  a  hope 
that  she  is  translated  to  a  happier  place,  it  is  the  duty 
of  her  relatives  to  yield  due  submission  to  the  decrees  of 
the  Creator."  A  short  time  before  he  left  Mount  Vernon 
for  New  York,  he  made  a  visit  to  his  mother  at  Fred- 
ericksburg,  the  place  of  her  residence.  She  was  then 
sinking  under  a  disease,  which  he  foresaw  would  prove 
fatal ;  and  he  took  an  affecting  and  final  leave  of  her, 
convinced  he  should  never  see  her  again.  She  had  been 
a  widow  forty-six  years.  Through  life  she  was  remarkable 
for  vigor  of  mind  and  body,  simplicity  of  manners,  and 
uprightness  of  character.  She  must  have  felt  a  mother's 
joy  at  the  success  and  renown  of  her  son,  but  they 
caused  no  change  in  her  deportment  or  style  of  living. 
Whenever  he  visited  her  at  her  dwelling,  even  in  the 
height  of  his  greatness,  he  literally  returned  to  the  scenes 


JET.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  415 

and  domestic  habits  of  his  boyhood.      Neither  pride    nor    CHAPTER 
vanity   mingled    with   the    feelings   excited  by   the  atten-       XVL 
dons  she    received   as  the  mother  of    Washington.      She     1789. 
listened  to  his  praises  and  was  silent,  or  added  only  that 
he  had  been  a  good  son,   and  she  believed  he  had  done 
his  duty  as  a  man. 

As  soon  as  he  was  established  in  his  office,  Washington  Economy  of 
introduced  strict  habits  of  economy  into  his  household,  hold, 
which  were  preserved  without  essential  change  to  the  end 
of  his  public  life.  The  whole  was  under  the  care  of  a 
steward,  to  whom  he  gave  general  directions.  All  other 
persons  connected  with  the  establishment  were  accountable 
to  the  steward,  but  each  of  them  was  required  to  keep 
an  exact  record  of  the  purchases  and  expenditures  made 
by  him,  specifying  every  particular.  These  accounts,  with 
tradesmen's  bills  and  other  vouchers,  were  presented  once 
a  week  to  Washington,  who  inspected  them  minutely,  and 
certified  with  his  own  signature  that  they  were  approved. 
By  this  method  he  was  enabled  to  ascertain  at  any  mo 
ment  the  precise  state  of  his  pecuniary  affairs,  and  to 
guard  against  extravagance  and  waste.  He  might  say 
with  Seneca ;  "  I  keep  an  account  of  my  expenses ;  I 
cannot  affirm  that  I  lose  nothing,  but  I  can  tell  you  what 
I  lose,  and  why,  and  in  what  manner."  The  salary  of 
the  President,  as  fixed  by  law,  was  twenty-five  thousand 
dollars  a  year.  But  with  the  most  rigid  economy  his 
expenses  were  seldom  within  this  limit,  and  he  was  of 
course  obliged  to  draw  on  his  private  fortune  to  make  up 
the  deficiency. 

Congress  continued  in  session  till  near  the  end  of  Sep-  proceedings 
tember,  when    they    adjourned    for    three    months.     They  c 
had  been  mostly  occupied  in  passing  laws  for  the  organi 
zation  of  government,  the  administration  of  justice,  and  the 
raising  of  a  revenue.      Mercantile  regulations  were  estab 
lished,    imposing   duties   on   tonnage  and  imported   goods.       •  • 
Amendments  to  the  constitution  were  framed,  and  recom 
mended  to  the  States  for  adoption.      Three  executive  de-  Executive 
partments  were  formed,  at  the  head  of  each  of  which  was 


416 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  57. 


CHAPTER    to  be  a  secretary,  namely,  the  departments  of  foreign  af- 

XVL       fairs,  of  the  treasury,   and  of  war.      The  first  was    after- 

1789.     wards  called   the  department  of  state,  and   included   both 

foreign  and   domestic  affairs.      So   large   a  portion   of  the 

administration  of  government  is  effected  by  the  executives 

of  the  several  States,  that  a  separate  department  for  inter 

nal   affairs   was    not    thought   necessary.      The    navy   too 

was  at  this  time  so  small,  as  not  to  require  a  distinct  de 

partment.      It  was  mainly  in  the  charge  of  the  secretary 

of  war. 

secretarie^         ^^e   requisite  laws   being   passed,  it  next  devolved  on 

tive  depart-  the  President  to  select  proper  persons  to  fill  the  several 
offices.  In  regard  to  the  executive  departments,  this  was 
of  very  great  importance,  inasmuch  as  the  secretaries  were 
not  only  to  discharge  the  duties  assigned  to  them  by  the 
constitution  and  laws,  but  were  to  be  his  cabinet,  or 
council  of  state.  On  the  wisdom  of  his  choice,  therefore, 
would  in  a  great  degree  depend  the  character  and  suc 
cess  of  his  administration.  So  much  time  had  elapsed  in 
the  session  of  congress,  that  he  had  been  able  to  take  a 
full  survey  of  the  subject,  and  to  decide  with  deliberation. 

Jefferson.  Long  experience  in  public  affairs,  a  high  political  stand 

ing,  and  acknowledged  talents,  pointed  out  Thomas  Jeffer 
son  as  eminently  qualified  for  the  state  department.  He 
was  about  to  return  from  France,  where  he  had  filled  the 
office  of  minister  plenipotentiary,  as  successor  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  with  much  credit  to  himself  and  his  coun- 

Hamiiton.  try.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  appointed  to  the  head  of 
,  the  treasury.  His  transcendent  abilities,  integrity,  firm 
ness,  and  patriotism  were  well  known  to  Washington, 
after  a  thorough  trial  and  familiar  acquaintance  in  the 
revolution  ;  and  they  were  scarcely  less  known  or  less 
appreciated  by  his  countrymen  at  large.  In  the  conven 
tion,  Hamilton  disapproved  and  opposed  some  of  the  prin 
cipal  articles  of  the  constitution  ;  and  the  more  praisfc  is 
due  to  him,  that,  after  it  was  carried  by  a  majority,  and 
was  proved  to  be  the  best  that  could  be  hoped  for  in  the 
circumstances  of  the  times,  he  gave  up  his  predilections, 


JET.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  417 

joined  heartily  with   its  friends,  and   put   into  their   scale    CHAPTER 
the  whole   weight  of  his  great   powers  of  eloquence  and       XVL 
argument,   both   in   debate   and   by   the    use   of   his   pen.      1789. 
Henry  Knox  was  continued  secretary  of  war,  which  sta-  Knox. 
tion  he  had  held  under  the  confederation.     As  an  officer, 
a  man,  and   a  friend,  he   was   esteemed    by  Washington  ; 
and  his   steady  principles  and    public  services  had  gained 
for    him   a   general    confidence.      The    post    of   attorney-  Randolph, 
general  was  conferred  on  Edmund  Randolph,  a  gentleman 
distinguished  by  success  in  his  profession  at  the  bar,  and 
by  having  been   governor  of   Virginia,  and  a  conspicuous 
member  of   the  convention    that   framed    the   constitution. 
Such  were  the  heads  of   the  executive   departments,  and 
such  the  composition  of  the  council,  on  which  the  Presi 
dent  was  mainly  to  rely  for  advice  and  support. 

For  administering  justice,  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  washing- 
for  national  purposes,  the  constitution   had  provided,  that   of 

_  ,    ,  prerae  court. 

there  should  be  a  supreme  court,  and  such  inferior  courts 
as  Congress  should  establish.  In  organizing  the  judiciary 
system,  it  was  decided  that  the  supreme  court  should  con 
sist  of  a  chief  justice  and  five  associate  justices,  and  that 
there  should  be  district  courts,  with  one  judge  in  each 
State.  An  associate  justice  and  a  district  judge  consti 
tuted  a  circuit  court.  Washington's  opinion  of  the  im 
portance  of  the  supreme  court  is  forcibly  described  in  his 
own  language.  "  Impressed  with  a  conviction,"  said  he, 
"  that  the  due  administration  of  justice  is  the  firmest  pillar 
of  good  government,  I  have  considered  the  first  arrange 
ment  of  the  judicial  department  as  essential  to  the  hap 
piness  of  the  country,  and  to  the  stability  of  its  political 
system.  Hence  the  selection  of  the  fittest  characters  to 
expound  the  laws,  and  dispense  justice,  has  been  an  in 
variable  object  of  my  anxious  concern."  And  again,  in 
giving  notice  to  Mr.  Jay  of  his  appointment  as  chief  jus 
tice  ;  "I  have  a  full  confidence  that  the  love  which  you 
bear  to  our  country,  and  a  desire  to  promote  the  general 
happiness,  will  not  suffer  you  to  hesitate  a  moment  to 
bring  into  action  the  talents,  knowledge,  and  integrity, 
53 


418  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [Mr.  57. 

CHAPTER    which  are  so  necessary  to  be  exercised  at  the  head  of  that 
XVL       department,  which   must   be   considered   the   keystone   of 
1789.     our  political  fabric." 

a°hoin?ed  These  views  of  the  judiciary  department,  as  forming  a 
chief  justice.  mOst  essential  branch  of  the  government,  and  as  claiming 
the  highest  consideration,  he  always  entertained ;  and  in 
the  appointment  of  justices,  and  judges  of  the  district 
courts,  he  was  extremely  solicitous  to  secure  the  services 
of  those,  who  were  eminent  for  judicial  knowledge,  talents, 
personal  worth,  and  experience.  In  placing  John  Jay  at 
the  head  of  the  supreme  court,  he  consulted  alike  the 
public  good,  the  dignity  of  the  court,  and  his  own  feel 
ings.  No  man  in  the  nation  possessed  a  larger  share  of 
confidence,  whether  in  regard  to  his  ability  or  his  legal 
attainments ;  none  was  more  valued  for  the  services  he 
had  rendered  to  his  country,  none  more  esteemed  for  his 
private  virtues.  The  choice  of  his  associates  was  also 
fortunate,  and  the  court  assumed  a  respectability  and 
weight  suited  to  the  rank  conferred  upon  it  by  the  con 
stitution. 

Rules  follow-  No  part  of  the  President's  duties  gave  him  more  anxie- 
tngton  tiT  "  ty.  than  that  of  distributing  the  offices  in  his  gift.  Ap- 
memsto  plications  innumerable  flowed  in  upon  him  even  before 

office.  - 

he  left  Mount  Vernon,  many  of  them  from  his  personal 
friends,  and  others  supported  by  the  recommendations  of 
his  friends  ;  nor  did  they  cease  as  long  as  any  vacancies 
remained.  He  early  prescribed  to  himself  a  rule,  howev 
er,  from  which  he  never  swerved,  which  was  to  give  no 
pledges  or  encouragement  to  any  applicant.  He  answered 
them  all  civilly,  but  avowed  his  determination  to  suspend 
a  decision  till  the  time  of  making  the  appointments  should 
arrive,  and  then,  without  favor  or  bias,  to  select  such 
individuals  as  in  his  judgment  were  best  qualified  to  exe 
cute  with  faithfulness  and  ability  the  trust  reposed  in 
them.  His  sentiments  and  motives  are  well  explained  ia 
a  letter  written  to  a  gentleman,  who  had  solicited  an 
office  for  another  person. 

"  From  the    moment  when  the   necessity  had  become 


£T  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  419 

more  apparent,"  said  he,  "  and  as  it  were  inevitable,  I  an-   CHAPTER 
ticipated,   with  a  heart  filled  with  distress,  the  ten  thou-       XVI* 
sand  embarrassments,  perplexities,  and  troubles,  to  which     1789. 
I  must  again  be  exposed  in  the  evening  of  a  life  already  Numerous 
nearly  consumed  in  public  cares.     Among  all  these  anx-  for  office, 
ieties,  I  will   not    conceal   from   you,    I    anticipated   none 
greater,   than    those  that  were  likely   to  be   produced   by 
applications  for  appointments  to  the  different  offices,  which 
would  be  created  under  the  new  government.     Nor  will  I 
conceal,  that  my  apprehensions  have  already  been  but  too 
well   justified.      Scarcely  a  day  passes,  in  which  applica 
tions  of   one  kind  or   another    do    not    arrive ;   insomuch 
that,  had  I  not  early   adopted  some  general  principles,   I 
should  before  this  time  have  been  wholly  occupied  in  this 
business.     As  it  is,  I  have  found  the  number  of  answers, 
which  I  have  been  necessitated  to  give  in  my  own  hand, 
an  almost  insupportable  burden  to  me. 

"  The  points  in  which  all  these  answers  have  agreed  Three  things 

to  be  re 
in    substance    are,    that,    should  it  be  my  lot  to  go  aeain  garded  in  ap 
pointments. 

into  public  office,  I  would  go  without  being  under  any 
possible  engagements  of  any  nature  whatsoever ;  that,  so 
far  as  I  knew  my  own  heart,  I  would  not  be  in  the  re 
motest  degree  influenced,  in  making  nominations,  by  mo 
tives  arising  from  the  ties  of  family  or  blood ;  and  that, 
on  the  other  hand,  three  things,  in  my  opinion,  ought 
principally  to  be  regarded,  namely,  the  fitness  of  charac 
ters  to  fill  offices,  the  comparative  claims  from  the  former 
merits  and  sufferings  in  service  of  the  different  candidates, 
and  the  distribution  of  appointments  in  as  equal  a  propor 
tion  as  might  be  to  persons  belonging  to  the  different 
States  in  the  Union.  Without  precautions  of  this  kind, 
I  clearly  foresaw  the  endless  jealousies,  and  possibly  the 
fatal  consequences,  to  which  a  government,  depending 
altogether  on  the  good-will  of/  the  people  for  its  estab 
lishment,  would  certainly  be  exposed  in  its  early  stages. 
Besides,  I  thought,  whatever  the  effect  might  be  in  pleas 
ing  or  displeasing  any  individuals  at  the  present  moment, 
a  due  concern  for  my  own  reputation,  not  less  decisively 


420 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[Mr.  57 


CHAPTER   than  a  sacred  regard   to  the  interests    of  the    community, 

XVL       required,  that  I  should  hold  myself   absolutely  at  liberty 

1789.     to  act,  while  in  office,  with  a  sole  reference  to  justice  and 

the  public  good." 
HIS  declare-        In  practice  he  verified  these  declarations,  acting  in  every 

tions  verified  /•  •      i  i  i       i  •  /»  i 

in  practice,  case  with  perfect  independence,  looking  first  to  the  na 
tional  interests,  and  next  to  the  best  means  of  promoting 
them,  and  admitting  no  other  ground  of  preference  be 
tween  candidates,  whose  pretensions  were  in  other  re 
spects  equal,  than  that  of  former  efforts  or  sacrifices  in 
serving  their  country. 


.  57] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


421 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

His  Journey  through  the  Eastern  States.  —  Letter   from   Mrs.  Washington. 

—  System  of  Funding   the  public  Debts.  —  Place  for  the  permanent  Seat 
of  Government  agreed    upcn.  —  The   President  visits    Rhode  Island  and 
Mount  Vernon.  —  Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States.  —  France,  Eng 
land,    Spain.  —  Indian   War.  —  Washington's    Policy    respecting  the    In 
dians.  —  Congress  meets  at  Philadelphia.  —  A  National  Bank  established. 

—  Tax  on  distilled  Spirits.  —  The  President's  Tour  through  the  Southern 
States.  —  Apportionment  Bill.  —  Parties   and   their  Causes.  —  Dissensions 
between    the    Secretary   of  State   and   the    Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  — 
Washington's  Attempts  to  reconcile  them. 

FOR  some  time  it  had  been  the  President's  intention  in 
the  recess  of  Congress  to  make  a  tour  through  the  eastern 
States,  as  well  for  the  reestablishment  of  his  health,  as 
for  observing  the  condition  of  the  people,  and  the  gen 
eral  disposition  in  regard  to  the  new  form  of  government. 
He  anticipated  pleasure  also  in  reviewing  the  scenes  of 
his  first  military  compaign  as  Commander-in-chief,  and  in 
meeting  the  associates,  who  had  contributed  to  lessen  his 
toils  and  invigorate  his  spirit  in  times  of  peril  and  de 
spondency.  About  the  middle  of  October  he  left  New 
York,  accompanied  by  his  two  secretaries,  Mr.  Lear  and 
Mr.  Jackson,  and  he  was  absent  a  month.  He  travelled 
in  his  own  carriage,  and  proceeded  by  way  of  New  Ha 
ven,  Hartford,  Worcester,  Boston,  Salem,  and  Newbury- 
port,  as  far  as  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire.  He 
returned  by  a  different  route  through  the  interior  of  the 
country  to  Hartford,  and  thence  to  New  York. 

Such  was  the  enthusiasm,  which  was  now  felt  by  all 
classes  of  the  community  in  regard  to  Washington,  an 
enthusiasm  inspired  by  his  virtues  and  his  fame,  that  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  move  in  any  direction,  with 
out  drawing  around  him  thousands  of  spectators,  eager  to 
gratify  their  eyes  with  a  sight  of  his  person,  to  greet  him 
with  acclamations  of  joy,  and  to  exhibit  testimonies  of 


1789. 

Makes  a  tour 
through  the 
eastern 
States. 

October. 


Greeted 
everywhere 
with  enthu 
siasm  by  the 
people. 


422 


LIFE    Or    WASHINGTON. 


.  57. 


1789 


CHAPTER  their  respect  and  veneration.  Men,  women,  and  children, 
m'  people  of  all  ranks,  ages,  and  occupations,  assembled  from 
far  and  near  at  the  crossings  of  the  roads  and  other  pub 
lic  places,  where  it  was  known  he  would  pass.  Military 
escorts  attended  him  on  the  way,  and  at  the  principal 
towns  lie  was  received  and  entertained  by  the  civil  au 
thorities.  Addresses  were  as  usual  presented  to  him  by 
corporate  bodies,  religious  societies,  and  literary  institu 
tions,  to  which  he  returned  appropriate  answers. 

This  journey  was  in  all  respects  satisfactory  to  him, 
not  more  as  furnishing  proofs  of  the  strong  attachment  of 
the  people,  than  as  convincing  him  of  the  growing  pros 
perity  of  the  country,  arid  of  the  favor  which  the  constitu 
tion  and  the  administration  of  government  were  gaining 
in  the  public  mind.  He  was  happy  to  see,  that  the  ef 
fects  of  the  war  had  almost  disappeared,  that  agriculture 
was  pursued  with  activity,  that  the  harvests  were  abun 
dant,  manufactures  increasing,  the  towns  flourishing,  and 
commerce  becoming  daily  more  extended  and  profitable. 
The  condition  of  society,  the  progress  of  improvements, 
the  success  of  industrious  enterprise,  all  gave  tokens  of 
order,  peace,  and  contentment,  and  a  most  cheering  prom 
ise  for  the  future.* 


*  The  reader  cannot  fail  to  be  interested  in  this  place  with  an  ex 
tract  from  a  letter  written  by  Mrs.  Washington  to  Mrs.  Warren,  soon 
after  the  President's  return  from  his  tour.  So  little  remains,  which  is 
known  to  have  come  from  the  pen  of  this  lady,  that  it  would  be  an  act 
of  injustice  to  her  memory  to  withhold  a  specimen  so  creditable  to  her 
understanding,  her  heart,  and  her  views  of  life,  as  the  following,  which 
is  transcribed  from  the  original. 

"  Your  very  friendly  letter  of  last  month  has  afforded  much  more  sat 
isfaction,  than  all  the  formal  compliments  and  empty  ceremonies  of 
mere  etiquette  could  possibly  have  done.  I  am  not  apt  to  forget  the 
feelings,  which  have  been  inspired  by  my  former  society  with  good 
acquaintances,  nor  to  be  insensible  to  their  expressions  of  gratitude  to 
the  President ;  for  you  know  'me  well  enough  to  do  me  the  justice  to 
believe,  that  I  am  fond  only  of  what  comes  from  the  heart.  Under  a 
conviction,  that  the  demonstratidns  of  respect  and  affection  to  him  orig 
inate  in  that  source,  I  cannot  deny,  that  I  have  taken  some  interest 
and  pleasure  in  them.  The  difficulties,  which  presented  themselves  to 


Er.  57.]  ,        LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  423 

The    time   for  the   adjournment  of  Congress  having  ex-  CHAPTER 

pired,  the    two    houses    reassembled    in  the  first  week   of XVII'__ 

January.     The  President  met  them  in  the  senate-chamber,  1789. 

and    delivered  his  speech  at  the  opening  of  the    session.  Measures 

*       .  ,       .  „,.          .  .     .  .  recommend- 

Such  was  the  custom  during  Washington's  administration ;  ed  to  con- 
but  it  was  afterwards  changed,  and  the  President  commu 
nicated  with  Congress  only  by  written  messages.  This 
was  likewise  Washington's  practice,  except  at  the  begin 
ning  of  a  session,  when  he  addressed  the  two  houses  in 
person.  These  addresses  were  called  speeches,  and  other 
communications  were  designated  as  messages.  At  this 
time,  after  congratulating  Congress  on  the  prosperous  con 
dition  of  the  country,  and  the  favor  with  which  their 
previous  doings  had  been  received,  he  recommended  sev 
eral  subjects  as  claiming  their  attention,  particularly  a 
provision  for  the  common  defence  ;  laws  for  naturalizing 
foreigners ;  a  uniformity  in  the  currency,  weights,  and 


view  on  his  first  entering  upon  the  Presidency,  seem  thus  to  be  in 
some  measure  surmounted.  It  is  owing  to  the  kindness  of  our  numer 
ous  friends  in  all  quarters,  that  my  new  and  unwished-for  situation  is 
not  indeed  a  burden  to  me.  When  1  was  much  younger,  I  should 
probably  have  enjoyed  the  innocent  gayeties  of  life  as  much  as  mos* 
persons  of  my  age ;  but  I  had  long  since  placed  all  the  prospects  of 
my  future  worldly  happiness  in  the  still  enjoyments  of  the  fireside  at 
Mount  Vernon. 

"  I  little  thought,  when  the  war  was  finished,  that  any  circumstances 
could  possibly  happen,  which  would  call  the  General  into  public  life 
again.  I  had  anticipated,  that  from  that  moment  we  should  be  suffered 
to  grow  old  together  in  solitude  and  tranquillity.  That  was  the  first 
and  dearest  wish  of  my  heart  I  will  not,  however,  contemplate  with 
too  much  regret  disappointments,  that  were  inevitable,  though  his  feel 
ings  and  my  own  were  in  perfect  unison  with  respect  to  our  predi 
lection  for  private  life.  Yet  I  cannot  blame  him  for  having  acted  ac 
cording  to  his  ideas  of  duty  in  obeying  the  voice  of  his  country.  The 
consciousness  of  having  attempted  to  do  all  the  good  in  his  power, 
and  the  pleasure  of  finding  his  fellow  citizens  so  well  satisfied  with 
the  disinterestedness  of  his  conduct,  will  doubtless  be  some  compen 
sation  for  the  great  sacrifices,  which  I  know  he  has  made.  Indeed, 
on  his  journey  from  Mount  Vernon  to  this  place,  in  his  late  tour  through 
the  Eastern  States,  by  every  public  and  every  private  information  which 
has  come  to  him,  I  am  persuaded  he  has  experienced  nothing  to  make 


424 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


-.57. 


1789. 


£?tii?«i  ^° 

£crcredi?ub~    mdeed 


CHAPTER  measures  ;  the  encouragement  of  agriculture,  commerce, 
xvn-  and  manufactures  ;  the  promotion  of  science  and  literature  ; 
an(j  an  effective  system  for  the  support  of  public  credit.. 
^°  tne  difficulties  involved  in  this  last  subject  may 
traced  the  primary  causes  of  the  constitution, 
and  it  had  already  attracted  the  notice  of  the  national 
legislature.  The  former  session  had  necessarily  been  con 
sumed  in  framing  laws  for  putting  the  new  government 
in  operation  ;  but,  a  few  days  before  its  close,  a  resolution 
was  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  which  it 
was  declared  that  an  adequate  provision  for  the  support 
of  public  credit  was  essential  to  the  national  honor  and 
prosperity,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  directed 
to  prepare  a  plan  for  the  purpose,  and  report  it  to  the 
House  at  the  next  session.  The  national  debt*  had  its 
origin  chiefly  in  the  Revolution.  .  It  was  of  two  kinds, 
foreign  arid  domestic.  The  foreign  debt  amounted  to 


him  repent  his  having  acted  from  what  he  conceived  to  be  a  sense  of 
indispensable  duty.  On  the  contrary,  all  his  sensibility  has  been  awak 
ened  in  receiving  such  repeated  and  unequivocal  proofs  of  sincere 
regard  from  his  countrymen. 

"With  respect  to  myself,  I  sometimes  think  the  arrangement  is  not 
quite  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  that  I,  who  had  much  rather  be  at 
home,  should  occupy  a  place,  with  which  a  great  many  younger  and 
gayer  women  would  be  extremely  pleased.  As  my  grandchildren  and 
domestic  connexions  make  up  a  great  portion  of  the  felicity,  which  1 
looked  for  in  this  world,  I  shall  hardly  be  able  to  find  any  substitute, 
that  will  indemnify  me  for  the  loss  of  a  part  of  such  endearing  society. 
I  do  not  say  this  because  I  feel  dissatisfied  with  my  present  station, 
for  everybody  and  every  thing  conspire  to  make  me  as  contented  as 
possible  in  it;  yet  I  have  learned  too  much  of  the  vanity  of  human 
affairs  to  expect  felicity  from  the  scenes  of  public  life.  I  am  still  de 
termined  to  be  cheerful  and  happy  in  whatever  situation  I  may  be ; 
for  I  have  also  learned  from  experience,  that  the  greater  part  of  our 
happiness  or  misery  depends  on  our  dispositions,  and  not  on  our  cir 
cumstances.  We  carry  the  seeds  of  the  one  or  the  other  about  with 
us  in  our  minds  wherever  we  go. 

"I  have  two  of  my  grandchildren  with  me,  who  enjoy  advantages 
in  point  of  education,  and  who,  I  trust,  by  the  goodness  of  Providence, 
will  be  a  great  blessing  to  me.  My  other  two  grandchildren  are  with 
their  mother  in  Virginia."  —  New  York,  December  26f/i,  1789. 


J£T.  57.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  425 

nearly  twelve  millions  of  dollars,  and  was  due  to  France,    CHAPTER 
the    Hollanders,   and  a  very  small  part    to    Spain.      The      XVI1> 
domestic  debt,  due  to  individuals  in  the  United  States  for     1789. 
loans   to   the    government    and   supplies   furnished   to   the  Foreign  and 
army,    was    about   forty-two   millions.      These  debts   had  debts! ' 
been   contracted   by  Congress,    and  were  acknowledged  to 
be  a  national  charge.     There  was  another  description  of 
debts,  amounting  by  estimate  to  about  twenty-five  millions 
of  dollars,  which  rested  on  a  different  footing.     The  States 
individually  had  constructed  works  of  defence  within  their 
respective  limits,  advanced  pay  and  bounties  to  Continental 
troops   and   militia,    arid  supplied  provisions,  clothing,  and 
munitions  of  war.      The  secretary    proposed,  that   all   the 
domestic   debts,    including   those  of  the   particular   States, 
should   be    funded,    and   that   the   nation    should    become 
responsible  for  their  payment  to  the  full  amount. 

The  report  was  able,*  perspicuous,  and  comprehensive,  Hamiiton'a 
embracing  a  complete  view  of  the  subject,  and  containing  Funding  the 
arguments  of  great  cogency  in  support  of  the  plan  sug-  debt, 
gested.  As  to  the  foreign  debt,  there  was  no  question 
in  the  mind  of  any  one,  that  it  ought  to  be  discharged 
according  to  the  strict  letter  of  the  contracts,  but  in  re 
gard  to  the  domestic  debts  a  difference  of  opinion  pre 
vailed.  The  secretary  endeavored  to  prove,  that  no  dis 
tinction  should  be  admitted,  that  the  expenditures  had  all 
been  made  for  national  objects,  and  that  in  equity  the 
public  faith  was  solemnly  pledged  for  their  reimbursement. 
The  obligation  was  increased  by  their  being  "  the  price 
of  liberty,"  without  which  the  nation  itself  could  never 
have  attained  an  independent  existence.  He  argued  that 
the  policy  of  the  measure  was  not  less  obvious  than  its 
t  justice,  that  public  credit  was  essential  to  the  support  of 
government  under  any  form,  and  that  this  could  be  main 
tained  only  by  good  faith  in  all  transactions,  and  by  hon 
orably  fulfilling  engagements.  Who  would  confide  in  a 
government,  that  had  refused  to  pay  its  debts,  or  re 
spect  a  nation  that  had  shown  a  disregard  to  the  prin- 
54  R<2* 


426  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JET.  58. 

CHAPTER    ciples,  which  constitute  the  cement  of  every  well  ordered 
community  ? 

When  the  report  was  considered  in  Congress,  it  gave 
r*se  to  warm  and  protracted  debates.  The  opponents  of  " 
the  secretary's  plan  were  not  without  plausible  reasons. 
As  to  the  debt  contracted  by  Congress,  it  was  said  that 
the  usual  maxims  could  not  properly  be  applied.  The 
evidences  of  this  debt  consisted  in  a  paper  currency  and 
certificates,  which,  as  there  was  no  gold  or  silver,  the 
creditors  were  from  the  necessity  of  the  case  obliged  to 
take.  This  paper  had  in  most  cases  passed  through  many 
hands,  and  was  immensely  depreciated  below  its  nominal 
value.  The  original  creditors,  therefore,  and  the  subse 
quent  holders,  had  lost  in  proportion  to  the  scale  of  de 
preciation.  Hence  the  proposal  to  assume  the  whole  debt, 
as  it  stood  on  the  face  of  the  paper,  and  pay  it  to  the 
present  holders,  was  said  to  be  inequitable,  inasmuch  as 
these  had  purchased  it  at  the  depreciated  value,  and  had 
no  claim  to  be  remunerated  for  the  losses  of  the  previous 
holders. 

Madison's  Mr.  Madison  proposed  a  discrimination,  by  which   the 

purchasers  should  be  paid  a  certain  portion,  and  the  origi 
nal  holders  the  remainder.  This  was  objected  to  as  un 
just  and  impracticable.  By  the  form  and  tenor  of  the 
certificates,  the  debt  was  made  payable  to  the  original 
creditor  or  bearer.  On  these  terms  they  had  been  sold, 
and  the  sellers  had  relinquished  all  their  claims  to  the 
purchasers  for  what  was  deemed  an  equivalent.  When 
the  transfers  were  4made,  it  was  understood  by  both  par 
ties  to  be  on  this  principle,  and  the  purchaser  took  the 
risk  of  eventual  payment.  It  was  clear,  also,  that  it 
would  be  impossible  to  make  the  discrimination,  except  to 
a  limited  extent  and  in  a  partial  manner,  since  the  nu 
merous  transfers  of  the  original  creditors  could  not  be  as 
certained  and  examined ;  and  even  at  best  no  provision 
was  offered  for  the  losses  of  the  intermediate  holders  by 
the  gradual  depreciation.  After  a  long  debate  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  this  scheme  was  rejected. 


JET.  58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  427 

Next  came  up  the   State  debts  ;   and  the  proposition  to  CHAPTER 

assume  them  created   still    greater  divisions    and    heats  in  XVIL 

Congress,  and  much   excitement  abroad.      It  brought  into  1790. 

action  all  the  local  prejudices  and  high-toned  doctrines  of  Debts  of  the 

several 

State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  which  had  been  so  states 
heavy  a  stumblingblock  in  the  way  of  union  and  con 
cord  from  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution.  The  debts 
of  the  respective  States  were  very  unequal  in  amount. 
This  led  to  an  investigation  of  the  services  rendered  by 
each,  and  to  invidious  comparisons.  The  project  was  op 
posed  as  unconstitutional  and  unjust.  Congress,  it  was 
said,  had  no  power  to  take  this  burden  upon  the  nation. 
Such  an  assumption  of  power  was  moreover  an  encroach 
ment  upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  tending  to  di 
minish  their  importance,  and  lead  to  a  consolidation  de 
structive  of  the  republican  system.  Each  State  was  re 
sponsible  for  the  debts  it  had  contracted,  and  there  was 
no  reason  for  taxing  those  States,  which  owed  little,  to 
pay  a  portion  of  the  large  debt  of  others. 

It  was  argued   in  reply,  that,  as  the   expenditures   had  Reasons  for 

^  J  '  funding  the 

all  been  lor  the  common  cause  of  the  nation,  they  came  state  debts, 
strictly  within  the  legitimate  control  of  Congress  ;  and 
also,  as  the  constitution  had  transferred  to  the  national 
legislature  the  entire  power  of  raising  funds  from  duties 
on  imports  and  the  sales  of  public  lands,  the  principal 
sources  of  revenue,  it  was  just  that  the  debts  should  be 
paid  out  of  these  funds.  The  States  could  pay  them 
only  by  excise  duties,  or  direct  taxes,  which  would  be 
odious  to  the  people  and  difficult  to  collect.  In'any  event 
there  must  be  long  delays,  and  much  uncertainty  as  to 
the  result.  The  creditors  had  a  right  to  claim  more 
prompt  payment,  and  better  security  from  the  nation. 

At  last  the  secretary's  plan  for  funding  all  the  domes-  Funding  sys- 
tic  debts  was  carried  by  a  small  majority  in  both  houses 
of  Congress.  In  regard  to  the  State  debts,  however,  the 
original  proposition  was  modified.  The  specific  sum  of 
twenty-one  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars  was  assumed, 
and  apportioned  among  the  States  in  a  proximate  ratio  to 


428 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[Mr.  58. 


1790. 


Advantages 
of  the  fund- 


OHAPTER    the  amount  of  the  debts  of  each.     An  act  was  passed  by 
XVIL       which  the  whole  of  the  domestic  debt  became  a  loan  to 
the  nation.     It  was  made  redeemable  at  various  times,  and 
at  various  rates  of  interest. 

One   of   the  principal  arguments   for   funding  the  debt, 

ing  system.  jn  addition  to  that  of  its  equity,  was  the  advantage  that 
would  be  derived  from  it  as  an  active  capital  for  imme 
diate  use.  Sustained  by  the  credit  of  the  nation,  bearing 
interest  and  redeemable  at  certain  times,  the  paper  securi 
ties  of  the  government  would  have  a  permanent  value  in 
the  market,  and  thus  be  a  spur  to  enterprise,  and  increase 
the  prosperity  of  the  country  in  its  agriculture,  manufac 
tures,  and  commerce.  All  that  was  anticipated  from  the 
funding  system,  in  these  respects,  was  realized.  Political 
ly  considered,  however,  it  had  an  unhappy  influence.  It 
widened  the  breach  of  parties,  produced  irritations,  and 
excited  animosities.  Nor  was  it  to  be  expected  that  the 
adversaries  of  the  plan,  and  these  a  large  minority,  would 
readily  change  their  opinion  after  the  strenuous  opposition 
they  had  shown,  or  cease  from  their  hostility.  The  Presi 
dent  expressed  no  sentiments  on  the  subject  while  it  was 
under  debate  in  Congress,  but  he  approved  the  act  for 
funding  the  public  debt,  and  was  undoubtedly,  from  con 
viction,  a  decided  friend  to  the  measure. 

Another  important  point,  upon  which  Congress  under 
the  old  Confederation  had  been  for  a  long  time  divided, 
was  settled  in  the  course  of  this  session.  Local  interests, 
and  other  considerations,  made  it  difficult  to  agree  on  the 
place  for  the  permanent  seat  of  government.  It  was  at 
length  determined,  that  it  should  be  removed  for  ten 
years  to  Philadelphia,  and  then  be  established  at  some 
place  on  the  Potomac  River.  Ultimately  the  position  was 
selected,  which  has  since  been  called  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia  ;  and  the  territory  was  surveyed,  the  city  planned, 
and  the  public  buildings  commenced  under  the  direction 
of  Washington,  this  duty  devolving  on  him  as  President. 
For  three  or  four  years  it  occupied  a  great  deal  of  his 
attention ;  and,  in  compliance  with  the  laws,  he  appointed 


District  of 

Columbia. 


Jfrr.  58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  429 

commissioners  for  managing   the  business,  with  whom  he  CHAPTER 

carried    on   a   voluminous  correspondence,    giving  personal  XVJI' 

directions,  and    requiring   exact   accounts    of    all   proceed-  179° 
ings. 

Rhode  Island  having  adopted  the  constitution,  and  ac-  president 

_.         .  ,  -.  .    .  ,  visits  Rhode 

ceded  to  the    Union,  the  President   made   a   visit   to  that  island. 
State  immediately  after  the  session   of   Congress.      In  his 
eastern  tour  he  had  avoided   going   to  Rhode    Island,  be 
cause  it  had  not  then   joined   the  Union   under   the    new 
government. 

Another  severe  disease,  and  constant  application  to  busi-  visits  Mount 
ness,  had  much  impaired  his  health  ;  and  he  determined 
to  take  advantage  of  the  recess  of  Congress,  throw  off  for  September. 
a  brief  space  the  burden  of  public  cares,  and  seek  repose 
and  recreation  in  his  own  quiet  home  at  Mount  Vernon. 
He  always  returned  to  that  spot  with  delight  ;  and  it 
was  now  doubly  dear  to  him,  as  it  promised  rest  from 
labor,  refreshment  to  his  weary  spirit  and  debilitated  body, 
and  a  few  days  of  leisure  to  ride  over  his  farms,  view 
his  gardens,  orchards,  and  fields,  and  observe  the  progress 
of  his  agricultural  operations. 

The  foreign   relations  of  the  United  States,  at  the  be-  Foreign  reia- 

f  .  T  i      tions  of  the 

ginning  01  the  new  government,  though  not  complicated,  united 
were  nevertheless  in  an  unsettled  condition.  With  France 
there  was  a  good  understanding,  the  treaties  of  alliance 
and  commerce  having  been  scrupulously  fulfilled  on  both 
sides.  The  revolutionary  disorders,  however,  soon  broke 
out,  and  produced  disagreements,  alienation,  and  trouble. 

With  Morocco  a  sort  of  informal  treaty  existed,  and  Morocco. 
Washington  wrote  two  letters  to  the  Emperor,  who  had 
received  American  vessels  into  his  ports,  and  promised  his 
aid  to  conciliate  the  Barbary  powers.  This  promise  was 
unavailing.  The  Algerines  had  seized  vessels  belonging 
to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  held  the  officers  and 
sailors  in  bondage  for  several  years. 

The    government   stood   in  a  more  delicate  relation  to  England. 
England,  than  to   any  other   power.     The  old   feuds  and 
bitter  feelings  of  the  war  subsided  slowly.      All  attempts 


430  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jE-r.  58. 

CHAPTER  to  bring  about  a  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  two 
countries  had  failed.  The  British  cabinet,  probably  dis 
trusting  the  stability  of  the  Union  under  the  old  Confed 
eration,  had  shown  no  disposition  to  enter  into  a  treaty 
of  this  sort,  and  had  never  sent  a  minister  to  the  United 
States.  The  military  posts  on  the  frontiers  had  not  been 
given  up,  as  was  stipulated  in  the  treaty  of  peace.  The 
reason  assigned,  that  some  of  the  States  had  refused  to 
pay  the  debts  due  to  British  subjects,  which  they  were 
likewise  bound  to  do  by  the  treaty,  was  plausible,  and 
perhaps  well  founded.  Congress  had  but  a  limited  power 
to  enforce  a  compliance  with  treaties ;  and  it  was  natural 
in  such  a  case,  that  other  nations  should  be  tardy  in 
making  them.  This  state  of  things  being  altered  by  the 
constitution,  President  Washington  thought  it  desirable  to 
ascertain  the  views  and  intentions  of  the  British  govern 
ment,  in  regard  to  complying  with  the  treaty  of  peace, 
and  to  future  intercourse.  To  attain  this  end  he  com 
missioned  Gouverneur  Morris  as  a  private  agent  to  hold 
conversations  with  the  British  ministers,  deeming  it  of 
great  importance,  as  he  said,  that  errors  should  be  avoid 
ed  in  the  system  of  policy  respecting  Great  Britain. 
Spain.  Affairs  with  Spain  were  yet  more  unpromising.  At 

the  outset  of  the  Revolution,  his  Catholic  Majesty,  yield 
ing  to  the  solicitations  of  Prance,  seemed  to  abet  the 
American  cause  ;  but  he  soon  changed  his  mind,  refused 
to  join  with  France  in  acknowledging  the  independence 
of  the  United  States,  even  when  he  declared  war  against 
England,  and  gave  his  sanction  to  the  treaty  of  peace 
with  no  good  will.  He  feared  the  effect,  and  not  with 
out  reason,  which  the  example  of  the  northern  republicans 
might  have  upon  his  colonies  in  South  America.  A  ne 
gotiation  had  been  going  on,  tedious  as  it  was  unprofit 
able,  down  to  the  time  of  Washington's  election  to  the 
Presidency,  but  no  apparent  progress  had  been  made. 
The  Floridas  and  Louisiana  belonged  to  Spain.  The 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  the  great  point  of  con 
troversy.  This  was  essential  to  the  settlers  in  the  West, 


jEx.58.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  431 

and  was  becoming    every  day  more   and  more   so  on    ac-    CHAPTER 
count    of    the    rapid   increase    of    the    population.      Spain       XVIL 
persisted  in  withholding  all  rights  and  privileges  in  that     1790. 
navigation  from  citizens  of  the  United  States.     There  were 
various    grounds   of   policy  for   this  refusal,  but    probably 
the   most   operative   was  a  secret   hope,    that   the    western 
inhabitants,    weary  of  these   obstacles  to  their  commerce, 
and  dissatisfied    with  the  national  government    for  not  re 
moving  them,  might  sooner  or  later    dissever   themselves 
from    the    Union,    and   form   a   separate    republic,    which 
would  easily  fall  under  the  control  of  Spain. 

Other  circumstances,   growing:  out  of  the  relations  with  Foreign 

.     .  .          influence 

England  and  Spam,  were  extremely  injurious  to  the  in-  operating 
terests  of  the  country.  During  the  war,  the  Indians  on 
the  borders  of  the  United  States  had  almost  everywhere 
been  allied  with  the  enemy.  When  peace  came,  it  found 
them  in  the  attitude  of  hostility,  their  savage  spirit  roused, 
and  their  vindictive  tempers  eager  for  slaughter  and  re 
venge;  and  the  United  States  were  left  to  appease  and 
conciliate  them  as  they  could.  In  any  case  this  would 
have  been  an  arduous  task,  but  the  difficulty  was  soon 
perceived  to  be  increased  by  a  foreign  influence,  keeping 
alive  their  enmity,  and  stimulating  them  to  acts  of  out 
rage.  British  agents  and  traders  on  the  northern  frontier 
furnished  the  Indians  with  arms,  ammunition,  and  clothing. 
In  Florida  the  Spaniards  tampered  with  the  Creeks  and 
other  Southern  Indians,  and  kept  them  at  variance  with 
their  white  neighbors.  These  acts  were  not  acknowledg 
ed,  possibly  not  authorized,  by  the  English  and  Spanish 
governments,  but  they  were  certainly  not  restrained,  and 
they  were  repeated  long  after  full  representations  had 
been  made. 

The  effect  was  a  protracted  and  expensive  war.  Wash- 
ington's  policy  in  regard  to  the  Indians  was  always  pa- 
cific  and  humane.  He  considered  them  as  children,  who 
should  be  treated  with  tenderness  and  forbearance.  He 
aimed  to  conciliate  them  by  good  usage,  to  obtain  their 
lands  by  fair  purchase  and  punctual  payments,  to  make 


432 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  58. 


1790. 


Congress 
assemble  at 
Philadel 
phia. 

December  6. 


National 
Bank. 


treaties  with  them  on  terms  of  equity  and  reciprocal  ad 
vantage,  and  strictly  to  redeem  every  pledge.  In  these 
respects  he  looked  upon  the  Indian  tribes  as  holding  the 
same  rank  and  the  same  rights  as  civilized  nations.  But 
their  faithlessness,  ravages,  and  murders  were  not  to  be 
tolerated,  from  whatever  causes  they  arose.  After  failing 
in  every  attempt  at  a  pacification,  he  was  convinced  that 
war  was  the  only  alternative.  It  continued  four  or  five 
years,  with  many  vicissitudes  of  misfortune  and  disaster, 
the  defeats  of  Harmar  and  St.  Clair,  unsuccessful  cam 
paigns,  and  much  waste  of  blood  and  treasure,  till  Gen 
eral  Wayne  put  an  end  to  it,  first  by  a  battle,  and  then 
by  a  treaty  of  peace.  This  war  lasted  through  a  large 
part  of  Washington's  administration.  It  was  a  source  of 
regret  and  pain  to  him,  on  account  both  of  its  cause,  the 
necessity  of  subduing  by  force  the  turbulence  of  an  igno 
rant  and  deluded  race  of  men,  and  of  the  heavy  charge 
it  imposed  on  the  nation  for  maintaining  an  army. 

Congress  commenced  their  third  session  at  Philadelphia, 
and  the  President  returned  from  Mount  Vernon  to  that 
city,  where  he  afterwards  resided  till  the  term  of  his  of 
fice  expired.  The  debates  of  this  session  were  scarcely 
less  vehement,  or  less  deeply  tinged  with  party  antipathies, 
than  those  of  the  preceding.  Two  important  measures 
were  brought  forward,  discussed,  and  adopted ;  a  na 
tional  bank,  and  a  tax  on  ardent  spirits  distilled  in  the 
United  States. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  had  previously  recom 
mended  a  national  bank,  as  of  great  utility  in  administer 
ing  the  finances  of  the  country,  and  facilitating  the  oper 
ations  for  the  support  of  public  credit.  He  now  called 
the  attention  of  Congress  to  the  subject  by  a  special  re 
port,  in  which  his  views  were  explained  with  the  same 
perspicuity  and  vigor  of  argument,  which  marked  every 
thing  that  came  from  his  pen.  The  project  met  with  a 
strong  opposition.  It  was  attacked  chiefly  on  the  ground 
of  its  being  unconstitutional.  Much  was  said  of  the  ex 
press,  incidental,  and  implied  powers  conferred  on  Con- 


JEr.  59.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  433 

gress  by  the  constitution ;    and  it  was  averred,   that    none    CHAPTER 
of  these,  nor  all  of   them  together,    authorized  the    incor-       XVI1' 
porating   of  a   bank.     Its   policy  was  questioned,  and  the      1791. 
utility  of  banking  systems  denied.     To  this  it  was  answer 
ed,  that  such  incidental    powers    must    necessarily   belong 
to  every   form    of  government,    as  will  enable  it  to  carry 
into  effect  the  positive  and  vested  powers,  and  to  employ 
all  the  usual  means  for  that  purpose  ;  and  that  a  construc 
tion    of   the    constitution   according    to    this    fundamental 
principle   fairly  included   the  means    afforded  by   a  bank, 
to    which   almost    all   commercial    nations    had     resorted, 
and  the  advantages  of  which  had   been   proved   by  long 
experience. 

The  arguments  were  somewhat  metaphysical  and  at 
tenuated  on  both  sides  ;  and  indeed  the  attempt  to  define 
what  is  intended  or  implied  by  a  written  instrument,  on 
points  about  which  it  says  nothing,  must  naturally  lead 
to  abstractions  little  suited  to  enlighten  or  convince.  No 
other  rule  of  interpretation  would  seem  to  be  applicable 
in  practice,  than  that  a  proposed  measure  shall  contribute 
to  the  public  good,  and  not  contravene  any  express  power. 
The  contest  ended  in  the  establishment  of  a  bank,  with 
a  capital  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  eight  millions 
were  to  be  held  by  individuals,  and  the  residue  by  the 
government. 

On  this  subject  the  cabinet  was  divided,  Jefferson  and  Washington 
Randolph    being    opposed  to  the  bank  as  unconstitutional,  the  act  for 
and   Hamilton    and    Knox   of  a   contrary   opinion.      The  bank- 
President  requested  from  each  a  statement  of   his   reasons 
in  writing,  and  he  is  understood  to  have  reflected  deeply, 
and  deliberated    even    with  more    than   his   usual  caution, 
before  he  affixed  his  signature  to  the  act. 

The  object  of  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  was  to  pro-  Taxondis- 
vide  a  fund  for  paying  the  interest  on  a  portion  of  the 
domestic  debt.  The  duties  on  imports  were  said  to  be 
strained  as  far  as  they  would  bear,  without  injury  to 
commerce,  and  perhaps  to  the  revenue  by  holding  out  a 
temptation  to  smuggling ;  and,  as  a  new  tax  must  be 
55  s2 


434 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  59. 


CHAPTER 
XVII. 

1791. 


President's 
tour  through 
the  southern 
States. 

March. 


Law  for  the 
apportion 
ment  of 
represen 
tatives  in 
congress. 


laid  somewhere,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  thought  it 
could  fall  on  no  commodity  less  objectionable  than  ardent 
spirits  distilled  in  the  country.  The  tax  was  opposed  as 
impolitic  and  unequal  in  its  application.  It  was  branded 
as  an  odious  excise,  hostile  to  liberty,  the  collecting  of 
which  would  inflame  the  people,  and  lead  to  evasions 
and  perhaps  to  resistance.  It  was  unequal,  because  dis 
tilling  was  practised  mostly  in  the  West,  and  a  few  lim 
ited  districts  in  other  parts.  This  argument  was  more 
specious  than  sound,  since  the  consumers  would  actual 
ly  pay  the  tax;  but  it  was  vehemently  urged  by  some 
of  the  representatives.  The  bill  was  carried,  and  was 
more  remarkable  for  its  consequences,  than  for  its  char 
acteristics  as  a  legislative  act,  in  whatever  light  it  may 
be  viewed. 

The  President  had  fixed  on  the  next  recess  of  Con 
gress  for  a  tour  through  the  southern  States.  He  set  off 
about  the  middle  of  March,  and  was  gone  three  months, 
performing  in  that  time  a  journey  of  eighteen  hundred 
and  eighty-seven  miles  with  the  same  horses.  His  route 
was  through  Richmond,  Wilmington,  and  Charleston,  as 
far  as  Savannah ;  whence  he  returned  by  way  of  Augusta, 
Columbia,  and  the  interior  of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia. 
Before  leaving  home,  he  had  ascertained  with  great  accu 
racy  the  distances  between  one  place  and  another,  settled 
the  precise  day  upon  which  he  should  arrive  at  each,  and 
the  length  of  time  he  should  stop.  Not  a  single  accident 
occurred  ;  and  with  such  exactness  and  method  had  his 
calculations  been  made,  that  his  original  plan  was  exe 
cuted  in  every  particular,  except  that  he  stayed  one  day 
more  in  one  place  than  he  intended,  and  one  day  less  in 
another.  He  everywhere  received  the  same  proofs  of  re 
spect  and  attachment,  which  had  been  manifested  in  his 
travels  through  the  middle  and  eastern  States. 

The  principal  laws  passed  at  the  next  session  were  those 
for  apportioning  the  representatives,  establishing  a  uniform 
militia  system,  and  increasing  the  army.  The  constitution 
had  prescribed,  that  the  representatives  in  the  national 


^T.  59.]  L I F  E    O  F    W  A  S  H  I  N  G  T  O  N.  435 

legislature  should  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  CHAPTER 
according  to  the  respective  numbers  of  their  population,  XVIL 
but  that  the  whole  number  of  representatives  should  not  179!- 
exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand.  When  the  new 
apportionment  bill  was  proposed,  it  was  found  that  no 
ratio  could  be  chosen,  which  would  not  leave  large  frac 
tions  to  some  of  the  States.  For  instance,  if  thirty  thou 
sand  were  taken  as  the  ratio,  there  would  be  an  unrepre 
sented  surplus  of  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand,  more  or 
less,  in  some  of  the  States.  To  remedy  this  imperfection, 
a  bill  was  introduced  and  passed,  which  fixed  the  ratio 
at  thirty  thousand.  The  total  population  was  divided  by 
this  ratio,  which  gave  one  hundred  and  twenty  as  the 
whole  number  of  representatives.  But  this  included  the 
sum  of  all  the  fractions  ;  and,  after  apportioning  to  each 
State  one  representative  for  every  thirty  thousand,  the  re 
siduary  members,  to  make  the  whole  number  of  one  hun 
dred  and  twenty,  were  distributed  among  the  States  in 
which  the  fractions  were  the  largest.  The  President  de 
cided,  that  this  bill  did  not  conform  to  the  constitution, 
it  being  obvious  that  the  ratio  was  meant  to  apply  to  the 
States  individually,  and  not  to  the  aggregate  amount  of 
population  in  them  all.  He  therefore  returned  the  bill  to 
Congress,  with  his  reasons  for  not  affixing  his  signature. 
A  new  bill  was  then  framed  and  approved,  fixing  the 
ratio  at  thirty-three  thousand,  and  throwing  out  the  frac 
tions. 

The  subject  derived  an  importance  from  the  spirit  of  Local  jeai- 
party,  and  local  jealousies,  which  entered  into  the  discus 
sion.  Many  of  the  members  were  strenuous  for  as  large 
a  representation  as  possible,  by  which  the  rights  of  the 
States  would  be  better  preserved,  and  a  check  afforded 
to  the  undue  increase  of  executive  power.  The  bill  for 
the  increase  of  the  army  was  opposed  on  the  same  grounds. 
It  would  enlarge  the  executive  patronage,  which  might 
ultimately  be  adverse  to  liberty,  and  a  greater  evil  than 
the  Indian  war,  for  the  prosecution  of  which  the  army 
was  wanted. 


436  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  [JEx.  59. 

It  became  evident,  indeed,  from  many  indications,  both 
in  Congress    and  abroad,  that   the    advocates  for    different 
1791.     measures  were  fast  arranging  themselves  into  two  distinct, 
political       parties,  the  administration  and  its  friends  on  one  side,  and 

parties  in         r 

the  united  its  opponents  on  the  other.  In  the  first  place,  they  who 
had  opposed  the  constitution  would  naturally  have  their 
prejudices  arrayed  against  it  when  put  in  practice,  and 
be  ready  to  find  fault  with  any  system  by  which  this 
was  effected.  Again,  all  those  who  had  watched  with 
solicitude  over  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  believed  these 
in  danger,  would  be  prepared  to  see  the  fulfilment  of 
their  predictions  in  the  acts  of  the  general  government, 
however  administered.  If  to  these  we  add  the  bias  of 
personal  feelings,  the  influence  of  the  passions,  an  un 
limited  freedom  of  speech,  and  the  tendency  of  opposition 
to  beget  opposition,  we  shall  have  abundant  materials  for 
creating  parties  and  aliment  for  their  support.  And,  as 
parties  gain  strength  by  union,  it  was  easy  for  these  ele 
ments,  at  first  discordant,  gradually  to  assimilate.  Nor 
need  we  question  the  motives  of  any  individual  or  class 
of  men.  It  is  fair  to  presume,  that,  at  this  stage  of  our 
political  progress,  there  was  as  much  patriotism  and  sin 
cerity  on  both  sides  as  at  any  other  period.  It  is  true, 
that,  when  a  man  gives  himself  up  to  a  party,  he  is  apt 
to  forget  his  country ;  yet  in  all  free  communities  there 
must  be  parties,  and  every  man  must  belong  to  one  or 
another,  so  that  his  motives  should  be  judged  by  his  con 
duct  and  character,  rather  than  by  the  side  he  takes. 
The  necessity  of  parties  is  not  identical  with  their  abuse. 
The  former  is  the  safeguard  of  liberty,  the  latter  its  bane. 
If  the  people  would  enjoy  the  one,  they  must  be  en 
lightened  enough  to  perceive  and  virtuous  enough  to  cor 
rect  the  other. 

Dissensions         But    this  is  not  the  place  to  examine  into   the    origin 

of  parties  re- 

ratted  by      or  principles  of  the  two  great  parties,  which  at  that  time 

Washington.  r 

began  to  divide  the  country,  and  which  have  continued 
ever  since,  with  such  modifications  as  have  sprung  from 
events  and  circumstances.  It  needs  only  to  be  said,  that 


^T.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  437 

they  were   viewed  with  deep  regret  by  Washington,  and    CHAPTER 
with  a  painful   apprehension   of  their   effects.      Conscious      xvll> 
of  acting  with  the  single  aim  of  administering  the  gov-      17^2. 
ernment  for  the  best  interests  and   happiness  of  the   peo 
ple,   he  was  mortified  to  find    his  endeavors    thwarted  at 
every  step  by  party  discords  and  personal  enmities  among 
those,  who  controlled  public  opinion  by  their  standing  arid 
talents,  and  on  whose  aid  he  relied.     It  was  not  in  Con 
gress  alone,  that  these  jarrings  occurred.      They  crept  in 
to    the  cabinet,  disturbing   its   harmony,  and    dividing    its 
counsels. 

He  had  for  some  time  been  aware  of  a  radical  difference  Differences 
of  opinion  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Secre-  Hamilton 

.  andJeffer- 

tary  of  the  Treasury,  on  some  of  the  most  important  s°n- 
measures  of  the  administration.  The  causes  were  deeply 
seated.  Hamilton  regarded  the  Constitution  as  affording 
inadequate  powers  to  the  general  government,  and  be 
lieved  its  weakness  to  be  its  greatest  defect.  Hence  he 
thought  its  success  could  be  hoped  for  only  by  construing 
and  administering  it  in  such  a  manner,  as  would  add  the 
greatest  degree  of  strength  to  the  executive.  Jefferson's 
sentiments  and  fears  ran  in  an  opposite  direction.  To  him 
it  appeared,  that  there  was  too  much  power  in  the  head, 
that  the  exercise  of  the  executive  authority  ought  to  be 
restrained,  and  that  the  rights  of  States  and  the  liberty 
of  the  people  were  in  jeopardy.  The  funding  system,  the 
assumption  of  the  State  debts,  the  bank,  and  the  tax  on 
domestic  spirits,  were  all  at  variance  with  his  principles. 
These  measures  originated  with  Hamilton,  and  consti 
tuted  the  prominent  features  of  the  administration.  The 
ability  with  which  they  had  been  planned,  and  their 
success,  contributed  to  elevate  their  author  in  the  public 
estimation,  which,  to  say  the  least,  could  not  be  supposed 
to  gratify  the  feelings  of  his  colleague,  especially  as  he 
looked  upon  the  measures  themselves  to  be  wrong  and 
fraught  with  mischief;  nor  could  it  be  expected,  that  the 
two  secretaries  would  harmonize  in  devising  the  means 
of  carrying  them  into  execution.  It  should  be  stated, 

s2* 


438 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[iEr.  60 


1792. 


Washington 
endeavors  to 
heal  the 
breach  be 
tween  the 
secretaries. 


Letter  to 
Jefferson. 

August  22. 


nevertheless,  that  Jefferson  discharged  the  duties  of  his 
office  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  President.  Though 
differing  in  opinion  from  the  majority  of  the  cabinet,  he 
did  not  allow  his  private  views  to  influence  his  conduct 
as  a  member  of  that  council,  or  as  holding  a  responsible 
station  in  the  government.  Nothing  more,  perhaps,  could 
reasonably  be  required  of  him,  under  the  circumstances 
in  which  he  was  placed  j  yet,  as  it  regarded  the  success 
of  the  administration,  a  reluctant  performance  of  duty  was 
far  from  being  the  same  thing  as  the  cordial  and  vigorous 
support  of  a  willing  mind.  In  all  respects,  therefore, 
these  disagreements  were  unpropitious,  embarrassing  to  the 
President,  and  injurious  to  the  public  welfare. 

The  deep  anxiety  he  felt  on  this  subject,  his  ardent 
desire  to  heal  the  breach,  and  the  means  he  took  to  ac 
complish  it,  will  appear  in  the  following  extract  from  a 
letter,  which  he  wrote  to  Jefferson. 

"  How  unfortunate,  and  how  much  to  be  regretted  is  it, 
that,  while  we  are  encompassed  on  all  sides  with  avowed 
enemies  and  insidious  friends,  internal  dissensions  should 
be  harrowing  and  tearing  our  vitals.  The  latter,  to  me, 
is  the  most  serious,  the  most  alarming,  and  the  most 
afflicting  of  the  two ;  and,  without  more  chanty  for  the 
opinions  and  acts  of  one  another  in  governmental  matters, 
or  some  more  infallible  criterion  by  which  the  truth  of 
speculative  opinions,  before  they  have  undergone  the  test 
of  experience,  are  to  be  forejudged,  than  has  yet  fallen  to 
the  lot  of  fallibility,  I  believe  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not 
impracticable,  to  manage  the  reins  of  government,  or  to 
keep  the  parts  of  it  together  ;  for  if,  instead  of  laying 
our  shoulders  to  the  machine  after  measures  are  decided 
on,  one  pulls  this  way  and  another  that,  before  the  utility 
of  the  thing  is  fairly  tried,  it  must  inevitably  be  torn 
asunder  ;  and  in  my  opinion  the  fairest  prospect  of  happi-  . 
ness  and  prosperity,  that  ever  was  presented  to  man,  will 
be  lost  perhaps  for  ever. 

"  My  earnest  wish  and  my  fondest  hope,  therefore,  is, 
that,  instead  of  wounding  suspicions  and  irritating  charges. 


.  60.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


439 


1792. 


there  may  be  liberal  allowances,  mutual  forbearances,  and  CHAPTER 
temporizing  yiel dings  on  all  sides.  Under  the  exercise  of 
these,  matters  will  go  on  smoothly,  and,  if  possible,  more 
prosperously.  Without  them,  every  thing  must  rub  ;  the 
wheels  of  government  will  clog ;  our  enemies  will  triumph, 
and,  by  throwing  their  weight  into  the  disaffected  scale, 
may  accomplish  the  ruin  of  the  goodly  fabric  we  have 
been  erecting. 

"I  do  not  mean  to  apply  this  advice,  or  these  obser 
vations,  to  any  particular  person  or  character.  I  have 
given  them  in  the  same  general  terms  to  other  officers 
of  the  government ;  because  the  disagreements,  which 
have  arisen  from  difference  of  opinions,  and  the  attacks, 
which  have  been  made  upon  almost  all  the  measures  of 
government,  and  most  of  its  executive  officers,  have  for 
a  long  time  past  filled  me  with  painful  sensations,  and 
cannot  fail,  I  think,  of  producing  unhappy  consequences 
at  home  and  abroad." 

He  wrote  likewise  to  Hamilton,  nearly  at  the  same  Letter 
time  and  almost  in  the  same  words,  and  added ;  "  Dif 
ferences  in  political  opinions  are  as  unavoidable,  as,  to  Augusl 
a  certain  point,  they  may  perhaps  be  necessary  ;  but  it 
is  exceedingly  to  be  regretted,  that  subjects  cannot  be 
discussed  with  temper  on  the  one  hand,  or  decisions  sub 
mitted  to  without  having  the  motives,  which  led  to  them, 
improperly  implicated  on  the  other ;  and  this  regret  bor 
ders  on  chagrin,  when  we  find  that  men  of  abilities, 
zealous  patriots,  having  the  same  general  objects  in  view, 
and  the  same  upright  intentions  to  prosecute  them,  will 
not  exercise  more  charity  in  deciding  on  the  opinions 
and  actions  of  one  another.  When  matters  get  to  such 
lengths,  the  natural  inference  is,  that  both  sides  have 
strained  the  cords  beyond  their  bearing,  and  that  a  mid 
dle  course  would  be  found  the  best,  until  experience 
shall  have  decided  on  the  right  way,  or  (which  is  not 
to  be  expected,  because  it  is  denied  to  mortals,)  there 
shall  be  some  infallible  rule  by  which  we  could  forejudge 
events." 


to 
Hamilton. 


440 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[Mr.  60 


1792. 
Recom- 

Hienas  con- 


harmony. 


Differences 
taries  irrec-" 


In  another  letter  to  Jefferson,  after  again  recommending 
mutual  forbearance  and  conciliation,  he  said  ;  "  A  measure 
of  tnjs  sort  wouid  produce  harmony  and  consequent  good 
in  our  public  councils.  The  contrary  will  inevitably  in- 
troduce  confusion  and  serious  mischiefs;  and  for  what? 
Because  mankind  cannot  think  alike,  but  would  adopt  dif 
ferent  means  to  attain  the  same  ends.  For  I  will  frankly 
and  solemly  declare,  that  I  believe  the  views  of  both  of 
you  to  be  pure  and  well  meant,  and  that  experience  only 
will  decide,  with  respect  to  the  salutariness  of  the  mea 
sures,  which  are  the  subjects  of  dispute.  Why,  then, 
when  some  of  the  best  citizens  in  the  United  States,  men 
of  discernment,  uniform  and  tried  patriots,  who  have  no 
sinister  views  to  promote,  but  are  chaste  in  their  ways 
of  thinking  and  acting,  are  to  be  found,  some  on  one 
side  and  some  on  the  other  of  the  questions,  which  have 
caused  these  agitations,  should  either  of  you  be  so  tena 
cious  of  your  opinions,  as  to  make  no  allowances  for 
those  of  the  other?  I  could,  and  indeed  was  about  to 
add  more  on  this  interesting  subject,  but  will  forbear,  at 
least  for  the  present,  after  expressing  a  wish,  that  the 
cup,  which  has  been  presented  to  us,  may  not  be  snatch 
ed  from  our  lips  by  a  discordance  of  action,  when  I  am 
persuaded  there  is  no  discordance  in  your  views.  I  have 
a  great,  a  sincere  esteem  and  regard  for  you  both,  and 
ardently  wish  that  some  line  may  be  marked  out  by  which 
both  of  you  could  walk." 

Unhappily  this  line  was  never  found.  The  two  sec 
retaries  continued  to  diverge  from  each  other,  both  in 
their  political  course  and  their  private  feelings,  till  their 
differences  settled  into  a  personal  enmity,  which  neither 
the  advice  of  friends  could  modify,  nor  time  eradicate. 
This  was  the  more  lamented  by  Washington,  as,  accord 
ing  to  his  own  declaration  and  the  whole  tenor  of  his 
intercourse,  he  had  a  sincere  attachment  to  both  of  them 
and  confidence  in  their  patriotic  intentions,  and  as  he 
foresaw  the  fatal  consequences,  which  might  result  from 


J£T.  60. j  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  44 

a  heated  strife  between    men  whose  talents  and  political    CHAPTER 
consideration  gave  them  so  commanding  an  influence  over      XVIL 
the  public  will.*  1792. 

*  The  letters  of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  on  this  subject,  and  the 
merits  of  their  controversy  as  explained  by  themselves,  may  be  seen 
in  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  X.  p.  515. 


444  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jET.  CO. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


Washington  is  elected  President  for  a  Second  Term.  —  Takes  the  Oath  of 
Office.  —  Relations  between  the  United  States  and  France.  —  Opinions 
of  the  Cabinet. —  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  —  Party  Divisions  and  Ex 
citements.  —  Genet  received  as  Minister  from  France.  —  His  extraordi 
nary  Conduct.  —  Democratic  Societies.  —  Washington's  Opinion  of  these 
Societies,  and  on  the  Subject  of  instructing  Representatives.  —  Relations 
with  England.  —  British  Orders  in  Violation  of  Neutral  Rights.  —  Meet 
ing  of  Congress.  —  The  President  recommends  Measures  of  Defence. — 
Character  of  Washington  by  Mr.  Fox.  —  Letter  from  Lord  Erskine.  — 
Commercial  Affairs.  —  Mr.  Madison's  Commercial  Resolutions.  —  Mr. 
Jay  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to  negotiate  a  Treaty  with  Eng 
land.  —  Military  Preparations.  —  Insurrection  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Meas 
ures  adopted  by  the  President  for  suppressing  it.  —  Plan  for  redeeming 
the  Public  Debt.  * 


CHAPTER  WHEN  the  President's   term  of  office,  as  prescribed  by 

XVIIL  the  Constitution,  was  drawing  to  a  close,  no  little  anxie- 

1792.  ty  was  felt  and  expressed,  as  to   his  willingness  again  to 

Members  of  receive  the  suffrages  of  the  people.     The  reluctance  with 

request  which  he  had  consented  to  the  first  election  was  so  great, 

to  remain  in   that  it  was  feared  he  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  re- 
office  anoth 
er  term,        main  longer  in  public  life.     From  his  friends  in  different 

parts  of  the  country  he  received  early  communications  on 
the  subject,  urging  him  not  to  decide  hastily,  and,  if  pos 
sible,  to  reconcile  himself  to  a  second  election.  Three 
members  of  the  cabinet,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  and  Ran 
dolph,  each  wrote  to  him  a  long  letter,  containing  reasons 
why  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  his  own  reputa 
tion  and  to  the  public  interests,  that,  for  the  present  at 
least,  he  should  not  retire. 

Each  of  these  gentlemen  drew  a  picture  of  the  condi 
tion  of  the  country,  its  future  prospects,  and  the  state  of 
parties ;  and,  although  they  differed  radically  concerning 
some  of  the  principal  measures  of  the  administration,  they 
agreed  in  opinion,  that  the  character,  influence,  and  steady 


MT.  60.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  443 

hand  of  Washington  were  necessary  to  seciye  the  stabili-   CHAPTER 
ty    of    government,    if    not   to   preserve    the    nation  from 


anarchy.      Their  language  is  strong,  and  shows  the  anx-     1792. 
ious  concern  with  which    the  crisis  was   viewed  by  men 
of  all  parties. 

"  The  confidence  of  the  whole  Union,"  said  Jefferson,  Jefferson's 
"is  centred  in  you.  Your  being  at  the  helm  will  be  advice, 
more  than  an  answer  to  every  argument,  which  can  be  May  23. 
u;sed  to  alarm  and  lead  the  people  in  any  quarter  into 
violence  or  secession.  North  and  south  will  hang  togeth 
er,  if  they  have  you  to  hang  on ;  and,  if  the  first  cor 
rective  of  a  numerous  representation  should  fail  in  its 
effect,  your  presence  will  give  time  for  trying  others  not 
inconsistent  with  the  union  and  peace  of  the  States.  I 
am  perfectly  aware  of  the  oppression  under  which  your 
present  office  lays  your  mind,  and  of  the  ardor  with  which 
you  pant  for  retirement  to  domestic  life.  But  there  is 
sometimes  an  eminence  of  character  on  which  society 
have  such  peculiar  claims,  as  to  control  the  predilection 
of  the  individual  for  a  particular  walk  of  happiness,  and 
restrain  him  to  that  alone  arising  from  the  present  and 
future  benedictions  of  mankind.  This  seems  to  be  your 
condition,  and  the  law  imposed  on  you  by  Providence, 
in  forming  your  character,  and  fashioning  the  events  on 
which  it  was  to  operate  ;  and  it  is  to  motives  like  these, 
and  not  to  personal  anxieties  of  mine  or  others,  who  have 
no  right  to  call  on  you  for  sacrifices,  that  I  appeal  from 
your  former  determination  and  urge  a  revisal  of  it,  on  the 
ground  of  change  in  the  aspect  of  things.  Should  an 
honest  majority  result  from  the  new  and  enlarged  repre 
sentation,  should  those  acquiesce,  whose  principles  or  in 
terests  they  may  control,  your  wishes  for  retirement  would 
be  gratified  with  less  danger,  as  soon  as  that  shall  be 
manifest,  without  awaiting  the  completion  of  the  second 
period  of  four  years.  One  or  two  sessions  will  determine 
the  crisis;  and  I  cannot  but  hope,  that  you  can  resolve 
to  add  one  or  two  more  to  the  many  years  you  have 
already  sacrificed  to  the  good  of  mankind." 


444 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


r.  60. 


CHAPTER         Hamilton  was    equally  strenuous  and  decided.     "It  is 

xvm"      clear,"  said  he,    "that  if  you  continue    in  office,  nothing 

'    materially  mischievous  is  to  be  apprehended;  if  you  quit, 

adv?ce.ton's  mucn  is  to  be  dreaded ;  that  the  same  motives,  which 
Jul  SQ  induced  you  to  accept  originally,  ought  to  decide  you  to 
continue  till  matters  have  assumed  a  more  determinate 
aspect ;  that  indeed  it  would  have  been  better,  as  it  re 
gards  your  own  character,  that  you  had  never  consented 
to  come  forward,  than  now  to  leave  the  business  unfin 
ished  and  in  danger  of  being  undone  j  that,  in  the  event 
of  storms  arising,  there  would  be  an  imputation  either  of 
want  of  foresight  or  want  of  firmness ;  and,  in  fine,  that 
on  public  and  personal  accounts,  on  patriotic  and  pruden 
tial  considerations,  the  clear  path  to  be  pursued  by  you 
will  be  again  to  obey  the  voice  of  your  country.  I  trust, 
and  I  pray  God,  that  you  will  determine  to  make  a  fur 
ther  sacrifice  of  your  tranquillity  and  happiness  to  the 
public  good." 

Randolph  spoke  with  the  same  urgency.  "  The  fuel, 
which  has  been  already  gathered  for  combustion,"  he 
observed,  "wants  no  addition.  But  how  awfully  might 
it  be  increased,  were  the  violence,  which  is  now  suspend 
ed  by  a  universal  submission  to  your  pretensions,  let  loose 
by  your  resignation.  The  constitution  would  never  have 
been  adopted,  but  from  a  knowledge  that  you  had  once 
sanctioned  it,  and  an  expectation  that  you  would  execute 
it.  It  is  in  a  state  of  probation.  The  most  inauspicious 
struggles  are  past,  but  the  public  deliberations  need  sta 
bility.  You  alone  can  give  them  stability.  You  suffered 
yourself  to  yield  when  the  voice  of  your  country  sum 
moned  you  to  the  administration.  Should  a  civil  war 
arise,  you  cannot  stay  at  home.  And  how  much  easier 
will  it  be  to  disperse  the  factions,  which  are  rushing  to 
this  catastrophe,  than  to  subdue  them  after  they  shall  ap 
pear  in  arms  ?  It  is  the  fixed  opinion  of  the  world,  that 
you  surrender  nothing  incomplete."  * 


Randolph's 
advice. 

August  5. 


*  See  these  letters  in  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  X.  p.  504. 


JET.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  445 

Sentiments  like    these,    uttered  by   his   confidential    ad-    CHAPTER 
visers,  whose  political  opinions  he  knew  were  at  variance      XV1IL 
with   each  other,  could  not  fail    to    make  a  deep  impres-      1793. 
sion,  and  the  more  so  as  they  were  reiterated  from  every  Washington 

.         .  .  ff      chosen  Pres. 

quarter.     He  seems  to  have  resolved  at    one  time    to    fol-  idem  for  a 

A  second  term. 

low  his  inclination,  and  retire  at  the  end  of  his  first  term 
of  service.  This  is  evident  from  his  having  prepared  a 
farewell  address  to  the  people,  designed  for  the  occasion 
of  his  taking  leave  of  them.  But  he  never  made  a  pub 
lic  declaration  to  that  effect,  and  he  was  finally  chosen 
for  a  second  period  of  four  years  by  the  unanimous  vote  March  4. 
of  the  electors.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1793,  he  took  the 
oath  of  office  in  the  senate-chamber,  in  presence  of  the 
members  of  the  cabinet,  various  public  officers,  foreign 
ministers,  and  such  other  persons  as  could  be  accom 
modated. 

In   addition  to   the  Indian  war,   the  contests  of  parties.  French  Rer- 

.  olution. 

and  other  internal  troubles  with  which  the  administration 
was  embarrassed,  the  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States 
were  every  day  becoming  peculiarly  delicate  and  inauspi 
cious.  Scarcely  had  the  President  entered  upon  his  new 
term  of  office,  when  the  intelligence  was  received,  that 
France  had  declared  war  against  England  and  Holland. 
The  French  revolution,  in  its  earliest  stages,  was  hailed 
by  almost  every  one  in  the  United  States  as  a  joyful  event, 
and  as  affording  a  presage  of  the  happiest  results  to  the 
cause  of  freedom  and  the  welfare  of  mankind.  Such 
would  naturally  be  the  first  impulse  of  a  people,  who  had 
recently  been  engaged  in  a  similar  struggle,  encouraged 
by  the  good  wishes  and  strengthened  by  the  assistance  of 
the  French  nation.  Washington  partook  of  this  general 
sentiment.  . 

The   sanguinary   acts  that  followed,  and  the    ferocious  sentiments 

,    „      ,  ,.     ,  ,      ,.        in  the  United 

temper  shown  by  the    leaders,    left   but   little  ground   for  states  re- 

.,,  .  .    ,        •     -,  i  spectingthe 

hope ;  vet  there  were  causes   still,    which    induced   many  French  Rev 

'    3  *     olution. 

to  cling  to  the  interests  of  France,  and  approve  the  revo 
lution,  although  they  looked  with  horror  upon  the  means 
employed  to  carry  it  forward.  It  was  believed  to  be  a 

T2 


446  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  [JEx.  61. 

CHAPTER    warfare  of  the  oppressed  against  their  oppressors,  in  which 
!IL__  justice    was  asserting    her  rights,  and  rescuing  from  thral- 


1793.  dom  the  victims,  who  had  been  so  long  borne  down  by 
the  yoke  of  bondage,  and  scourged  by  the  rod  of  despo 
tism.  A  new  era  was  supposed  to  have  arisen,  when 
liberty  was  about  to  go  forth  successful  in  conquest, 
breaking  down  the  strong-holds  of  tyranny,  and  building 
up  her  temples  of  peace  and  concord  on  their  ruins.  Ar 
dent  minds  were  easily  captivated  by  this  illusion,  espe 
cially  when  it  harmonized  with  their  opinions  on  other 
subjects.  Their  impressions  also  derived  force  from  the 
prejudices  against  England,  deeply  rooted  and  of  long 
standing,  which  the  conduct  of  the  British  cabinet  since 
the  peace  had  not  contributed  to  remove. 

American  Gouverneur  Morris  had  been  sent  to  France  as  minister 
France*1"  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States.  A  friendly  inter 
course  had  been  kept  up  between  the  two  countries,  on 
the  basis  of  the  treaties  of  alliance  and  commerce  ;  but, 
after  the  downfall  of  the  King,  and  amidst  the  distrac 
tions  succeeding  that  event,  the  minister's  situation  was 
embarrassing.  It  was  the  opinion  of  Washington,  in 
which  his  cabinet  agreed  with  him,  that  every  nation  had 
a  right  to  govern  itself  as  it  chose,  and  that  other  na 
tions  were  bound  to  recognise  and  respect  the  existing 
authority,  whatever  form  it  might  assume.  Mr.  Morris 
was  furnished  with  instructions  according  to  this  view  of 
the  subject.  But  the  difficulty  for  a  time  consisted  in 
ascertaining  whether  there  was  any  actual  government 
resting  on  the  will  of  the  nation.  His  prudence  in  this 
respect,  and  his  caution  not  to  commit  his  country  rashly, 
gave  umbrage  to  the  nominal  rulers,  or  rather  the  leaders 
of  the  contending  factions,  who  complained,  and  expressed 
dissatisfaction,  that  the  United  States  manifested  so  little 
sympathy  with  their  earliest  friends  and  allies,  the  vindi 
cators  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  man.  Such  was  the 
state  of  things  when  war  was  declared  against  England. 

It  was  perceived,  that  this  aspect  of  affairs  would  have 
a  direct  influence  on  the  foreign  relations  of  the   United 


&i.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  447 

States,  and  that  it  would  require  the  greatest  circnmspec-  CHAPTEU 
tion  to  prevent  the  country  from  being  embroiled  with  the      XVIII> 

belligerent  powers,  particularly  England  and  France.    When  1793. 

the  President  first  heard  the  news  of  the   declaration  of  Washington 

war.  he  was  at  Mount  Yernon  ;  and  he  wrote  immediately  maintain  a 

strict  neu- 

to  the  Secretary  of  State,  avowing  his  determination  to  trality- 
maintain  a  strict  neutrality  between  the  hostile  parties. 
Vessels  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States  were  understood 
to  be  already  designated  as  privateers,  and  he  desired  that 
measures  to  put  a  stop  to  all  such  proceedings  should  be 
adopted  without  delay. 

On  his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  summoned  a  meeting  Questions 
of  the  cabinet,  submitting  to  each  member  at  the  same  rWcTsub- 
time  a  series  of  questions,  which  he  requested  might  be  the  cabinet. 
considered  as  preparatory  to  the  meeting.  The  substance  Apm  is. 
of  these  questions  was,  whether  a  proclamation  of  neu 
trality  should  be  issued;  whether  a  minister  from  the 
French  republic  should  be  received,  and,  if  so,  whether 
it  should  be  absolutely  or  with  qualifications ;  whether, 
in  the  present  condition  of  France,  the  United  States 
were  bound  by  good  faith  to  execute  the  treaties  between 
the  two  nations,  or  whether  these  ought  to  be  suspended 
till  the  government  should  be  established;  and  whether 
the  guarantee  in  the  treaty  of  alliance  was  applicable 
to  a  defensive  war  only,  or  to  a  war  either  defensive  or 
offensive.  These  points  involved  very  important  consid 
erations.  If  the  treaty  was  binding  in  the  case  of  an 
offensive  war,  then  a  state  of  neutrality  could  not  be  as 
sumed  in  regard  to  France  ;  and,  if  it  was  applicable  to 
a  defensive  war  only,  the  intricate  question  was  still  to 
be  settled,  whether  the  war  on  the  part  of  the  French 
was  offensive  or  defensive,  or  of  a  mixed  and  equivocal 
character,  and  how  far  the  guarantee  ought  to  be  applied 
under  such  circumstances. 

The  cabinet  decided  unanimously,  that  a  proclamation  opinions  01 
should  be  issued,   "  forbidding  the  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  take  part  in  any  hostilities   on  the  seas,  either 
with  or  against  the  belligerent  powers,  and  warning  them 


448 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


(>£T.  61. 


CHAPTER 
XVIII. 

17937 


President 
requires  the 
sentiments 
of  each 
member  of 
the  cabinet 
in  writing. 


Proclama 
tion  of  neu 
trality. 

April  22. 


against  carrying  to  any  such  powers  any  of  those  articles 
deemed  contraband  according  to  the  modern  usages  of 
nations,  and  enjoining  them  from  all  acts  and  proceedings 
inconsistent  with  the  duties  of  a  friendly  nation  towards 
those  at  war."  It  was  also  agreed,  with  the  same  unan 
imity,  that  a  minister  from  the  French  republic  should  be 
received.  On  the  subject  of  qualifying  his  reception,  the 
members  of  the  cabinet  were  divided  in  opinion,  Jefferson 
and  Randolph  being  opposed  to  any  qualification  implying 
that  the  relations  between  the  two  countries  were  chang 
ed,  and  Hamilton  and  Knox  being  in  favor  of  it,  because 
they  believed  there  was  in  reality  no  fixed  government 
in  France,  and  they  feared  that  a  recognition  of  the  ex 
isting  authority  might  involve  the  United  States  in  diffi 
culties  with  that  nation  and  with  other  powers. 

As  to  the  question  of  guarantee,  the  two  former  thought 
it  not  necessary  to  come  to  any  formal  decision,  while 
the  two  latter  argued  that  the  treaty  of  alliance  was 
plainly  defensive,  and  that  the  guarantee  could  not  ap 
ply  to  a  war,  which  had  been  begun  by  France.  The 
President  required  the  opinions  and  arguments  of  each 
member  of  the  cabinet  in  writing ;  and,  after  deliberately 
weighing  them,  he  decided,  that  a  minister  should  be 
received  on  the  same  terms  as  formerly,  and  that  .the 
obligations  of  the  treaties  ought  to  remain  in  fulj  force., 
leaving  the  subject  of  guarantee  for  future  consideration, 
aided  by  a  better  knowledge  of  the  condition  and  pros 
pects  of  France. 

The  proclamation  of  neutrality  was  signed  on  the  22d 
of  April,  and  immediately  published.  This  measure,  in 
regard  both  to  its  character  and  its  consequences,  was 
one  of  the  most  important  of  Washington's  administration. 
It  was  the  basis  of  a  system,  by  which  the  intercourse 
with  foreign  nations  was  regulated,  and  which  was  rigidly 
adhered  to.  In  fact  it  was  the  only  step,  that  could  have 
saved  the  United  States  from  being  drawn  into  the  vortex 
of  the  European  wars,  which  raged  with  so  much  vio 
lence  for  a  long  time  afterwards.  Its  wisdom  and  its 


&T.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  449 

good  effects  are  now  so  obvious,  on  a  calm  review  of  past    CHAPTER 
events,    that   one   is   astonished   at    the    opposition   it   met 
with,  and  the  strifes  it  enkindled,  even  after  making  due     1793. 
allowance  for  the  passions  and  prejudices,  which  had  hith 
erto  been  at  work  in  producing  discord  and  divisions. 

But  so  it  was,  that  this  act,  emanating  from  the  purest  Party  strifes 

f.  -.     ,  ,  .    ,  f.    .         .  ,          increased  by 

motives,   founded  on   the  clearest  principles  of  justice,  de-  theproda- 

,   .  ,  ,        ,  mation. 

signed  to  keep  the  nation  in  peace  and  advance  its  pros 
perity,  was  distorted  into  an  instrument  for  effecting  party 
objects,  and  made  a  rallying  point  whence  to  assail  the 
administration  and  embarrass  its  movements.  It  was  de 
nounced  as  violating  the  treaty  with  France,  and  as  indi 
cating  an  open  hostility  to  that  country  and  partiality  for 
England.  In  short,  it  became  the  dividing  line  between 
the  two  great  parties,  which  had  been  growing  up  from 
the  time  the  constitution  was  framed,  and  which  consol 
idated  themselves  under  the  names  of  the  Federal  and 
Democratic  parties,  the  former  adhering  to  the  adminis 
tration,  the  latter  opposing  it.  Foreign  affairs  were  min 
gled  with  domestic  politics.  The  friends  of  neutrality 
were  stigmatized  as  partisans  of  England ;  while  they,  in 
their  turn,  charged  their  opponents  with  being  devoted  to 
France,  abetting  the  horrors  of  the  revolution,  and  striving 
to  lead  the  country  into  a  war,  in  which  nothing  could 
be  gained  and  much  might  be  lost.  Thus  each  side  con 
tributed  its  share  to  add  fuel  to  the  flame. 

Washington  for  a  time  was  allowed  to  keep  aloof  from  Washington 

TT-i  nil  11-11       assailed  by 

the  contest.     His  character,  revered  by  the  people,  shield-  the  party 

opposed  to 

ed  by  their  affections,  and  equally  above  reproach  and  the  admin- 
suspicion,  was  too  elevated  a  mark  for  the  shafts  of  malev 
olence.  Bat  a  crisis  had  now  arrived,  when  the  sacred- 
ness  of  virtue,  and  the  services  of  a  life  spent  in  promoting 
the  public  weal,  could  no  longer  secure  him  from  the 
assaults  of  party  animosity.  The  enemies  of  the  adminis 
tration  perceived,  that  the  attempt  to  execute  their  plans 
would  be  vain,  unless  they  could  first  weaken  his  influ 
ence  by  diminishing  his  popularity.  The  task  was  hard 
and  repelling ;  and  it  may  reasonably  be  presumed,  that 
57  u2 


istration. 


450 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


T.    Gl. 


CHAPTER 
XVIII. 

1793. 


Genet,  min 
ister  from 
the  French 
republic. 


French 

minister's 

instructions. 


a  supposed  political  necessity,  rather  than  cordial  good 
will,  led  them  to  engage  in  so  ungrateful  a  work.  It  was 
pursued  with  a  perseverance,  and  sometimes  with  an  acri 
mony,  for  which  the  best  of  causes  could  hardly  afford" 
an  apology  ;  but,  however  much  it  might  disturb  his  re 
pose  or  embarrass  his  public  measures,  it  could  neither 
shake  his  firmness,  nor  turn  him  from  his  steady  purpose 
of  sacrificing  every  other  consideration  to  the  interests  of 
his  country. 

In  the  midst  of  these  ferments,  M.  Genet  came  to  the 
United  States  as  minister  from  the  French  republic.  He 
landed  at  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina,  and  travelled 
thence  through  the  country  to  Philadelphia.  He  was  re 
ceived  everywhere  with  such  enthusiasm  and  extravagant 
marks  of  attention,  as  to  deceive  him  into  a  belief,  that 
the  great  body  of  the  American  people  heartily  espoused 
the  cause  of  the  French  revolution,  and  was  ready  to  join 
the  citizens  of  the  new  republic  in  carrying  the  banner 
of  liberty  and  equality  to  the  ends  of  the  earth.  Being 
of  an  ardent  temperament,  and  emboldened  by  these  in 
dications,  the  citizen  minister,  as  he  was  called,  at  once 
commenced  a  career,  as  unjustifiable  as  it  was  extraordi 
nary.  Even  before  he  left  Charleston  he  gave  orders  for 
fitting  out  and  arming  vessels  in  that  port  to  cruise  as 
privateers,  and  commit  hostilities  on  the  commerce  of  na 
tions  at  peace  with  the  United  States.  Notwithstanding 
this  act  of  presumption  and  rashness,  which  was  known 
before  he  reached  Philadelphia,  he  was  received  by  the 
President  with  frankness,  and  with  all  the  respect  due  to 
the  representative  of  a  foreign  power. 

Genet  declared,  that  his  government  was  strongly  at 
tached  to  the  United  States,  and  had  no  desire  to  engage 
ihem  in  the  war ;  but  his  secret  instructions,  which  he 
afterwards  published,  were  of  a  different  complexion,  and 
proved  very  clearly,  that  the  designs  of  his  employers 
were  contrary  to  the  professions  of  their  minister.  Indeed 
his  whole  conduct,  from  beginning  to  end,  could  have 
no  other  tendency,  than  to  bring  the  United' States  into  an 


Mr.  01.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  451 

immediate  conflict  with  all  the  powers  at  war  with  France.    CHAPTER 
The  privateers  commissioned  by  him  came  into  the  Amer-     XVIIL 
ican  ports  with  prizes.     This  produced  remonstrances  from     1793. 
the    British   minister,    and  a  demand  of  restitution.     The 
subject   accordingly    came  before  the  cabinet.      In  regard  illegal 
to  the  lawfulness  of  the  seizures,  there  was  but  one  opin 
ion.     It  was  decided,  that,  since  every  nation    had  exclu 
sive  jurisdiction  within  its  own  territory,  the  act  of  fitting 
out  armed  vessels  under  the  authority  of  a  foreign  pow 
er   was  an  encroachment  on   national   sovereignty,    and  a 
violation   of    neutral   rights,    which    the   government    was 
bound   to  prevent. 

A  declaration  was  accordingly  made,  that  no  privateers,  privateers 
fitted  out   in   this  mariner,  should    find  an  asylum    in    the  from  the 

ports  of  the 

ports  of  the  United  States;  and  the  customhouse  officers  united 
were  instructed  to  keep  a  careful  watch,  and  report  every 
vessel  which  contravened  the  laws  of  neutrality.  The 
question  of  restitution  involved  intricate  points  of  mari 
time  law,  and  opinions  on  this  subject  varied.  It  was 
unanimously  agreed,  however,  that  the  original  owners 
might  justly  claim  indemnification,  and  that,  if  the  prop 
erty  was  not  restored  by  the  captors,  the  value  of  it 
ought  to  be  paid  by  the  government. 

The    French  minister  protested  against  these  decisions,  Extraordina- 

.  ry  conduct  of 

became   angry  and  violent,    wrote    offensive  letters  to  the  the  French 

minister. 

Secretary  of  State,  and  seemed  to  forget  alike  the  dignity 
of  his  station  and  his  character  as  a  man.  He  still  con 
tinued  to  encourage  armed  vessels  to  sail  from  American 
ports  under  the  French  flag.  By  the  firmness  of  the 
executive  a  check  was  put  to  this  effrontery.  Measures 
were  taken  to  prevent  by  force  the  departure  of  .such 
vessels.  The  madness  of  the  minister  was  increased  by 
the  obstacles  he  encountered.  Finding  himself  baffled  in 
all  his  schemes,  he  resorted  to  menaces,  accused  the  Pres 
ident  of  having  usurped  the  powers  of  Congress,  and  more 
than  insinuated  that  he  would  appeal  to  the  people  for 
redress.  This  insult,  aggravated  by  his  previous  conduct, 
could  neither  be  tolerated  nor  passed  over  in  silence.  It 


452  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  '[Mr.  61. 

CHAPTER    was   obvious,  indeed,    that   nothing   could   be  hoped  from 
XV11I>      any  further  intercourse   with  so  wrongheaded  a  man.      A 
1793.     statement  of  the  particulars  was  drawn  up,  and  forwarded 
to  the  French  government,   with  a  request  that  he  might 
be  recalled.      A    more  remarkable   chapter  can   hardly  be 
found  in  the  history  of  diplomacy,  than  might  be  furnish 
ed  from  the   records  of   this  mission   of  Genet.      It   is   a 
memorable  instance  of  the  infatuation  to  which  a  man  of 
respectable  talents   and   private    character   may    be    driven 
by  political  frenzy. 

Democratic  Among  the  pernicious  effects  of  Genet's  embassy  was 
the  establishment  of  associations  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  called  Democratic  Societies,  upon  the  model  of 
trie  Jacobin  clubs  in  France.  The  first  society  of  this 
sorj;  was  instituted  in  Philadelphia,  under  the  direction  of 
Genet  himself.  Others  soon  followed.  Their  objects  and 
influence  are  described  by  Washington. 

washing-  "  That  these  societies,"   he  observes,   "  were  instituted 

of  these  so-  by  the  artful  and  designing  members,  (many  of  their  body 
I  have  no  doubt  mean  well,  but  know  little  of  the  real 
plan,)  primarily  to  sow  among  the  people  the  seeds  of 
jealousy  arid  distrust  of  the  government,  by  destroying 
all  confidence  in  the  administration  of  it,  and  that  these 
doctrines  have  been  budding  and  blowing  ever  since,  is 
not  new  to  any  one,  who  is  acquainted  with  the  char 
acter  of  their  leaders,  and  has  been  attentive  to  their 
manoeuvres. 

"  Can  any  thing  be  more  absurd,  more  arrogant,  or 
more  pernicious  to  the  peace  of  society,  than  for  self- 
created  bodies,  forming  themselves  into  permanent  censors, 
and  under  the  shade  of  night  in  a  conclave  resolving 
that  acts  of  Congress,  which  have  undergone  the  most 
deliberate  and  solemn  discussion  by  the  representatives  of 
the  people,  chosen  for  the  express  purpose  and  bringing 
with  them  from  the  different  parts  of  the  Union  the  sense 
of  their  constituents,  endeavoring,  as  far  as  the  nature  of 
the  thing  will  admit,  to  form  their  will  into  laws  for  the 
government  of  the  whole ;  I  say,  under  these  circumstan- 


£r.Gl.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  433 

ces,  for  a  self-created  permanent  body   (for  no  one  denies    CHAPTER 

the  right  of  the  people  to  meet    occasionally   to   petition 

for,  or  remonstrate  against,   any  act  of  the  legislature)  to      1793. 

declare    that   this  act  is   unconstitutional,    and   that  act  is 

pregnant  with  mischiefs,  and  that  all,  who  vote  contrary 

to  their  dogmas,  are  actuated  by  selfish  motives  or  under 

foreign    influence,    nay,    are  traitors  to  their   country  ?     Is 

such  a  stretch  of    arrogant    presumption  to  be   reconciled 

with  laudable  motives,   especially  when  we  see  the  same 

set  of  men    endeavoring    to  destroy  all  confidence  in   the 

administration,  by  arraigning  all  its  acts,  without  knowing 

on  what  ground  or  with  what  information  it  proceeds  ?  " 

He  had  declared    similar    opinions  some   years   before,   washing- 

,  .  .     .  .  ton's  opinion 

when  it  was  a  practice  in    Virginia  to  form  societies  for  astoin- 

,.  ,.    •       ,  ,  ,-  i     structing 

discussing  political  topics,  examining  public  measures,  and  represen- 
instructing  delegates  to  the  legislature.  He  expressed 
strong  disapprobation  of  these  societies  in  letters  to  a 
nephew,  who  belonged  to  one  of  them.  Nor  was  he  in 
any  case  friendly  to  positive  instructions  from  electors, 
believing  that  the  representative,  who  is  of  course  acquaint 
ed  with  the  sentiments  of  his  constituents  among  whom 
he  resides,  should  be  left  to  act  according  to  the  judgment 
he  shall  form,  after  being  enlightened  by  the  arguments 
and  collected  wisdom  of  a  deliberative  assembly. 

The  relations  with  England  were  even  more  perplexed,  Relations 
than  those  with  France.  A  diplomatic  intercourse  had  tend, 
been  commenced  after  the  Constitution  was  adopted.  Mr. 
Hammond  resided  in  Philadelphia  as  minister  from  the 
British  government,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney  represented 
the  United  States  as  minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  court 
of  St.  James.  No  progress  had  been  made,  however,  in 
negotiating  a  treaty  of  commerce,  or  removing  the  causes 
of  complaint.  The  catalogue  of  grievances  had  rather 
grown  longer  than  shorter.  The  posts  on  the  frontier 
were  still  held,  contrary  to  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  in 
terferences  with  the  Indians  continued.  Vessels  had  been 
searched  and  seamen  impressed  by  British  officers  within 
the  acknowledged  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  ;  and 


454 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


\JEn.  61. 


793. 


British 
orders  in 
council. 


President's 
speech  to 
Congress. 

December  3. 


the  Bermuda  privateers  had  committed  depredations  upon 
American  vessels  not  only  with  impunity,  but  with  the 
open  sanction  of  the  admiralty  court  in  those  islands. 

With  the  design  of  distressing  France,  by  cutting  off 
her  supplies,  two  orders  were  issued  by  the  British  cab 
inet,  one  in  June  and  the  other  in  November,  which  oper 
ated  with  peculiar  force  upon  American  commerce.  By 
the  first  order,  British  cruisers  were  instructed  to  stop 
all  ships  loaded  with  corn,  flour,  or  meal,  bound  to  any 
French  port,  and  send  them  to  some  convenient  port, 
where  the  cargoes  might  be  purchased  in  behalf  of  his 
Majesty's  government.  By  the  second,  ships  of  war  and 
privateers  were  required  to  detain  all  vessels  laden  with 
goods  produced  in  any  colony  belonging  to  France,  or 
with  provisions  for  any  such  colony,  and  bring  them  to 
legal  adjudication  in  the  British  courts  of  admiralty.  These 
orders  were  considered  as  a  direct  and  flagrant  violation 
of  neutral  rights,  and  the  American  government  remon 
strated  against  them  as  unjust  in  principle  and  extremely 
injurious  in  their  effects. 

When  Congress  assembled,  the  state  of  affairs,  both  ex 
ternal  and  internal,  was  largely  explained  in  the  Presi 
dent's  Speech,  and  in  a  separate  message  accompanied 
with  many  documents.  In  these  were  comprised  the  rea 
sons  for  the  course  he  had  pursued,  respecting  foreign 
powers,  and  suggestions  for  additional  legislative  enact 
ments  to  protect  the  rights  of  American  citizens,  and 
maintain  the  dignity  of  the  country.  While  he  sought 
peace,  and  urged  a  faithful  discharge  of  every  duty  to 
wards  others,  he  recommended,  that  prompt  measures 
should  be  taken,  not  only  for  defence,  but  for  enforcing 
just  claims.  "  There  is  a  rank  due  to  the  United  States 
among  nations,"  said  he,  "which  will  be  withheld,  if  not 
absolutely  lost,  by  the  reputation  of  weakness.  If  we  de 
sire  to  avoid  insult,  we  must  be  able  to  repel  'it ;  if  we 
desire  to  secure  peace,  one  of  the  most  powerful  instru 
ments  of  our  prosperity,  it  must  be  known,  that  we  are 
at  all  times  ready  for  war."  These  communications  were 


JET.  61.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  455 

well  received  by  the  two  houses.     Indeed  both  parties  in    CHAPTER 

Congress  found  so  much  to  condemn    in   the  conduct  of 

the  belligerent  powers  towards  neutrals,  that  on  this  point     1793. 

they  seemed  for    a  moment  to    forget    their    dissensions  ; 

and,  although  the  proclamation  of  neutrality  continued  to 

be  made  a  therne    of   declamation  and  abuse   by   violent 

partisans  and  the  presses   hostile    to  the  administration,   it 

met  with  no  marks  of  disapprobation  from  Congress.* 

Near  the  beginning    of   the  session  an  important  report  commercial 

,       ,  ~  /.   01  intercourse. 

was  made  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  respecting  the  com 
mercial  intercourse   of   the    United  States  with  other   na- 

*  It  was  in  allusion  to  the  President's  communications  to  Congress 
at  the  opening  of  this  session,  that  Mr.  Fox  made  the  following  re 
marks  in  the  British  Parliament,  January  31st,  1794. 

"  And  here,  Sir,  I  cannot  help  alluding  to  the  President  of  the  Unit 
ed  States,  General  Washington,  a  character  whose  conduct  has  been 
so  different  from  that,  which  has  been  pursued  by  the  ministers  of  this 
country.  How  infinitely  wiser  must  appear  the  spirit  and  principles 
manifested  in  his  late  address  to  Congress,  than  the  policy  of  modern 
European  courts!  Illustrious  man,  deriving  honor  less  from  the  splen 
dor  of  his  situation  than  from  the  dignity  of  his  mind ;  before  whom 
all  borrowed  greatness  sinks  into  insignificance,  and  all  the  potentates 
of  Europe  (excepting  the  members  of  our  own  royal  family)  become 
little  and  contemptible!  He  has  had  no  occasion  to  have  recourse  to 
any  tricks  of  policy  or  arts  of  alarm;  his  authority  has  been  suffi 
ciently  supported  by  the  same  means  by  which  it  was  acquired,  and 
his  conduct  has  uniformly  been  characterized  by  wisdom,  moderation, 
and  firmness.  Feeling  gratitude  to  France  for  the  assistance  received 
from  her  in  that  great  contest,  which  secured  the  independence  of 
America,  he  did  not  choose  to  give  up  the  system  of  neutrality.  Hav 
ing  once  laid  down  that  line  of  conduct,  which  both  gratitude  and 
policy  pointed  out  as  most  proper  to  be  pursued,  not  all  the  insults 
and  provocation  of  the  French  minister,  Genet,  could  turn  him  from 
his  purpose.  Intrusted  with  the  welfare  of  a  great  people,  he  did  not 
allow  the  misconduct  of  another,  with  respect  to  himself,  for  one  mo 
ment  to  withdraw  his  attention  from  their  interest.  He  had  no  fear 
of  the  Jacobins,  he  felt  no  alarm  from  their  principles,  and  considered 
no  precaution  as  necessary  in  order  to  stop  their  progress. 

"  The  people  over  whom  he  presided  he  knew  to  be  acquainted 
with  their  rights  and  their  duties.  He  trusted  to  their  own  good  sense 
to  defeat  the  effect  of  those  arts,  which  might  be  employed  to  inflame 
or  mislead  their  minds ;  and  was  sensible,  that  a  government  could  be 
in  no  danger,  while  it  retained  the  attachment  and  confidence  of  its 


456 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  61. 


CHAPTER  tions,  particularly  in  regard  to  its  privileges  and  restrictions, 
and  the  means  for  improving  commerce  and  navigation. 
The  report  was  able,  elaborate,  and  comprehensive,  pre 
senting  a  view  of  the  trade  between  the  United  States 
and  the  principal  countries  of  Europe. 

Two  methods  were  suggested  by  the  secretary  for 
modifying  or  removing  restrictions ;  first,  by  amicable  ar 
rangements  with  foreign  powers ;  secondly,  by  counter 
vailing  acts  of  the  legislature.  He  preferred  the  former, 
if  it  should  be  found  practicable,  and  gave  his  reasons. 
The  subject  of  navigation  was  also  discussed,  and  a  sys 
tem  of  maritime  defence  recommended. 


1793. 


Two  meth 
ods  for  im 
proving 
commerce. 


subjects;  attachment,  in  this,  instance,  not  blindly  adopted;  confidence 
not  implicitly  given,  but  arising  from  the  conviction  of  its  excellence, 
and  the  experience  of  its  blessings.  I  cannot,  indeed,  help  admiring 
the  wisdom  and  fortune  of  this  great  man.  By  the  phrase  'fortune' 
I  mean  not  in  the  smallest  degree  to  derogate  from  his  merit.  But, 
notwithstanding  his  extraordinary  talents  and  exalted  integrity,  it  must 
be  considered  as  singularly  fortunate,  that  he  should  have  experienced 
a  lot,  which  so  seldom  falls  to  the  portion  of  humanity,  and  have  pass 
ed  through  such  a  variety  of  scenes  without  stain  and  without  reproach. 
It  must,  indeed,  create  astonishment,  that,  placed  in  circumstances  so 
critical,  and  filling  for  a  series  of  years  a  station  so  conspicuous,  his 
character  should  never  once  have  been  called  in  question;  that  he 
should  in  no  one  instance  have  been  accused  either  of  improper  in 
solence,  or  of  mean  submission,  in  his  transactions  with  foreign  na 
tions.  For  him  it  has  been  reserved  to  run  the  race  of  glory,  without 
experiencing  the  smallest  interruption  to  the  brilliancy  of  his  career." 
To  this  eulogy  of  Mr.  Fox,  may  properly  be  appended  the  compli 
mentary  letter  of  Mr.  Erskine,  afterwards  Lord  Erskine,  to  General 
Washington,  though  written  a  year  later.  It  accompanied  a  book  on 
the  causes  and  consequences  of  the  war  with  France. 

"  London,  15  March,  1795. 

«  SIR, 

"  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  introduce  your  august  and  immortal 
name  in  a  short  sentence,  which  will  be  found  in  the  book  I  send 
you.  I  have  a  large  acquaintance  among  the  most  valuable  and  ex 
alted  classes  of  men  ;  but  you  are  the  only  human  being  for  whom 
I  ever  felt  an  awful  reverence.  I  sincerely  pray  God  to  grant  a  long 
and  serene  evening  to  a  life  so  gloriously  devoted  to  the  universal 
happiness  of  the  world. 

«T.  ERSKINE." 


AT.  62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  457 

Shortly   after  making   this  report,    Mr.  Jefferson   retired    CHAPTER 
from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  in  conformity  with      XV1IL 
an  intimation   he  had   given  some  months  before;    having      17 <J4- 
been  prevailed  upon  by  the   President,  apparently  against  Jefferson  re- 
his   own   inclination,    to   remain   till  the  end  of  the  year,   the  office  of 

Secretary  of 

He    was  succeeded   by    Edmund  Randolph,    whose    place   State- 
as  Attorney-General  was  supplied  by  William  Bradford  of 
Pennsylvania. 

The  secretary's  report  gave  rise  to  Mr.  Madison's  cele-  Madison's 

commercial 

brated  commercial  resolutions,  which  were  long  debated  resolutions. 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  with  a  degree  of  ani 
mation,  and  even  of  asperity,  that  had  not  been  exceeded 
since  the  adoption  of  the  funding  system.  These  reso 
lutions  embraced  the  general  principles  of  the  report,  but 
they  aimed  at  a  discrimination  in  the  commercial  inter 
course  with  foreign  countries,  which  was  viewed  in  very 
different  lights  by  the  two  parties  in  Congress.  They 
imposed  restrictions  and  additional  duties  on  the  manu 
factures  and  navigation  of  nations,  which  had  no  commer 
cial  treaties  with  the  United  States,  and  a  reduction  of 
duties  on  the  tonnage  of  vessels  belonging  to  nations  with 
which  such  treaties  existed.  In  this  scheme  the  friends 
of  the  administration  saw,  or  imagined  they  saw,  hostility 
to  England  and  undue  favor  to  France,  neither  warranted 
by  policy,  nor  consistent  with  neutrality  ;  while  the  other 
party  regarded  it  as  equitable  in  itself,  and  as  absolutely 
necessary  to  protect  the  commerce  of  the  country  from 
insulting  aggression  and  plunder.  Mr.  Madison's  plan  was 
modified  in  its  progress;  but  a  resolution,  retaining  the 
principle  of  commercial  restrictions,  finally  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives.  It  was  rejected  in  the  Senate 
by  the  casting,  vote  of  the  Vice-President. 

While  these  discussions  were  going  on  with  much  heat  John  Jay 

nominated 

in  Congress,   a  measure  was  resorted  to  by  the  President,  ^  envoy 
which    produced    considerable  effect  on   the  results.     Ad-  Britain, 
vices  from  the  American  minister  in  London  rendered  it     A^HIIS 
probable,    that    the   British  cabinet  were  disposed  to  settle 
the    differences    between    the    two    countries   on  amicable 
58  w2 


458  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  ^T.  62. 


CHAPTER    terms.      At    all    events    the    indications    were    such,   that 
XVIIL      Washington,  firm  to  his  purpose  of  neutrality  and  peace, 
1794.     resolved   to  make  the  experiment.      Accordingly,    on   the 
16th  of  April,    he   nominated    Mr.  Jay  to   the   Senate,    as 
an   envoy    extraordinary    to   the  -court   of    Great    Britain. 
"  My  objects  are,"   said  he,    in  a  letter   to   the    Secretary 
of  State,   "to  prevent  a  war,    if  justice  can  be  obtained 
by  fair  and  strong   representations    of   the  injuries,    which 
this    country  has   sustained  from   Great  Britain  in  various 
ways,  to  put  it  in  a  complete  state  of  military   defence, 
and  to  provide  eventually  for  the  execution  of  such  meas- 
4  ures  as   seem   to  be  now  pending   in    Congress,    if  nego 

tiation  in  a  reasonable  time  proves  unsuccessful."  The 
nomination  was  confirmed  in  the  Senate  by  a  majority 
of  more  than  two  to  one  ;  but  it  was  strenuously  opposed 
by  the  principal  members  of  the  democratic  party,  par 
ticularly  Mr.  Monroe,  and  was  disapproved  by  the  same 
party  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

congress  As  a  war  seemed   inevitable,  if  Mr.  Jay's  mission  should 

putting  the°r  terminate  unfavorably,  Congress  passed  acts  for  putting  the 

country  in  /»••/• 

a  state  of  country  in  a  state  of  defence.  The  principal  harbors  were 
to  be  fortified,  and  eighty  thousand  militia  to  be  held  in 
readiness  for  immediate  service.  The  importation  of  arms 
was  permitted  free  of  duty,  and  the  President  was  au 
thorized  to  purchase  galleys,  and  lay  an  embargo,  if  he 
should  think  the  public  interest  required  it.  Additional 
taxes  were  levied  to  meet  the  expense. 

Washington         Congress    adjourned,    after   a   long   and   boisterous   ses- 

unbiassed  bf      .  .  .    .       .       ,  .,  ,  ... 

theacri-        sion,    which    had    contributed    not  a  little   to    increase   the 

mony  of  .  •'"=••  .  /•      T  • 

parties.  acrimony  of  parties,  multiply  the  causes  of  dissension, 
and  inflame  the  minds  of  the  people.  The  administration, 
however,  stood  firm  ;  and  neither  the  policy  nor  the  opin 
ions  of  Washington  were  in  any  degree  changed.  In  fact, 
having  no  personal  objects  to  gain,  thinking  and  acting 
only  for  his  country,  divested  of  partiality  and  prejudice 
as  far  as  it  was  possible  for  any  man  to  be,  and  invari 
ably  taking  counsel  of  his  conscience  and  judgment,  he 
stood  aloof  from  the  commotions  of  party  and  the  con- 


Mr.  62.]                   LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  45 

tagious    influence  of   party  spirit.      Justice  to   all    nations,  CHAPTER 

peace    with   all,    and   a   preparation  for   war    as   the   best  XVI1I> 

safeguard  of  peace,  were  the  rules  of  his  policy,   and   his  1794. 
constant  aim. 

In    the   course    of    the   preceding   winter,    M.  Fauchet 


.     .  .,  „  rives  as  min- 

arrived    in    the    United   States  as   minister   from   France,  isterfrom 

France. 

At  the  request  of  the  French  government,  Mr.  Morris  was 
recalled,  and  James  Monroe  was  appointed  as  his  suc 
cessor.  This  selection  afforded  a  strong  proof  of  the  im 
partiality  of  the  President,  and  of  his  ardent  desire  to 
conciliate  differences  at  home,  and  preserve  amity  with 
foreign  nations.  Mr.  Monroe,  being  a  leader  among  the 
opponents  to  the  administration,  had  shown  himself  a 
zealous  advocate  for  France. 

Soon  after  Congress  adiourned,  the  President's  attention  western 

„  .  insurrection 

was  called  to  another  subject,  of  very  serious  import, 
both  as  it  regarded  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  the 
stability  of  the  union.  The  act  of  Congress  imposing  a 
tax  on  distilled  spirits  had,  from  its  first  operation,  excit 
ed  much  uneasiness  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  and 
in  some  districts  it  had  been  evaded  and  openly  resisted. 
The  inspectors  of  the  revenue  appointed  by  the  govern 
ment  were  insulted,  threatened,  and  even  prevented  by 
force  from  discharging  their  duty.  To  so  great  a  length 
had  these  outrages  gone  in  some  places,  as  early  as  Sep 
tember,  1792,  that  a  proclamation  was  published  by  the 
President,  admonishing  all  persons  to  refrain  from  combi 
nations  and  proceedings,  which  obstructed  the  execution  of 
the  laws,  and  requiring  the  magistrates  and  courts  to  ex 
ert  the  powers  vested  in  them  for  bringing  to  justice  the 
offenders.  Bills  of  indictment  were  found  against  some  of 
these  persons,  and  the  marshal  attempted  to  serve  the  pro 
cesses  issued  by  the  court.  He  was  met  by  a  body  of 
armed  men,  seized,  detained,  and  harshly  treated.  The 
malecontents  proceeded  from  one  degree  of  excess  to  an 
other,  holding  seditious  meetings,  arming  themselves,  abus 
ing  the  officers  of  the  government,  and  bidding  defiance 
to  the  laws,  till  they  assumed  the  attitude  of  insurrec 
tion,  and  prepared  for  an  organized  resistance. 


460  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [JE-r.  62. 

The   moderation  and  forbearance,    which,  according   to 
his    usual   practice,    the    President    had   exercised   towards 
1794.     these    deluded    people    for   more    than    two    years,  served 
preparations  only  to  increase  their   violence,    and    encourage    their   de- 

for  suppress- 

ing  the  m-    termincd  spirit  of  hostility.     He  could  no  longer  hesitate. 

siirrectiun.  ° 

as  to  the  course  he  ought  to  pursue.     He  resolved  to  em 
ploy  the  means  intrusted   to   him   by   the  laws,  and  sup 
press  the  insurrection  by  a  military  force.      As  a  prepara- 

prociama-  tory  step,  he  issued  a  proclamation,  dated  on  the  7th  of 
August,  in  which,  after  briefly  narrating  the  criminal 
transactions  of  the  insurgents,  and  what  had  been  done 
by  the  government  to  allay  their  discontents  and  turn 
them  from  their  treasonable  practices,  he  declared  his  de 
termination  to  execute  the  laws  by  calling  the  militia  to 
his  aid,  and  commanded  the  insurgents  and  all  persons 
concerned  in  abetting  their  acts  to  disperse  and  retire 
peaceably  to  their  abodes  before  the  first  day  of  Sep 
tember. 

Requisitions        Having   sent    out    this   proclamation,    as   a   preliminary 

for  militia.  1111  » 

measure  exacted  by  the  laws,  he  next  made  a  requisition 
for  militia  on  the  governors  of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia.  The  insurgents  chiefly  resided  in 
the  western  counties  of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  supposed 
there  were  among  them  about  sixteen  thousand  men  capa 
ble  of  bearing  arms,  and  that  they  could  bring  at  least 
seven  thousand  into  active  service.  The  number  of  mili 
tia  at  first  ordered  out  was  twelve  thousand,  and  it  was 
subsequently  increased  to  fifteen  thousand.  The  Governors 
of  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey  took  the  field  at  the  head 
of  the  troops  from  their  respective  States,  and  the  com 
mand  of  the  whole  was  conferred  on  Governor  Lee  of 
Virginia.*  The  place  of  rendezvous  for  the  Pennsylvania 
and  New  Jersey  troops  was  Bedford.  Those  from  Virginia 

*  The  rank  of  the  principal  officers,  as  stated  in  Washington's 
Diary,  was  as  follows;  first,  Governor  Lee,  commander-in-chief ;  sec 
ond,  Governor  Mifflin ;  third,  Governor  Ho  well ;  fourth,  General  Daniel 
Morgan.  The  comparative  rank  of  the  brigadiers  is  not  mentioned. 
General  Hand  was  appointed  adjutant- general. 


JET.  62.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  461 

and  Maryland  assembled  at  Cumberland,  the   site   of  Old    CHAPTER 
Fort  Cumberland,  at  the  junction  of  Will's  Creek  with  the      XV1IL 
Potomac    River.      From    every   quarter   the   militia   came      1794. 
forward  with  alacrity,  and  the  best  disposition  was  shown 
by  officers  and  privates  to  execute  the    orders  of  the  gov-    , 
erjiment. 

The  President,  accompanied  by  the  Secretary  of   War,  President 
inspected    the    army    at    the    two    places   of    rendezvous. 


He  went,  by  way  of  Harrisburg  and  Carlisle,  first  to  October. 
Cumberland,  and  thence  to  Bedford,  these  places  being 
about  thirty  miles  apart.  He  gave  directions  for  each 
division  to  march  across  the  Allegany  Mountains,  meet 
on  the  other  side,  and  act  against  the  insurgents  as  cir 
cumstances  should  require.  Ascertaining  from  personal 
examination  that  every  thing  was  in  readiness,  and  leav 
ing  written  instructions  with  General  Lee,  he  returned  to 
Philadelphia.  Congress  was  soon  to  meet,  and  it  was 
important  for  him  to  be  there  at  that  time.  He  was  ab 
sent  four  weeks. 

When  he  left  home  he  intended  to  cross  the  mountains  insurrection 
and  lead  the  army  in  person,  if  this  should  seem  expedi 
ent  ;  but  the  intelligence  he  received  on  the  way,  and 
the  spirit  which  animated  the  troops,  convinced  him  that 
the  insurgents  would  make  no  formidable  resistance  to 
such  a  force,  and  that  his  further  attendance  on  the  expe 
dition  was  not  necessary.  The  Secretary  of  War  went 
on  with  the  army  to  Pittsbnrg.  The  result  was  even 
more  fortunate  than  could  have  been  expected.  No  re 
sistance  was  attempted,  and  no  blood  was  shed.  To  pre 
serve  quiet,  and  secure  what  had  been  gained,  a  body  of 
troops  continued  for  some  time  in  the  disaffected  country 
under  the  command  of  General  Morgan. 

In  the  President's  speech  to  Congress,  after  mentioning  speech  to 
somewhat  in  detail  the  course  he  had  taken  to  suppress 
the  insurrection,  he  recommended  further  provisions  for 
defence,  particularly  a  reform  of  the  militia  system,  and 
also  advised  that  some  plan  should  be  adopted  for  redeem 
ing  the  public  debt,  which  now  amounted  to  about 


462 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[>ET.  62. 


CHAPTER    seventy-six  millions   of   dollars.      While   this   last   subject 
xvm*      was  under   discussion    in  Congress,  the    Secretary   of   the 


1794 


Hamilton's 
resignation. 


nation. 


Treasury  reported  a  scheme,  which  he  had  matured  on 
the  basis  of  the  laws  previously  enacted  for  regulating 
the  fiscal  operations  of  the  government.  A  sinking  fund 
had  already  been  established  by  setting  apart  for  that 
purpose  a  portion  of  certain  specified  taxes ;  and  he  pro 
posed  that  this  fund  should  be  enlarged  by  increasing  the 
duties  on  imports,  tonnage,  and  distilled  spirits,  by  the 
money  accruing  from  the  sales  of  public  lands,  the  divi 
dends  on  bank  stock,  and  the  surplus  revenue  remaining 
after  the  annual  appropriations  had  been  expended,  and 
that  the  fund,  thus  increased,  should  be  applied  to  the 
redemption  of  the  debt.  This  report  occasioned  much 
debate,  but  the  secretary's  plan  was  substantially  approv 
ed,  and  an  act  conformable  to  it  was  passed. 

Before  the  end  of  the  session,  Hamilton  resigned  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  vacancy  was 
filled  by  Oliver  Wolcott,  who  was  strongly  recommended 
by  Hamilton,  and  whose  character  was  well  known  and 
highly  respected  by  the  President.  General  Knox  likewise 
retired  from  the  war  department,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Timothy  Pickering,  at  that  time  Postmaster-general,  whose 
services  in  the  revolution  had  qualified  him  in  an  emi 
nent  degree  for  executing  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  War. 


J£T.  63.] 


LIFE    OF  WASHINGTON. 


463 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


The  British  Treaty  ratified  by  the  Senate.  —  Popular  Excitement  respect 
ing  it.  —  The  Treaty  confirmed  by  the  Signature  of  the  President.  — 
Resignation  of  Mr.  Randolph, —  Circumstances  attending  it.  —  The  Pres 
ident  refuses  to  furnish  Papers  to  the  House  of  Representatives  in  rela 
tion  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Captivity  of  Lafayette,  and  Means  used  by 
Washington  to  procure  his  Liberation. —  Difficulties  with  France  in  Re 
gard  to  the  British  Treaty.  —  Recall  of  Mr.  Monroe.  —  Washington's 
Farewell  Address.  —  His  last  Speech  to  Congress.  —  Inauguration  of  his 
Successor.  —  Testimony  of  Respect  shown  to  him  by  the  Citizens  of 
Philadelphia.  —  He  retires  to  Mount  Vernon.  —  Review  of  his  Admin 
istration. —  Remarks  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  Conduct  towards  Washington. — 
Troubles  with  France.  —  Preparations  for  War.  —  Washington  appointed 
Cominander-Ln-chief  of  the  Provisional  Army  of  the  United  States.  — 
Organization  and  Arrangement  of  the  Army.  —  His  last  Illness  and 
Death. 


THE  treaty  with  Great  Britain,  negotiated  by  Mr.  Jay, 
arrived  at  the  seat  of  government  in  March,  shortly  after 
the  session  of  Congress  was  closed.  The  Constitution 
had  provided,  that  all  treaties  should  be  ratified  by  the 
Senate,  and  the  President  summoned  that  body  to  meet 
in  June,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  it. 

In  the  interval,  he  examined  and  studisd  the  treaty 
with  the  closest  attention.  It  was  not  altogether  such 
as  he  wished,  perhaps  not  such  as  he  had  hoped.  Points 
were  left  untouched,  which  he  would  gladly  have  seen 
introduced  and  definitively  settled ;  others  were  so  arrang 
ed,  that  he  feared  they  would  riot  prove  a  sufficient  guard 
against  future  difficulties  between  the  two  nations.  But 
he  had  perfect  confidence  in  the  ability,  knowledge,  and 
patriotism  of  Mr.  Jay.  He  was  convinced,  that  more  fa 
vorable  terms  could  not  be  obtained,  and  that  the  only 
alternative  was  this  treaty  or  none.  Some  valuable  privi 
leges  were  secured,  nothing  had  been  sacrificed,  the  na 
tional  honor  was  maintained,  and  a  pledge  of  amity 
was  held  out.  If  the  treaty  was  rejected,  a  war  would 


1795. 

Treaty  with 
Great  Britain 
arrives. 


Washington 
resolves  to 
ratify  the 
treaty. 


464  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [jET.  63. 

CHAPTER    certainly   follow,  the    calamities   of    which,   in    the    actual 
XI3L       state  of  Europe,  would  be  incalculable,  and  no  one  could 
1795.     predict    when    they   would   end,    or  to   what    they  would 
lead.     Deeply  impressed  with  these  sentiments,  and  believ 
ing   peace  the  greatest  blessing  his  country  could    possess, 
he  resolved,  in   case  the  treaty  should  be  approved  by  the 
Senate,  to  affix  to  it  his  signature, 
senate  ad-          The  Senate   assembled  in   June,  and,    after  two   weeks' 

vise  the  rati- 

iicationof      discussion,  advised  the  ratification.     One  article,  however, 

the  treaty. 

was  excepted.  By  this  article  it  was  stipulated,  that  a 
direct  trade  between  the  United  States  and  the  British 
West  India  Islands  should  be  allowed  to  American  vessels 
not  exceeding  the  burden  of  seventy  tons,  laden  with  the 
produce  of  the  States  or  of  the  Islands ;  but  that  mo 
lasses,  sugar,  coffee,  cocoa,  and  cotton  should  not  be 
transported  in  American  vessels,  either  from  the  United 
States  or  the  Islands,  to  any  part  of  the  world.  As  cot 
ton  was  then  becoming  a  product  of  much  importance 
in  the  southern  States,  and  had  begun  to  be  exported,  this 
restriction  was  deemed  inadmissible  ;  and  the  ratification 
of  the  Senate  was  to  be  valid  only  on  condition  that  an 
article  should  be  introduced,  cancelling  the  one  in  which 
the  restriction  was  contained.  Nor  was  there  a  unanimity 
even  with  this  limitation.  A  bare  constitutional  majority, 
that  is,  exactly  two  thirds  of  the  members,  voted  in  favor 
of  the  treaty. 

president  As  this  was  a  novel  case,  the  President   was  somewhat 

withtnecon-  at  a  loss  to  determine  how    to  dispose    of    it.      Whether 

ditional  arti- 

eh-  the  act   of  the   Senate    could    be    regarded   as   a   ratifica 

tion  of  the  treaty,  before  this  new-  article  should  be  ap 
proved  by  the  British  government,  and  whether  his  signa 
ture  could  properly  be  affixed  to  it  previously  to  that 
event,  were  questions  which  he  took  time  to  consider. 
A  new  obstacle  was  thrown  in  the  way  by  intelligence 
from  Europe,  that  the  British  cabirret  had  renewed  the 
order  for  seizing  provisions  in  vessels  bound  to  French 
ports.  As  this  order  might  imply  a  construction  of  the 
treaty,  which  could  never  be  admitted  in  the  United 


JET.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  465 

States,  it  was  necessary    still   farther  to  suspend  his   de-    CHAPTER 
cision.     Viewing  the  subject  in  all  its  relations,  however,       XJX 
he  inclined  to  the  opinion,    that  it  was  best   to  ratify  the     1795. 
treaty    with   the    condition  prescribed  by  the  Senate,  and 
at  the  same   time  to   accompany    it    with   a  memorial   or 
remonstrance  to  the  British  government  against  the  provi 
sion  order. 

Meantime  the  treaty  was  published.     At  first  an  imper-  Popular  e*. 

r  citement 

feet    abstract   only   appeared  ;     but   a   complete   copy   was 


soon  after  furnished  by  a  member  of  the  Senate  to  the 
editor  of  a  newspaper.  It  thus  came  clandestinely  before 
the  public,  without  the  authority  of  the  executive,  and 
without  any  of  the  official  documents  and  correspondence, 
by  which  the  objects  and  reasons  of  the  negotiators  could 
be  explained.  It  was  dissected,  criticized,  and  condemned, 
in  a  tone  of  passionate  and  violent  declamation,  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  exceeded,  if  the  instrument  had 
reduced  the  United  States  to  their  former  colonial  depen 
dence  on  England.  The  merits  of  the  treaty  were  stu 
diously  kept  out  of  sight,  and  all  its  objectionable  parts 
were  thrust  forward,  exaggerated,  and  censured  as  disgrace 
ful  and  humiliating  to  the  nation.  It  was  impossible 
that  a  clamor  so  loud  and  so  universal  should  not  produce 
a  strong  impression  upon  every  class  of  the  community. 
The  friends  of  the  administration  rallied  in  its  defence, 
but  they  used  the  weapons  of  reason  and  argument  ;  they 
talked  of  moderation  and  peace,  of  consistency  and  good 
faith.  They  found  few  patient  listeners,  and  fewer  im 
partial  judges.  The  torrent  was  neither  to  be  stemmed, 
nor  diverted  from  its  course.  Public  meetings  were  held  ; 
and  resolutions  and  addresses  condemning  the  treaty,  and 
designed  to  have  a  popular  effect,  and  to  intimidate  the 
executive,  were  voted,  published,  and  widely  circulated 
among  the  people. 

The  first  resolves  of  this  sort  proceeded  from  a  meet-  Boston  re- 

mi  /»  111  solvea  for- 

mg  in  Boston.       They   were   forwarded   by  an  express  to  watdedto 
the    President,    with  a  letter   from    the   selectmen    of   the  dent. 
town.     He  received  them  at  Baltimore,  while  on  his  way 
59 


466 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  63. 


July  28. 


CHAPTER  to  Mount  Vemon.     Ten  days  afterwards,  having  carefully 

XIX'  reviewed    the    subject,   and  ascertained  the  sentiments   of 

1795.  tne  cabinet,  he  answered  the  letter.     It  had  been  his  aim, 

president's  he  said,  in  every  act  of  his   administration,    to    seek    the 

answer.  t  m     • 

happiness  of  his  fellow  citizens,  to  discard  personal,  local, 
and  partial  considerations,  to  look  upon  the  United  States 
as  one  nation,  and  to  consult  only  their  substantial  and 
permanent  interests.  "  Without  a  predilection  for  my  own 
judgment,"  he  added,  "  I  have  weighed  with  attention 
every  argument,  which  has  at  any  time  been  brought 
into  view.  But  the  Constitution  is  the  guide,  which  I 
never  can  abandon.  It  has  assigned  to  the  President  the 
power  of  making  treaties,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate.  It  was  doubtless  supposed,  that  these  two 
branches  of  government  would  combine,  without  passion, 
and  with  the  best  means  of  information,  those  facts  and 
principles,  upon  which  the  success  of  our  foreign  relations 
will  always  depend  ;  that  they  ought  not  to  substitute  for 
their  own  conviction  the  opinions  of  others,  or  to  seek 
truth  through  any  channel  but  that  of  a  temperate  and 
well  informed  investigation.  Under  this  persuasion,  I  have 
resolved  on  the  manner  of  executing  the  duty  before  me. 
To  the  high  responsibility  attached  to  it,  I  freely  submit  ; 
and  you,  Gentlemen,  are  at  liberty  to  make  these  senti 
ments  known  as  the  grounds  of  my  procedure.  While 
I  feel  the  most  lively  gratitude  for  the  many  instances 
of  approbation  from  my  country,  I  can  no  otherwise  de 
serve  it,  than  by  obeying  the  dictates  of  my  conscience." 
To  these  sentiments  he  steadily  adhered,  and  he  answered 
many  of  the  addresses  sent  to  him  in  nearly  the  same 
language. 

From  the  excitement  that  prevailed,  however,  and  from 
the  resolves  of  meetings  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  he 
soon  perceived,  that  a  formidable  attempt  was  making  to 
stir  up  the  people,  with  a  view  of  operating  on  the  ex 
ecutive.  To  defeat  this  purpose,  and  to  put  an  end  to 
the  disorders  hourly  increasing  by  the  combined  action  of 
overheated  zeal,  artifice,  and  party  spirit,  he  returned  to 


Treaty 
signed  by  the 
President. 


-Ex.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  467 

Philadelphia,    summoned   the   cabinet,    and   submitted    the    CHAPTER 
proposition  for   immediately  ratifying   the    treaty.      It  was       XIX> 
approved    by   all    the    members    except   the    Secretary   of      1795. 
State,  who,   although  he  had  before    been  in   favor  of  it, 
now  thought  the  step  premature,  till  the    provision   order 
should    be    revoked,    and    the   war  between   England   and 
France  should  cease.     This  opinion  had  no  effect  on  the 
President.      He    signed  the  treaty,  the   order   was    in    due    August  IB. 
time    repealed,  and   the   ratification,  on  the   terms   advised 
by    the    Senate,    was    reciprocated    by    the    British    gov 
ernment. 

It  would  be  impossible,  within  the  limits  of  the  present  Party  vio- 

*  *  lence  turned 


narrative,   to  sketch    even   an  outline    of    the    transactions  ,  ton 

relating  to  this  treaty.  No  more  can  be  said,  than  that 
the  controversy,  occasioned  by  it,  increased  the  violence 
of  party  discord  to  almost  an  incredible  extent  ;  and  that 
even  the  motives  and  character  of  Washington  did  not 
escape  a  full  measure  of  the  abuse,  which  was  poured 
out  upon  all,  who  approved  the  acts  of  the  administration. 
Regardless  of  truth  and  decorum,  his  detractors  assailed 
him  with  a  license  and  malignity,  which  showed  an  utter 
despair  of  accomplishing  their  ends  by  honorable  means. 
But  however  they  might  excite  his  commiseration,  they 
could  not  disturb  his  peace  of  mind.  "  I  have  long  since 
resolved/'  said  he,  writing  to  the  governor  of  Maryland, 
"  for  the  present  time  at  least,  to  let  my  calumniators  pro 
ceed  without  any  notice  being  taken  of  their  invectives 
by  myself,  or  by  any  others  with  my  participation  or 
knowledge.  Their  views,  I  dare  say,  are  readily  per 
ceived  by.  all  the  enlightened  and  well  disposed  part  of 
the  community  ;  and  by  the  records  of  my  administra 
tion,  and  not  by  the  voice  of  faction,  I  expect  to  be  ac 
quitted  or  condemned  hereafter." 

In  relation    to   the    treaty,    time    disappointed   its    ene-  Effects  of 
mies,    and    more    than    fulfilled    the    expectations   of    its 
friends.      It  saved   the   country  from  a  war,  improved  its 
commerce,  and  served  in  no  small  degree  to  lay  the  foun 
dation  of  its  durable  prosperity.     The  great  points,  which 


468 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  63. 


1795. 


Randolph's 
resignation. 

August  19. 


CHAPTER    were  said  to  be   sacrificed    or  neglected,    the   impressment 

. '       of   seamen,  neutral    rights,  and  colonial  trade,  have  never 

yet  been  settled,  and  are  never  likely  to  be  settled  satis: 
factorily,  while  England  maintains  the  ascendency  she 
now  holds  on  the  ocean. 

The  day  following  that  on  which  the  President  affixed 
his  name  to  the  treaty,  Mr.  Randolph  resigned  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  State.  The  circumstances  are  these. 
While  Washington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  the  British  min 
ister,  Mr.  Hammond,  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  a  letter  from  M.  Fauchet  to  the  French 
government,  which  had  been  intercepted  at  sea,  whence 
it  found  its  way  to  the  British  cabinet,  and  was  for 
warded  to  Mr.  Hammond.  The  letter  was  translated  by 
Mr.  Pickering,  and  shown  to  the  President  when  he  ar 
rived  in  Philadelphia.  Its  contents  were  such,  as  to  ex 
cite  suspicions  of  Mr.  Randolph's  conduct.  It  appeared 
that  his  political  relations  with  the  French  •  minister  had 
been  more  intimate  and  confidential,  than  was  compatible 
with  the  office  he  held  in  the  administration.  At  all 
events,  it  seemed  a  fair  inference  from  the  language  of 
the  letter,  that  M.  Fauchet  valued  his  services  as  having 
been  useful  to  the  French  interests,  and  calculated  on 
them  for  the  future. 

In  the  presence  of  the  other  members  of  the  cabinet, 
the  President  handed  this  letter  to  Mr.  Randolph  and 
asked  an  explanation.  He  had  not  before  heard  of  it ; 
and,  although  he  read  it  without  emotion,  he  expressed 
much  displeasure  at  the  President's  manner  of  bringing  it 
to  his  notice,  and  complained  that  he  did  not  first  con 
verse  with  him  on  the  subject  privately.  He  said  that 
he  wished  more  leisure  to  examine  the  letter,  before  mak 
ing  any  detailed  remarks  on  its  contents,  but  added,  that, 
considering  the  treatment  he  had  received,  he  could  not 
think  of  remaining  in  his  office  a  moment  lofiger.  Ac 
cordingly  he  sent  in  his  resignation  the  same  day. 

Mr.  Randolph  published  a  pamphlet  vindicating  his  con 
duct,  and   explaining  such  parts  of  the  intercepted   letter 


Randolph's 
vindication. 


JET.  63.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  469 

as  related  to  him.     From  M.  Fauchet,  who  was  then  on    CHAPTER 

the  point  of  leaving  the  country,  he  also  obtained  a  cer-  CIX* 

tificate,  in  which  that  minister  declared,  that  in  his  letter  1795. 
he  had  no  intention  to  say  any  thing  to  the  disadvantage 
of  Mr.  Randolph's  character.  The  statements  presented 
by  Mr.  Randolph,  in  proof  of  his  innocence,  were  not 
such  as  to  produce  entire  conviction  ;  but  the  nature  of 
his  task  rendered  it  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  for  him 
to  adduce  positive  evidence.  He  moreover  allowed  him 
self  to  be  betrayed  into  a  warmth  of  temper,  and  bitter 
ness  of  feeling,  not  altogether  favorable  to  his  candor. 
After  all  that  has  been  made  known,  the  particulars  of 
his  conversations  with  Fauchet,  and  his  designs,  are  still 
matters  of  conjecture. 

One  fact  connected  with  this  affair  should  be  mention 
ed,  as  being  highly  creditable  to  Washington.  In  prepar 
ing  his  vindication,  Mr.  Randolph  applied  for  a  certain 
letter,  and  intimated  that  papers  were  withheld.  Wash 
ington  said,  in  reply ;  "  That  you  may  have  no  cause  to 
complain  of  the  withholding  of  any  paper,  however  pri 
vate  and  confidential,  which  you  shall  think  necessary  in 
a  case  of  so  serious  a  nature,  I  have  directed  that  you 
should  have  the  inspection  of  my  letter  agreeably  to  your 
request,  and  you  are  at  full  liberty  to  publish  without  re 
serve  any  and  every  private  and  confidential  letter  I  ever 
wrote  to  you  ;  nay,  more,  every  word  I  ever  uttered  to 
you,  or  in  your  hearing,  from  whence  you  can  derive  any 
advantage  in  your  vindication."  When  it  is  remembered, 
that  Mr.  Randolph  had  been  in  the  cabinet  from  the  be 
ginning  of  the  administration,  the  liberty  here  given  af 
fords  a  striking  proof  of  the  consciousness  felt  by  Wash 
ington  of  the  perfect  rectitude  of  his  own  proceedings. 

Mr.  Pickering  was  transferred  from  the  war  department  change  in 

the  cabinet. 

to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  and  James  McHenry  of 
Maryland  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War.  Mr.  Bradford, 
the  Attorney-general,  had  recently  died.  He  was  succeed 
ed  by  Charles  Lee  of  Virginia. 

The  foreign  relations  of  the  United  States  had  begun 


470 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON, 


.  64. 


CHAPTER 
XIX. 

1796. 

Foreign  rela 
tions  of  the 
United 
States. 


British 

Eop- 
in 
•ess. 


March  24. 


Power  of 

forming 

treaties. 


to  put  on  a  more  favorable  aspect.  Treaties  were  ne 
gotiated  with  Spain  and  Algiers,  by  which  the  prisoners 
who  had  been  in  bondage  for  many  years  under  the  lat 
ter  power,  were  released,  and  the  difficulties  with  the 
former,  respecting  boundaries  and  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi,  were  amicably  adjusted.  The  victory  of  Gen 
eral  Wayne  had  also  smoothed  the  way  to  a  treaty  with 
the  Indians.  On  this  state  of  affairs  the  President  con 
gratulated  both  houses  of  Congress,  when  he  met  them 
at  the  opening  of  the  session. 

But  the  British  treaty  was  destined  to  be  a  cause  of 
still  further  agitation.  Great  exertions  had  been  made 
throughout  the  country  to  obtain  signatures  to  petitions 
against  it,  which  were  to  be  presented  to  the  House  of 
Representatives.  And,  when  the  treaty  was  submitted  to 
Congress,  as  having  been  ratified  by  his  Britannic  Majes 
ty,  the  members  opposed  to  it  indicated  a  determined  pur 
pose  to  defeat  its  operation  by  refusing  to  pass  the  laws 
necessary  for  carrying  it  into  effect.  The  warfare  was 
commenced  by  a  resolution,  to  which  a  large  majority 
assented,  requesting  the  President  to  lay  before  the  House 
the  instructions1  to  Mr.  Jay,  and  the  correspondence  and 
other  documents  relating  to  the  negotiation. 

This  request  imposed  a  delicate  task  on  the  President. 
In  his  opinion,  the  power  to  form  treaties  rested  wholly 
with  the  chief  magistrate  and  the  Senate,  and  he  believ 
ed  that  the  House  of  Representatives  had  no  right  to 
make  a  demand,  which  would  imply  an  encroachment  on 
this  power,  nor  in  any  manner  to  interfere  with  the  ne 
gotiation  of  treaties.  Yet,  in  the  present  excited  state  of 
public  feeling,  a  refusal  of  the  request  would  expose  him 
to  the  charge  of  showing  disrespect  to  the  representatives 
of  the  people,  raise  suspicions  of  his  motives,  and  proba 
bly  furnish  a  pretext  for  insinuations,  that  he  had  per 
sonal  reasons  for  concealment. 

From  the  line  of  duty,  however,  he  was  never  known 
to  deviate  ;  and  in  this  case  it  was  too  plain  to  be  mis 
taken.  In  his  answer  to  the  communication  from  the 


JEr  64.]  LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  471 

house,    he   refused   a    compliance    with    the    request,    and  CHAPTER 

gave  his  reasons.     He  said  it  was  clear  to  his  mind,  that  XIX* 

the  power  of  making  treaties  was  vested  by  the  Constitu-  1796. 

tion   exclusively   in    the    President,    with   the   advice   and  President  de 

clines  com- 

consent  of  the    Senate  ;    that,  having  been  a  member  of   Pjying  with 

the  request 

the  convention,  he  knew  this  was  the  understanding  of 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  ;  that  the  subject  was  ful- 

March  30. 

ly  discussed  ;  that  there  were  reasons  for  believing  the 
state  conventions  understood  it  in  the  same  way  ;  that 
this  construction  had  hitherto  been  acquiesced  in  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  ;  and  that  a  just  regard  to  the 
Constitution,  and  to  the  duty  of  his  office,  required  him 
to  resist  the  principle  contended  for  by  the  house.  If 
allowed  to  be  put  in  practice,  it  would  destroy  the  confi 
dence  of  foreign  powers  in  the  executive,  derange  the 
government,  and  lead  to  the  most  mischievous  consequen 
ces,  when-  it  would  be  too  late  to  apply  a  remedy. 

The  members,  who  voted  for  the  resolution,  were  not  Debates 


prepared  for  this  refusal  ;  nor  did  they  conceal  their  dis- 
appointment  and  dissatisfaction.  The  message  gave  rise 
to  a  debate,  -which  continued  for  many  days,  and  in  which 
the  merits  of  the  treaty,  and  the  constitutional  powers  of 
the  several  departments  of  the  government,  were  elaborate 
ly  discussed.  Passion,  party  zeal,  eloquence,  and  argument 
were  all  brought  to  bear  on  the  subject  ;  and  the  speech 
es  show,  that  both  sides  of  the  question  were  maintain 
ed  with  unusual  ability  and  force  of  reasoning.  In  the 
end,  a  majority  of  the  members  who  were  opposed  to  the 
treaty  yielded  to  the  exigency  of  the  case,  and,  probably 
more  from  expediency  than  conviction,  united  in  passing 
the  laws  necessary  for  its  fulfilment. 

Among    the    events,    which    contributed    to    harass   the   Wellington 

endeavors  to 

mind  and  weigh  upon  the  spirits  of  Washington,  none  af- 
fected  him  more  keenly  than  the  captivity  of  Lafayette. 
Gratitude  for  the  services  rendered  by  Lafayette  to  the 
United  States  in  times  of  distress  and  peril,  a  respect  for 
his  character,  founded  on  a  long  and  intimate  acquaintance, 
and  a  knowledge  of  his  pure  and  disinterested  principles, 


472 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  64. 


1796. 


Writes  to 
the  Mar- 
chioness  de 
Lafayette. 


Writes  to 
the  Emperor 
of  Germany. 


George 

Washington 

Lafayette. 


had  created  an  ardent  attachment,  of  which  many  proofs 
have  been  exhibited  in  this  narrative,  and  many  others 
might  be  added.  In  proportion  to  the  strength  of  this 
attachment  was  his  affliction  at  the  sufferings  of  his  friend. 

After  receiving  the  intelligence  of  his  capture,  Wash 
ington  wrote  letters  to  the  Marchioness  de  Lafayette,  ex 
pressive  of  his  sympathy,  and  affording  all  the  consola 
tion  in  his  power.  His  regret  was  the  greater,  because, 
being  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  the  family  of  Lafayette, 
and  the  friends  of  humanity  in  Europe,  expected  much 
from  his  aid ;  while  in  reality  he  could  do  nothing  more, 
except  by  his  personal  influence,  than  any  other  indi 
vidual.  Lafayette  was  a  prisoner,  first  in  the  Prussian 
dominions,  and  next  in  the  Austrian.  There  was  no 
diplomatic  intercourse  between  those  countries  and  the 
United  States.  Hence  the  American  government,  without 
authority  to  make  a  demand  or  power  to  enforce  it,  either 
directly  or  through  the  agency  of  other  governments,  could 
take  no  decisive  steps  for  his  release. 

Instructions  were  sent,  and  often  repeated,  to  the  Amer 
ican  ministers  at  foreign  courts,  directing  them  to  use  all 
their  efforts  in  his  favor.  These  instructions  were  faith 
fully  obeyed.  Nothing  more  could  be  done.  The  media 
tion  of  the  British  cabinet  was  sought,  but  not  obtained. 
That  he  might  leave  no  means  untried,  Washington  at 
last  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  stating 
his  friendship  for  Lafayette,  suggesting  in  delicate  terms 
that  his  sufferings  had  perhaps  been  as  great  as  the  na 
ture  of  his  case  demanded,  and  requesting  that  he  might 
be  permitted  to  come  to  the  United  States  under  such 
restrictions  as  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor,  might  think  it 
expedient  to  prescribe.  What  influence  this  letter  may 
have  had  on  the  mind  of  the  Emperor,  or  on  the  fate  of 
Lafayette,  is  not  known.  When  restored  to  liberty,  he 
was  delivered  over,  by  order  of  the  Austrian  government, 
to  the  American  consul  at  Hamburg. 

When  the  wife  and  daughters  of  Lafayette  left  France, 
to  join  him  in  the  prison  of  Olmutz,  his  son,  George 


^T.  64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  473 

Washington  Lafayette,  came    to   the   United   States.      He    CHAPTER 
was  affectionately   received   into   the   family   of  President       XIX- 
Washington,    where    he  resided   nearly   two  years,   till  he      1796. 
returned   to    Europe   on   hearing   of  the   liberation   of  his 
father. 

Not  long  after  the  treaty  was  conditionally  ratified  by  French  min- 
the  Senate,  a  copy  of  it  was  furnished  to  the  French  to  the  Brit- 
minister,  M.  Adet,  the  successor  of  M.  Fauchet.  He  ob 
jected  to  some  parts  of  it,  as  at  variance  with  the  treaty 
subsisting  between  France  and  the  United  States.  His 
objections  were  answered  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  and 
such  explanations  were  given  as  showed,  that  the  treaty 
could  in  no  degree  injure  the  interests  of  France,  and  that 
the  government  of  the  United  States  was  resolved  faith 
fully  to  fulfil  their  compact  with  that  nation,  according 
to  the  strict  principles  of  neutrality,  which  it  was  bound 
to  observe  in  regard  to  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe. 
But  the  rulers  of  the  French  republic  had  viewed  with 
jealousy  Mr.  Jay's  negotiation,  as  diminishing  their  hope 
of  a  war  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States ; 
and  it  is  not  surprising,  that  they  should  be  quick  to  find 
out  points  in  the  treaty,  which,  by  their  construction, 
might  be  turned  to  the  disadvantage  of  France.  Foresee 
ing  this  result,  and  anxious  to  remove  every  ground  of 
dissatisfaction,  Washington  caused  very  full  instructions  to 
be  sent  to  Mr.  Monroe,  that  he  might  be  able  to  ex 
plain  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  as  understood  by  the 
American  government,  and  also  their  designs  and  conduct 
in  making  it. 

From  the  tenor  of  Mr.  Monroe's  letters,   and  from   the  Monroe's 
proceedings    of  the    French  Directory,  the  President  was  France?0™ 
led  to  believe,    that  the  minister   had    been  -backward   in 
using  his  instructions,  and  in  furnishing    the   required  ex 
planations.     It  was  known,  likewise,  that  he  was  hostile 
to   the  treaty  ;  and  of  course,  with  the  best  disposition  to 
do  his  duty,   he  could  hardly  enter  into  the  views  of  the 
government    with    the    zeal,   and   represent  them  with  the 
force  of  conviction,   which  the  importance  of  the  occasion 
60  *2* 


474 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  64. 


1796. 


Thomas 
Pinckney. 


Rufus  King. 


Washington 
resolves  to 
retire  from 
office  at  the 
expiration  of 
his  second 


Washing 
ton's  Fare 
well  Ad 
dress. 

Sept.  15. 


demanded.  The  only  remedy  was  to  send  out  another 
minister.  It  was  resolved,  therefore,  to  recall  Mr.  Monroe, 
and  make  a  new  appointment.  This  resolution  was  unan-. 
imousiy  approved  by  the  cabinet.  Mr.  Monroe  was  ac 
cordingly  recalled,  and  Charles  Cotes  worth  Pinckney  was 
sent  to  supply  his  place. 

Some  months  previously,  Mr.  Thomas  Pinckney  had 
been  permitted  to  return  home,  having  discharged  the 
duties  of  his  office  in  England,  and  on  a  mission  for  ne 
gotiating  a  treaty  at  Madrid,  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of 
the  executive  and  of  his  country.  Rufus  King,  who  had 
been,  a  senator  from  the  beginning  of  the  new  govern 
ment,  was  appointed  as  his  successor  at  the  court  of 
Great  Britain. 

When  the  second  period  of  four  years,  for  which  Wash 
ington  had  been  elected  to  the  Presidency,  was  approach 
ing  its  termination,  many  of  his  friends,  concerned  at  the 
present  state  of  the  country,  and  fearing  the  consequences 
of  the  heats  and  divisions  that  would  arise  in  choosing 
his  successor,  pressed  him  earnestly  to  make  a  still  further 
sacrifice  of  his  inclination  to  the  public  good.  But  his 
purpose  was  fixed,  and  not  to  be  changed.  He  believed 
that  he  had  done  enough,  and  that  he  might  now,  with 
out  any  dereliction  of  duty,  resign  the  helm  of  govern 
ment  into  other  hands.  Having  determined  to  retire,  he 
thought  proper  to  make  this  determination  known  in  a 
formal  manner,  and  at  so  early  a  day,  as  to  enable  his 
fellow  citizens  to  turn  their  thoughts  to  other  candidates, 
and  prepare  for  a  new  election. 

Accordingly  his  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States  was  published  on  the  15th  of  September, 
nearly  six  months  before  his  term  of  office  expired.  In 
this  paper  are  embodied  the  results  of  his  long  experience 
in  public  affairs,  and  a  system  of  policy,  which  in  his 
opinion  was  the  best  suited  to  insure  to  his  country  the 
blessings  of  union,  peace,  and  prosperity,  and  the  respect 
of  other  nations.  For  the  vigor  of  its  language,  the  sound 
ness  of  its  maxims,  the  wisdom  of  its  counsels,  and  its 


^Er.  64.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  475 

pure  and  elevated  sentiments,  this  performance  is  unrival-  CHAPTER 
led ;  and  the  lapse  of  forty  years  has  rather  increased  XIX* 
than  diminished  the  admiration  with  which  it  was  uni-  1796. 
versally  received.  The  sensation,  which  it  produced  in 
every  class  of  the  community,  was  as  strong  as  it  has 
been  permanent.  Even  the  fierce  spirit  of  party  could 
not  resist  the  impulse,  nor  weaken  its  force.  The  State 
legislatures,  when  they  assembled,  and  other  public  bodies, 
voted  addresses  and  thanks  to  the  President,  expressing  a 
cordial  approbation  of  his  conduct  during  the  eight  years 
in  which  he  had  filled  the  office  of  chief  magistrate,  and 
their  deep  regret  that  the  nation  was  to  be  deprived 
of  his  services.  In  some  of  the  States,  the  Farewell  Ad 
dress  was  printed  and  published  with  the  laws  by  order 
of  the  legislatures,  as  an  evidence  of  the  value  they  at 
tached  to  its  political  precepts,  and  of  their  affection  for 
its  author.* 

The  two  houses   of  Congress  came  together  in  Decem-  Meets  con- 
ber,  and  Washington  met  them  for  the  last  time.     As  he  Cuime.1  e 
had  usually  done  in  his  former  speeches,  he  first  presented  December  ?. 
a  clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  the  condition  of  the 
country,    and   the    executive    proceedings  within   the   last 
year,  and  then  recommended  to  their  consideration  certain 
measures,     which    he   deemed     important.      Among   these 
were    the    gradual  increase   of    the  navy,  a  provision   for 
the  encouragement  of  agriculture    and    manufactures,    the 
establishment  of  a  national  university,    and  the  institution 
of  a  military  academy.     The  relations  with  France    were 
made  the  subject  of  a  separate  message.     At  the  end  of 
his  speech   he  said  ; 

"  The  situation  in  which  I  now  stand,  for  the  last 
time,  in  the  midst  of  the  representatives  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  naturally  recalls  the  period  when 
the  administration  of  the  present  form  of  government  com- 

*  Other  particulars  respecting  the  Farewell  Address  are  contained 
in  the  APPENDIX,  No.  V.  See  also  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  XII. 
pp.  214,  382. 


476 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JET.  65. 


1797. 


John  Adams 
elected  to 
the  presi 
dency. 


Inaugura 
tion  of 
President 
Adams. 

March  4. 


Washington 
retires  to 
Mount 
Vernon. 


menced ;  and  I  cannot  omit  the  occasion  to  congratulate 
you  and  my  country,  on  the  success  of  the  experiment, 
nor  to  repeat  my  fervent  supplications  to  the  Supreme 
Ruler  of  the  Universe  and  Sovereign  Arbiter  of  Nations, 
that  his  providential  care  may  still  be  extended  to  the 
United  States ;  that  the  virtue  and  happiness  of  the  people 
may  be  preserved  ;  and  that  the  government,  which  they 
have  instituted  for  the  protection  of  their  liberties,  may  be 
perpetual." 

Little  was  done  during  the  session.  Public  attention 
was  engrossed  with  the  pending  election.  The  votes  of 
the  electors  were  returned  to  Congress,  and  in  February 
they  were  opened  and  counted  in  the  presence  of  both 
houses.  It  appeared  that  John  Adams  was  chosen  Presi 
dent,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  Vice-President,  the  former 
having  the  highest  number  of  votes,  and  the  latter  the 
next  highest,  The  strength  of  the  parties  was  tried  in 
this  contest.  Mr.  Adams  was  supported  by  the  friends  of 
the  administration,  or  the  federal  party,  and  Mr.  Jefferson 
by  its  opponents,  or  the  democratic  party. 

On  the  4th  of  March  the  President  elect  took  the  oath 
of  office  and  assumed  its  duties.  The  ceremony  was 
performed  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  in  the  same  manner  as  had  been  practised  on  for 
mer  occasions.  Washington  was  present  as  a  spectator, 
happy  in  resigning  the  burden  of  his  office,  and  gratified 
to  see  it  confided  to  one,  whose  long  and  patriotic  servi 
ces  in  the  cause  of  his  country  rendered  him  worthy  of 
so  high  a  trust. 

The  citizens  of  Philadelphia  celebrated  the  day  by  a 
testimony  of  respect  for  the  man,  whom  they,  in  common 
with  the  whole  nation,  loved  and  revered.  A  splendid 
entertainment  was  prepared,  which  was  designed  for  him 
as  the  principal  guest,  and  to  which  were  invited  foreign 
ministers,  the  heads  of  the  departments,  officers  of  rank, 
and  other  distinguished  persons.  A  spacious  rotunda  was 
fitted  up  for  the  occasion,  in  which  were  elegant  decora 
tions,  emblematical  paintings,  fanciful  devices,  and  a  land- 


ET.  65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  477 

scape  representing  Mount  Vernon  and  the  scenery  around    CHAPTER 
it,  all  conspiring  to  revive  associations  connected  with  the       XIX> 
life  of  Washington.  %  1797. 

The  following  anecdote  was  corhmunicated  by  the  late  Anecdote. 
Bishop  White.  "  On  the  day  before  President  Washing 
ton  retired  from  office,  a  large  company  dined  with  him. 
Among  them  were  the  foreign  ministers  and  their  ladies, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Adams,  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  other  conspicuous 
persons  of  both  sexes.  During  the  dinner  much  hilarity 
prevailed  ;  but,  on  the  removal  of  the  cloth,  it  was  put 
an  end  to  by  the  President,  certainly  without  design. 
Having  filled  his  glass,  he  addressed  the  company,  with 
a  smile,  as  nearly  as  can  be  recollected  in  the  following 
words  ;  '  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  this  is  the  last  time  I 
shall  drink  your  health  as  a  public  man.  I  do  it  with 
sincerity,  wishing  you  all  possible  happiness.7  There  was 
an  end  of  all  pleasantry.  He,  who  gives  this  relation, 
accidentally  directed  his  eye  to  the  lady  of  the  British 
minister,  Mrs.  Liston,  and  tears  were  running  down  her 
cheeks." 

Being  once  more  a  private  citizen,  and  having  already  His  journey 

t  .,,,.,  -IT.  to  Mount 

made  preparation  for  his   departure,   he   proceeded   imme- 


diately  with  his  family  to  Mount  Vernon.  In  passing 
along  the  road  he  was  welcomed  with  the  same  hearty 
demonstrations  of  attachment,  as  when  clothed  with  the 
dignity  and  power  of  office.  Before  he  reached  Baltimore, 
he  was  met  by  a  military  escort  and  a  large  concourse  of 
the  inhabitants,  who  accompanied  him  into  the  city  ;  and 
it  was  not  till  he  had  actually  arrived  at  his  own  man 
sion,  in  the  tranquil  retreat  of  Mount  Vernon,  that  he 
could  say  he  was  no  longer  a  public  man. 

In  reviewing    the    administration  of  Washington,    now  Review  of 
that  the  effervescence  of  party  is  subsided,  and  in  tracing  ton's  admin- 
its  effects  on  the  formation   and   progress   of  the   govern 
ment,    there   can   hardly   be  a  difference   of  opinion.     No 
one  can  doubt   its  wisdom   or  its  success.      Whether   an 
other  system,  more  conformable  to  the  views  of  those  who 
opposed    his    principal   measures,  might  not  have  operated 


478 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER    equally   well,    is  not  a  question   which   needs   to  be   dis- 

XIX>       cussed.      When   a  great    and    permanent    good   has   been 

1797.    (jonej    with  the  purest  motives   on  the  part  of  the  actor, 

it  is  not  necessary,  in  forming  a  just  estimate  of  this  good, 

to  inquire  by  what  other  means  the  same  end  might  have 

been  attained. 

Notwithstanding  the  innumerable  embarrassments,  which 
attended  the  first  operations  of  the  new  government,  the 
nation  was  never  more  prosperous  than  while  Washington 
was  at  its  head.  Credit  was  restored,  and  established  on 
a  sound  basis  ;  the  public  debt  was  secured,  and  its  ul 
timate  payment  provided  for ;  commerce  had  increased 
beyond  any  former  example  ;  the  amount  of  tonnage  in 
the  ports  of  the  United  States  had  nearly  doubled ;  the 
imports  and  exports  had  augmented  in  a  considerably 
larger  ratio  ;  and  the  revenue  was  much  more  abundant 
than  had  been  expected.  The  war  with  the  Indians  was 
conducted  to  a  successful  issue ;  and  a  peace  was  con 
cluded,  which  promised  quiet  to  the  frontier  inhabitants, 
and  advantages  to  the  uncivilized  tribes.  Treaties  had 
been  made  with  foreign  powers,  in  which  long  standing 
disputes  were  amicably  settled,  contending  claims  adjust 
ed,  and  important  privileges  gained  to  the  United  States. 
The  relations  with  France  alone  remained  in  a  state  of 
incertitude  and  perplexity ;  and  this  was  owing  to  the 
condition  of  affairs  in  Europe,  and  not  to  any  thing  that 
had  grown  out  of  the  acts  or  policy  of  the  American 
government. 

Much  having  been  said  and  published  respecting  Mr. 
Jefferson's  conduct  towards  Washington,  after  the  former 
retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  it  may  have 
been  expected  that  some  additional  facts  would  appear  in 
this  narrative.  Such  an  expectation,  however,  I  have  no 
means  of  gratifying.  Among  Washington's  papers  I  have 
found  nothing,  which  can  afford  any  new  elucidation.  It 
has  been  supposed,  that,  after  his  death,  certain  papers 
were  abstracted  from  his  manuscripts,  which  contained 
matters  unfavorable  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  He  was  in  the  habit 


Jefferson's 
conduct 
towards 
Washington. 


JET  65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  479 

of  writing  his  diary   in  small  books,    and  some    of  these    CHAPTER 
books,  written  during  the  period  in  question,  are  missing.       XIX* 
It  may  be  observed  also,   that,  for  the  last  three  or  four     1797. 
years  of  his  life,   there  is  no  record   of  a  correspondence 
between  him  and  Mr.  Jefferson,  nor  any  papers  of  impor 
tance  in  which  the  name   of  the  latter  is  more  than  in 
cidentally  alluded  to.     When  I  mentioned  the  subject  to 
Judge   Washington,    he    replied    cautiously,    that   he   had 
never  charged  any  person  with  having   abstracted  papers. 
Indeed,  the  nature  of   the  case  scarcely  admitted  of  posi 
tive  proof.     But,  without  discussing  the  question,  or  exam 
ining  the  conjectural    evidence    which   has  been  adduced, 
I  will  only  remark,  that  I  am  convinced  the  suspicion  of 
papers   having  been  taken  away,  for  the  purpose  alleged, 
must  rest  on  a  very  slight  foundation. 

There  can   be  no   doubt,  however,  that   Washington's  Washington 
feelings  were   wounded  by  some  parts  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  with  some 
conduct,  as  well  as  by  conversations  which  were  reported  Jefferson's 

*  conduct. 

to  him  as  having  been  held  at  Monticello.  He  had  re 
posed  unlimited  confidence  in  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  shown 
towards  him  at  all  times  a  sincere  and  unwavering  at 
tachment  ;  and  he  was  not  prepared  to  receive  the  returns 
of  ingratitude  and  disrespect,  which  these  conversations 
seemed  to  imply.  The  famous  letter  to  Mazzei,  however 
it  may  be  explained,  could  not  have  been  read  by  Wash 
ington  without  pain.  The  unqualified  censure  of  the  ad 
ministration,  which  it  contained,  necessarily  included  him 
as  the  head  of  the  administration.  After  he  retired  from 
the  Presidency,  an  insidious  letter  was  sent  to  him  through 
the  postoffice,  the  object  of  which  was  to  draw  from  him 
political  remarks  and  opinions.  It  was  accidentally  dis 
covered,  that  this  letter  was  subscribed  with  a  fictitious 
signature,  and  that  it  came  from  a  person,  who  resided 
near  Mr.  Jefferson,  associated  intimately  with  him,  and 
participated  in  his  political  sentiments.  It  was  not  ascer 
tained,  nor  perhaps  fully  believed,  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
accessory  to  this  proceeding ;  but  the  circumstances  were 
such,  as  to  make  a  strong  impression  upon  the  mind  of 


480 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEx.  65 


CHAPTER 
XIX. 

1797. 


Jefferson's 
situation  at 
the  head  of 
a  party. 


Jefferson's 
testimony  in 
praise  of 
Washington. 


Washington.  It  is  also  remarkable,  that,  while  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  was  Vice-President,  although  he  passed  near  Mount 
Vernon  in  his  journeys  between  Monticello  and  Philadel 
phia,  to  attend  Congress  at  two  regular  sessions  and  one 
extra  session  before  Washington's  death,  he  never  paid 
him  a  visit  nor  saw  him  after  they  separated  at  the  time 
of  Mr.  Adams's  inauguration. 

A  decisive  judgment  on  this  subject  ought  not  be  form 
ed,  however,  without  considering  the  position  in  which 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  placed,  and  his  own  testimony.  As  the 
head  of  a  party  opposed  to  the  administration,  he  was 
the  centre  of  action  to  that  party  ;  and  he  would  neces 
sarily  be  led  to  remark  on  public  transactions,  and  to  ex 
press  his  disapprobation  of  them.  At  such  times,  his  con 
versation  may  have  been  misinterpreted  by  his  watchful 
opponents  as  applying  to  Washington,  when  in  reality  he 
had  in  view  only  the  system  of  measures  to  which  he 
gave  his  support.  If  it  is  difficult  in  this  case  to  separate 
the  measures  from  the  man,  and  the  censure  of  the  one 
from  that  of  the  other,  it  must  be  remembered,  that  the 
difficulty  is  inherent  in  the  case  itself,  and  that  there  was 
no  other  way  by.  which  Mr.  Jefferson  could  escape  from 
it,  entertaining  such  opinions  as  he  did,  than  by  abstain 
ing  altogether  from  speaking  on  public  affairs.  This  for 
bearance  was  not  to  be  expected,  nor  was  it  to  be  re 
quired  of  him,  more  than  of  any  other  person. 

Again,  Mr.  Jefferson  has  affirmed  that  no  correspondence 
took  place  between  him  and  Washington,  during  the  in 
terval  in  which  none  has  been  found  among  the  papers 
of  the  latter ;  that  he  always  believed  him  to  be  firmly 
attached  to  the  republican  principles  of  the  constitution, 
and  determined  to  sustain  them  at  all  hazards  ;  and  that 
neither  in  the  letter  to  Mazzei,  nor  on  any  other  occa 
sion,  did  he  intend  to  include  Washington  among  those, 
whom  he  charged  with  moulding  the  government  into 
monarchical  and  aristocratical  forms.  The  substance  of 
this  declaration  is  often  repeated  in  his  published  letters. 
In  one  of  these,  describing  the  character  of  Washington, 


JEr.  65.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  481 

he  says ;    "  His   integrity   was   most  pure,  his   justice  the    CHAPTER 
most  inflexible  I  have  ever  known  ;  no  motives  of  inter-        XIX' 
est  or  consanguinity,  of  friendship   or    hatred,   being   able      1797. 
to  bias  his  decision.      He  was,  indeed,  in  every  sense  of 
the  words,  a  wise,   a   good,  and   a    great   man."      These 
considerations  seem  to  show  at  least,  that,   whatever  may 
have  been   Mr.  Jefferson's  feelings,   or  the   part  he   acted, 
in  times   of  warm   political   strife,  a  calm   review   of   the 
past,  at  a  later  period,  brought  him  to  a  just  estimate  of 
the  character  and  conduct  of  Washington.  .  But,  after  all, 
it  is  not  easy  to  be   convinced,  even   by   his   own  state 
ments,  that  he  is  not  in  some  degree  chargeable  with  de 
linquency  towards  him  during  the  latter  years  of  his  life. 

Being   established   again    at   Mount    Vernon,  and   freed  Washington 
from    public  toils    and  cares,   Washington   returned  to  the  Mir  tote 
same  habits  of  life,  and  the  same  pursuits,  which  he  had  fairs, 
always   practised  at  that  place.       It   required  neither  time 
nor   new   incitements    to    revive    a    taste   for   occupations, 
which  had  ever   afforded   him  more   real   enjoyment    than 
any  others.     Although  he  had  been  able  to  exercise  a  par 
tial  supervision  over  his  private  affairs,  yet  he  found,  that, 
after  an  absence  of  eight  years,  much  was  to  be  done  to 
repair   his  houses,   restore    his    farms   to   the   condition  in 
which   he  had  left  them,  and  complete   his   favorite    sys 
tem  of  agriculture.      To    these    employments   he  devoted 
himself  with  as  lively  an  interest,  as  if   nothing  had  oc 
curred  to  interrupt  them. 

In  writing  to  a  friend,  a  few  weeks  after  he  arrived  at  His  daily 
Mount  Vernon,  he  said  that  he  began  his  daily  course 
with  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and  first  made  preparations  for  • 
the  business  of  the  day.  "By  the  time  I  have  accom 
plished  these  matters,"  he  adds,  "  breakfast  is  ready. 
This  being  over,  I  mount  my  horse  arid  ride  round  my 
farms,  which  employs  me  until  it  is  time  to  dress  for 
dinner,  at  which  I  rarely  miss  to  see  strange  faces  come 
as  they  say  out  of  respect  to  me.  And  how  different  is 
this  from  having  a  few  social  friends  at  a  cheerful  board. 
The  usual  time  of  sitting  at  table,  a  walk,  and  tea,  bring 
61  Y2 


482 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[JEr.  65. 


1797. 


Conduct  of 
the  French 
Directory. 


False  pre- 
eumption  of 
the  rulert  of 
France. 


me  within  the  dawn  of  candlelight ;  previous  to  which, 
if  not  prevented  by  company,  I  resolve,  that,  as  soon  as 
the  glimmering  taper  supplies  the  place  of  the  great  hi: 
minary,  I  will  retire  to  my  writing-table,  and  acknowl 
edge  the  letters  I  have  received.  Having  given  you  this 
history  of  a  day,  it  will  serve  for  a  year."  And  in  this 
manner  a  year  passed  away,  and  with  no  other  variety 
than  that  of  the  change  of  visiters,  who  came  from  all 
parts  to  pay  their  respects  or  gratify  their  curiosity. 

But,  in  the  midst  of  these  scenes,  it  once  more  became 
his  duty  to  yield  to  the  claim  of  his  country.  The  French 
Directory  had  rejected  the  overtures  for  a  reconciliation, 
and  committ3d  outrages  and  insults  against  the  United 
States,  which  no  independent  nation  could  bear.  Mr. 
Pinckney,  the  American  plenipotentiary,  had  been  treated 
with  indignity,  first  by  a  refusal  to  receive  him  as  min 
ister,  and  next  by  an  order  to  leave  the  territories  of  the 
Republic.  At  the  same  time,  depredations  were  made 
upon  American  commerce  by  French  cruisers,  in  violation 
of  the  treaty  which  had  subsisted  between  the  two  na 
tions.  President  Adams  summoned  Congress,  submitted 
the  subject  to  them,  and  recommended  preparations  for 
military  defence.  That  no  method  might  be  left  unat- 
tempted  for  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  and  insuring 
peace,  two  envoys  extraordinary,  John  Marshall  and  El- 
bridge  Gerry,  were  sent  out  to  join  Mr.  Pinckney.  The 
three  envoys  proceeded  to  Paris,  but  their  mission  was 
unsuccessful. 

It  seems  that  the  rulers  of  France  had  been  deceived 
into  a  belief,  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
not  sustain  their  government  in  a  war  against  that  coun 
try.  The  opposition  shown  to  the  British  treaty  had  con 
tributed  to  foster  this  delusion ;  and  indeed  the  conduct 
of  the  French  ministers  in  the  United  States,  from  the 
time  Genet  arrived  at  Charleston,  had  clearly  indicated  a 
design  to  separate  the  people  from  the  government.  Such 
was  the  confidence  of  the  Executive  Directory  in  this 
hope,  and  such  their  ignorance  of  the  American  character, 


.  65.] 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


483 


Congress 
prepare  for 


that  they  had  the  effrontery  to  demand  money  of  the 
envoys  as  a  preliminary  to  any  negotiation  for  settling 
the  differences  between  the  two  nations.  This  demand  1798. 
was  made  under  the  pretence  of  a  redress  of  grievances, 
in  consequence,  as  it  was  alleged,  of  the  unfavorable  opera 
tion  of  the  British  treaty,  and  of  the  system  of  neutrality 
adopted  by  the  American  government.  So  degrading  a 
proposal  could  not  of  course  be  regarded  in  any  other 
light  than  as  an  insult. 

Nothing  now  remained  to  be  done  but  to  prepare  for 
war.  Congress  authorized  the  President  to  enlist  ten  thou 
sand  men,  as  a  provisional  army,  and  to  call  them  into 
actual  service,  if  war  should  be  declared  against  the  Unit 
ed  States,  or  whenever  in  his  opinion  there  should  be 
danger  of  an  invasion. 

As  soon  as  it  was  foreseen,  that  a  resort  to  arms  might 
be  necessary,  all  eyes  were  turned  upon  Washington  as 
the  individual  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  army. 
The  weight  of  his  name  was  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  produce  unanimity  in  the  leaders,  and  secure  the  con 
fidence  and  support  of  the  people.  "  You  ought  to  be 
aware,"  said  Hamilton,  in  writing  to  him,  "  that,  in  the 
event  of  an  open  rupture  with  France,  the  public  voice 
will  again  call  you  to  command  the  armies  of  your  coun 
try  ;  and,  though  all  who  are  attached  to  you  will  from 
attachment,  as  well  as  public  considerations,  deplore  an 
occasion,  which  should  once  more  tear  you  from  that  re 
pose  to  which  you  have  so  good  a  right,  yet  it  is  the 
opinion  of  all  those  with  whom  I  converse,  that  you  will 
be  compelled  to  make  the  sacrifice.  All  your  past  labors 
may  demand,  to  give  them  efficacy,  this  further,  this 
very  great  sacrifice."  The  President  also  wrote  to  him  ; 
11  We  must  have  your  name,  if  you  will  permit  us  to  June  22. 
use  it.  There  will  be  more  efficacy  in  it  than  in  many 
an  army."  This  letter  was  written  before  any  appoint 
ments  had  been  made.  The  following  is  an  extract  from 
Washington's  reply. 

"  From  a  view  of  the  past  and  the  present,  and  from 


Washington 
solicited  to 
take  com 
mand  of  the 
provisional 
army. 


May  19 


484 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  66. 


1798. 

Letter  to 
President 
Adams. 

July  4. 


Washington 
appointed 
to  the  com 
mand  of  the 
army. 


the  prospect  of  that  which  seems  to  be  expected,  it  is 
not  easy  for  me  to  decide  satisfactorily  on  the  part  it 
might  best  become  me  to  act.  In  case  of  actual  inva 
sion  by  a  formidable  force,  I  certainly  should  not  intrench 
myself  under  the  cover  of  age  and  retirement,  if  my  ser 
vices  should  be  required  by  my  country  to  assist  in  re 
pelling  it.  And,  if  there  be  good  cause,  which  must  be 
better  known  to  the  government  than  to  private  citizens, 
to  expect  such  an  event,  delay  in  preparing  for  it  might 
be  dangerous,  improper,  and  not  to  be  justified  by  pru 
dence.  The  uncertainty,  however,  of  the  event,  in  my 
mind,  creates  my  embarrassment ;  for  I  cannot  fairly 
bring  it  to  believe,  regardless  as  the  French  are  of  trea 
ties  and  of  the  laws  of  nations,  and  capable  as  I  conceive 
them  to  be  of  any  species  of  despotism  and  injustice,  that 
they  will  attempt  to  invade  this  country,  after  such  a 
uniform  and  unequivocal  expression  of  the  sense  of  the 
people  in  all  parts  to  oppose  them  with  their  lives  and 
fortunes." 

Before  receiving  this  reply,  the  President  had  nomin 
ated  him  to  the  Senate  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States.  The  nomination  was  unani 
mously  confirmed  on  the  3d  of  July,  the  day  after  it  was 
made.  The  Secretary  of  War  was  despatched  in  person 
to  Mount  Vernon,  as  the  bearer  of  the  commission.  Wash 
ington  accepted  the  appointment,  with  two  reservations  ; 
first,  that  the  principal  officers  should  be  such  as  he  ap 
proved  ;  secondly,  that  he  should  not  be  called  into  the 
field,  till  the  army  was  in  a  condition  to  require  his  pres 
ence,  or  till  it  became  necessary  by  the  urgency  of  cir 
cumstances.  He  added,  however,  that  he  did  not  mean 
to  withhold  any  assistance  he  could  afford  in  arranging 
and  organizing  the  army  ;  arid,  in  conformity  with  the  rule 
he  had  always  followed,  he  declined  receiving  any  palt 
of  the  emoluments  annexed  to  his  appointment,  until  he 
should  be  in  a  situation  to  incur  expense. 

There  was  much  embarrassment  in  appointing  the  prin 
cipal  officers.  Some  of  those,  who  had  served  in  the  rev- 


JEr.  66.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  485 

olution,  were  prominent  candidates  for  appointments  in  the    CHAPTER 
new   army.     It  became  a  question,   whether  their   former       X1X> 
rank  should  be  taken  into  account.     If  this  were  decided     1798. 
in  the  affirmative,  it  would  deprive  the  army  of   the  ser-  Embarrasa- 

,    .  mentinse- 

vices  of   men,  whose  talents,  activity,  and  influence  were  ***£*• 
of  the  greatest  moment,  but   who    would   not  accept  sub-  officers. 
ordinate  places.     It  was  the  opinion  of  Washington,  that, 
since   the  old  army  had  long  been  disbanded,  and  a  new 
one   was  now  to  be  formed  upon  different  principles  and 
for  a  different  object,    no  regard    ought  to  be  paid  to  for 
mer  rank,  but  that  the  best  men  should  be  selected,    and 
so    arranged    as   most    effectually   to    promote    the    public 
good.     This  opinion  prevailed. 

The  inspector-general  was  to  be  the  second  in  com-  General 
mand,  and  there  were  to  be  likewise  two  major-generals,  appointed. 
For  these  offices  Washington  proposed  Alexander  Hamil 
ton,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  and  Henry  Knox,  who 
were  to  rank  in  the  order  in  which  theii  names  here 
stand.  They  were  thus  appointed.  The  President  was 
not  satisfied  with  the  arrangement.  His  choice  for  the 
inspector-general  rested  upon  Knox,  but  he  acquiesced  in 
the  decision  of  Washington.  Unfortunately  General  Knox 
was  displeased  with  the  arrangement,  and  declined  accept 
ing  his  commission.  He  believed  that  his  former  services 
gave  him  higher  claims,  than  could  be  advanced  for  the 
two  younger  officers  who  were  placed  over  him. 

From  this  time   to   the   end  of  his  life   a  great   part  of 

TTT         •  -i  f    ton8  tni 

Washington  s  attention  was  taken  up  with  the  aflairs  of  taken  up 
the  new  army.  His  correspondence  with  the  Secretary  of 
War,  the  major-generals,  and  other  officers,  was  unremit- 
ted  and  very  full,  entering  into  details  and  communicating 
instructions,  which  'derived  value  from  his  long  experience 
and  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subject.  His  letters  during 
this  period,  if  not  the  most  interesting  to  many  readers, 
will  ever  be  regarded  as  models  of  their  kind,  and  as  af 
fording  evidence  that  the  vigor  and  fertility  of  his  mind 
had  not  decreased  with  declining  years.  He  passed  a 

Y2* 


ton'8  ti 

taken  u 

with  the 

irs^f 


486 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


[&T.  67. 


CHAPTER  month    at    Philadelphia,    where   he   was   assiduously   em- 

XIX"  ployed  with  Generals  Hamilton  and  Pinckney  in  making 

1799.  arrangements  for  raising  and  organizing  the  army.     After 

November,  the  plan   was  finished,  he  applied   himself,    with   all   the 


Disputes 


washing. 
illness.  8 


ardor  of  his  younger  days,  '  to  effect  its  execution. 

He  never  seriously  believed,  that  the  French  would  go 
to  the  extremity  of  invading  the  United  States.  But  it 
had  always  been  a  maxim  with  him,  that  a  timely  prep 
aration  for  war  afforded  the  surest  means  of  preserving 
peace  ;  and  on  this  occasion  he  acted  with  as  much 
promptitude  and  energy,  as  if  the  invaders  had  been  actu 
ally  on  the  coast.  His  opinion  proved  to  be  correct,  and 
his  prediction  was  verified.  When  it  was  discovered,  that 
a  war  with  the  United  States  would  not  be  against  the 
government  alone,  but  that  the  whole  people  would  rise 
to  resist  aggression  and  maintain  their  rights  and  dignity 
as  a  nation,  the  French  rulers  relaxed  into  a  more  pacific 
temper.  Intimations  were  given  by  them  of  a  willingness 
to  cooperate  in  effecting  a  friendly  and  equitable  adjust 
ment  of  existing  differences.  Listening  to  these  overtures, 
the  President  again  appointed  three  envoys  extraordinary, 
and  invested  them  with  full  powers  to  negotiate  with  the 
French  government.  When  they  arrived  in  Paris,  they 
found  Bonaparte  at  the  head  of  affairs,  who,  having  taken 
no  part  in  the  preceding  disputes,  and  perceiving  no  ad 
vantage  in  continuing  them,  readily  assented  to  an  accom 
modation.  No  event  was  more  desired  by  Washington, 
but  he  did  not  live  to  participate  in  the  joy  with  which 
the  intelligence  was  received  by  his  countrymen. 

Since  his  retirement  from  the  Presidency,  his  health 
had  been  remarkably  good  ;  and,  although  age  had  not 
come  without  its  infirmities,  yet  he  was  able  to  endure  fa 
tigue  and  make  exertions  of  body  and  mind  with  scarcely 
less  ease  and  activity,  than  he  had  done  in  the  prime  of 
his  strength.  On  the  12th  of  December  he  spent  several 
hours  on  horseback,  riding  to  his  farms,  and  giving  di 
rections  to  his  managers.  He  returned  late  in  the  after- 


^T.  67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  48? 

noon,   wet  and  chilled  with  the  rain  and  sleet,  to  which    CHAPTER 
he  had  been  exposed  while  riding  home.     The   water  had 
penetrated  to  his  neck,  and  snow  was  lodged  in  the  locks     1799. 
of   his   hair.      A   heavy  fall  of  snow    the    next   day   pre 
vented    his   going    abroad,    except   for    a   short    time    near 
his  house.      A  sore  throat  and  hoarseness    convinced  him, 
that  he  had  taken  cold  ;  but  he  seemed  to  apprehend  no 
danger  from  it.     He  passed  the  evening  with  the  family, 
read  the  newspapers,  and  conversed  cheerfully  till  his  usual 
hour  for  going  to  rest. 

In  the  night  he  had  an  ague,  and  before  the  dawn  of 
day  the  next  morning,  which  was  Saturday,  the  14th, 
the  soreness  in  his  throat  had  become  so  severe,  that  he 
breathed  and  spoke  with  difficulty.  At  his  request  he 
was  bled  by  one  of  his  overseers,  and  in  the  mean  time 
a  messenger  went  for  Dr.  Craik,  who  lived  nine  miles  off, 
at  Alexandria.  As  no  relief  was  obtained  by  bleeding, 
and  the  symptoms  were  such  as  to  alarm  the  family,  an 
other  messenger  was  despatched  for  Dr.  Brown,  who  re 
sided  nearer  Mount  Vernon.  These  physicians  arrived  in 
the  morning,  and  Dr.  Dick  in  the  course  of  the  day.  All 
the  remedies,  which  their  united  counsel  could  devise, 
were  used  without  effect. 

His  suffering  was  acute  and  unabated  through  the  day,  ma  death 
but  he  bore  it  with  perfect  composure  and  resignation.  Dec.  14. 
Towards  evening  he  said  to  Dr.  Craik  ;  "  I  die  hard,  but 
I  am  not  afraid  to  die.  I  believed  from  my  first  attack, 
that  I  should  not  survive  it.  My  breath  cannot  last  long." 
Prom  that  time  he  said  little,  except  to  thank  the  phy 
sicians  for  their  kindness,  and  request  they  would  give 
themselves  no  more  trouble,  but  let  him  die  quietly.  No 
thing  further  was  done,  and  he  sank  gradually  till  between 
ten  and  eleven  o'clock  at  night,  when  he  expired,  in  the 
sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the  full  possession  of 
his  mental  faculties  ;  exhibiting  in  this  short  and  painful 
illness,  and  in  his  death,  the  same  example  of  patience, 
fortitude,  and  submission  to  the  Divine  will,  which  he 
had  shown  in  all  the  acts  of  his  life.  On  Wednesday, 


488 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  67. 


CHAPTER 
XIX. 

1799. 

Proceedings 
of  Congress 
on  receiving 
the  news  of 
his  death. 


Congress 
go  into 
mourning. 


the  18th  of  December,  his  remains  were  deposited  in  the 
family  tomb  at  Mount  Vernon.-* 

Congress  was  at  this  time  in  session  at  Philadelphia; 
and,  when  the  news  of  the  melancholy  event  arrived  at 
the  seat  of  government,  both  houses  immediately  adjourn 
ed  for  the  remainder  of  the  day.  The  next  morning,  as 
soon  as  the  House  of  Representatives  had  convened,  Mr. 
Marshall,  afterwards  Chief  Justice,  rose  in  his  place,  and 
addressed  the  Speaker  in  an  eloquent  and  pathetic  speech, 
briefly  recounting  the  public  acts  of  Washington.  "Let 
us,  then,"  said  he,  at  the  conclusion,  "  pay  the  last  trib 
ute  of  respect  and  affection  to  our  departed  friend.  Let 
the  Grand  Council  of  the  nation  display  those  sentiments, 
which  the  nation  feels."  He  then  offered  three  resolu 
tions,  previously  prepared  by  General  Henry  Lee,  which 
were  accepted.  By  these  it  was  proposed,  that  the  house 
should  in  a  body  wait  on  the  President  to  express  their 
condolence  ;  that  the  Speaker's  chair  should  be  shrouded 
in  black,  and  the  members  and  officers  of  the  house  be 
dressed  in  black,  during  the  session  ;  and  that  a  com 
mittee,  in  conjunction  with  a  committee  from  the  Senate, 
should  be  appointed  "  to  consider  on  the  most  suitable 
manner  of  paying  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  man,  first 
in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow 
citizens." 

The  Senate  testified  their  respect  and  sorrow  by  simi 
lar  proceedings.  A  joint  committee  of  the  two  houses 
was  appointed,  who  reported  resolutions  ^recommending, 
that  a  marble  monument  should  be  erected  to  commem 
orate  the  great  events  in  the  military  and  political  life 
of  Washington;  that  an  oration,  suited  to  the  occasion, 
should  be  pronounced  in  the  presence  of  both  houses  of 
Congress ;  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  should 
wear  crape  on  the  left  arm  thirty  days  as  a  badge  of 
mourning  ;  and  that  the  President,  in  the  name  of  Con- 


*  A  particular  account  of  the  last  illness  and  death  of  Washington 
is  contained  in  the  Appendix,  No.  VI. 


JEr.67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  489 

gress,  should  be  requested  to  write  a  letter  of  condolence    CHAPTER 
to  Mrs.  Washington.     These  resolutions  were  unanimously       XIX> 
adopted.      The  funeral  ceremonies    were    appropriate    and     1799. 
solemn.      A  procession,  consisting  of  the  members  of  the     Dec.  26. 
two  houses,  public  officers,  and  a  large  assemblage  of  citi 
zens,  moved    from  the  hall    of   Congress   to   the    German 
Lutheran    Church,    where  a   discourse    was    delivered   by 
General  Lee,   then  a  representative   in  Congress.* 

But  no  formal  act  of  the  national  legislature  was  requir-  Mourning 
ed  to  stir  up  the  hearts  of  the  people,  or  to  remind  them  throughout 

-       '  the  nation. 

of  the  loss  they  had  sustained  in  the  death  of  a  man, 
whom  they  had  so  long  been  accustomed  to  love  and 
revere,  and  the  remembrance  of  whose  deeds  and  virtues 
was  so  closely  connected  with  that  of  their  former  perils, 
and  of  the  causes  of  their  present  prosperity  and  happi 
ness.  The  mourning  was  universal.  It  was  manifested 
by  every  token,  which  could  indicate  the  public  sentiment 
and  feeling.  Orators,  divines,  journalists,  and  writers  of 
every  class,  responded  to  the  general  voice  in  all  parts 
of  the  country,  and  employed  their  talents  to  solemnize 
the  event,  and  to  honor  the  memory  of  him,  who,  more 
than  any  other  man,  of  ancient  or  modern  renown,  may 
claim  to  be  called  THE  FATHER  OF  HIS  COUNTRY,  f 

*  See  Appendix,  No.  VII. 

f  Bonaparte  rendered  unusual  honors  to  the  name  of  Washington, 
not  long  after  the  event  of  his  death  was  made  known  in  France.  By 
what  motives  he  was  prompted,  it  is  needless  to  inquire.  At  any  rate, 
both  the  act  itself  and  his  manner  of  performing  it  are  somewhat  re 
markable,  when  regarded  in  connexion  with  his  subsequent  career.  He 
was  then  First  Consul.  On  the  9th  of  February,  he  issued  the  follow 
ing  order  of  the  day  to  the  army.  "  Washington  is  dead.  This  great 
man  fought  against  tyranny ;  he  established  the  liberty  of  his  country. 
His  memory  will  always  be  dear  to  the  French  people,  as  it  will  be 
to  all  free  men  of  the  two  worlds  ;  and  especially  to  French  soldiers, 
who,  like  him  and  the  American  soldiers,  have  combated  for  liberty 
and  equality."  The  First  Consul  likewise  ordered,  that,  during  ten 
days,  black  crape  should  be  suspended  from  all  the  standards  and  flags 
throughout  the  Republic.  On  the  same  day  a  splendid  ceremony  took 
place  in  the  Champ  de  Mars,  and  the  trophies  brought  by  the  army 
from  Egypt  were  displayed  with  great  pomp.  Immediately  after  this 
ceremony  was  over,  a  funeral  oration  in  honor  of  Washington,  (Eloge 
62 


490  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  [^Er.  67. 

CHAPTER        The  person  of  Washington  was  commanding,  graceful, 

XIX"       and  fitly  proportioned  ;  his  stature  six  feet,  his  chest  broad 

1799.     and  fuu?  njs  limbs  long  and  somewhat  slender,  but  well 

character  of  shaped  and  muscular.  His  features  were  regular  and 
symmetrical,  his  eyes  of  a  light  blue  color,  and  his  whole 
countenance,  in  its  quiet  state,  was  grave,  placid,  and 
benignant.  When  alone,  or  not  engaged  in  conversation, 
he  appeared  sedate  and  thoughtful ;  but,  when  his  atten 
tion  was  excited,  his  eye  kindled  quickly  and  his  face 
beamed  with  animation  und  intelligence.  He  was  not 
fluent  in  speech,  but  what  he  said  was  apposite,  and  lis 
tened  to  with  the  more  interest  as  being  known  to  come 
from  the  heart.  He  seldom  attempted  sallies  of  wit  or 
humor,  but  no  man  received  more  pleasure  from  an  ex 
hibition  of  them  by  others ;  and,  although  contented  in 
seclusion,  he  sought  his  chief  happiness  in  society,  and 
participated  with  delight  in  all  its  rational  and  innocent 
amusements.  Without  austerity  on  the  one  hand,  or  an 
appearance  of  condescending  familiarity  on  the  other,  he 
was  affable,  courteous,  and  cheerful ;  but  it  has  often  been 
remarked,  that  there  was  a  dignity  in  his  person  and 
manner,  not  easy  to  be  defined,  which  impressed  every 
one  that  saw  him  for  the  first  time  with  an  instinctive 
deference  and  awe.  This  may  have  arisen  in  part  from 
a  conviction  of  his  superiority,  as  well  as  from  the  effect 
produced  by  his  external  form  and  deportment. 

Funebre  de  Washington)  was  pronounced  by  M.  de  Fontaines,  in  the 
Hotel  des  Invalides,  then  called  the  Temple  of  Mars.  The  First  Con 
sul,  and  all  the  civil  and  military  authorities  of  the  capital,  were  present. 
It  may  here  be  mentioned,  that  Washington  was  never  a  Marshal 
of  France,  as  has  been  said  and  often  repeated. 

Another  tribute  was  paid  to  his  memory,  which  is  worthy  of  being 
recorded.  About  the  time  that  the  news  of  his  death  arrived  in  Eng 
land,  the  British  fleet,  which  had  recently  chased  the  French  fleet 
into  the  harbor  of  Brest,  was  lying  at  Torbay,  and  consisted  of  nearly 
sixty  ships  of  the  line.  Lord  Bridport,  who  had  the  command,  on  hear 
ing  the  intelligence,  lowered  his  flag  half-mast.  His  example  was 
followed  by  the  whole  fleet.  This  fact  was  communicated  to  me 
by  an  American  gentleman,  who  was  on  board  one  of  the  ships  at 
the  time. 


JEr.  67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  491 

The  character  of  his  mind  was  unfolded  in  the  public  CHAPTER 

and  private  acts  of  his  life ;  and  the  proofs  of  his  great-  XIX> 

ness  are  seen  almost  as  much  in   the    one  as   the   other.  1799. 

The  same  qualities,   which  raised  him  to  the  ascendency  intellectual 

traits  and 

he  possessed  over  the  will  of  a  nation  as  the  commander 
of  armies  and  chief  magistrate,  caused  him  to  be  loved 
and  respected  as  an  individual.  Wisdom,  judgment,  pru 
dence,  and  firmness  were  his  predominant  traits.  No  man 
ever  saw  more  clearly  the  relative  importance  of  things 
and  actions,  or  divested  himself"  more  entirely  of  the  bias 
of  personal  interest,  partiality,  and  prejudice,  in  discrimi 
nating  between  the  true  and  the  false,  the  right  and  the 
wrong,  in  all  questions  and  subjects  that  were  presented 
to  him.  He  deliberated  slowly,  but  decided  surely ;  and, 
when  his  decision  was  once  formed,  he  seldom  reversed 
it,  and  never  relaxed  from  the  execution  of  a  measure 
till  it  was  completed.  Courage,  physical  and  moral,  was 
a  part  of  his  nature  ;  and,  whether  in  battle  or  in  the 
midst  of  popular  excitement,  he  was  fearless  of  danger 
and  regardless  of  consequences  to  himself. 

His  ambition  was  of  that  noble  kind,  which  aims  to 
excel  in  whatever  it  undertakes,  and  to  acquire  a  power 
over  the  hearts  of  men  by  promoting  their  happiness  and 
winning  their  affections.  Sensitive  to  the  approbation  of 
others  and  solicitous  to  deserve  it,  he  made  no  concessions 
to  gain  their  applause,  either  by  flattering  their  vanity  or 
yielding  to  their  caprices.  Cautious  without  timidity,  bold 
without  rashness,  cool  in  counsel,  deliberate  but  firm  in 
action,  clear  in  foresight,  patient  under  reverses,  steady, 
persevering,  and  self-possessed,  he  met  and  conquered  every 
obstacle  that  obstructed  his  path  to  honor,  renown,  and 
success.  More  confident  in  the  uprightness  of  his  inten 
tions,  than  in  his  resources,  he  sought  knowledge  and 
advice  from  other  men.  He  chose  his  counsellors  with 
unerring  sagacity  ;  and  his  quick  perception  of  the  sound 
ness  of  an  opinion,  and  of  the  strong  points  in  an  argu 
ment,  enabled  him  to  draw  to  his  aid  the  best  fruits  of 
their  talents,  and  the  light  of  their  collected  wisdom. 


492 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


.  67. 


His  moral 
qualities. 


His  moral  qualities  were  in  perfect  harmony  with  those 
of  his  intellect.  Duty  was  the  ruling  principle  of  his 
1799.  conduct;  and  the  rare  endowments  of  his  understanding 
were  not  more  constantly  tasked  to  devise  the  best  meth 
ods  of  effecting  an  object,  than  they  were  to  guard  the 
sanctity  of  conscience.  No  instance  can  be  adduced,  in 
which  he  was  actuated  by  a  sinister  motive,  or  endeavor 
ed  to  attain  an  end  by  unworthy  means.  Truth,  integ 
rity,  and  justice  were  deeply  rooted  in  his  mind  ;  and 
nothing  could  rouse  his  indignation  so  soon,  or  so  utter 
ly  destroy  his  confidence,  as  the  discovery  of  the  want 
of  these  virtues  in  any  one  whom  he  had  trusted.  Weak 
nesses,  follies,  indiscretions,  he  could  forgive  ;  but  subter 
fuge  and  dishonesty  he  never  forgot,  rarely  pardoned.  He 
was  candid  and  sincere,  true  to  his  friends,  and  faithful 
to  all,  neither  practising  dissimulation,  descending  to  arti 
fice,  nor  holding  out  expectations  which  he  did  not  intend 
should  be  realized.  His  passions  were  strong,  and  some 
times  they  broke  out  with  vehemence,  but  he  had  the 
power  of  checking  them  in  an  instant.  Perhaps  self- 
control  was  the  most  remarkable  trait  of  his  character. 
It  was  in  part  the  effect  of  discipline  ;  yet  he  seems  by 
nature  to  have  possessed  this  power  to  a  degree,  which 
has  been  denied  to  other  men. 

A  Christian  in  faith  and  practice,  he  was  habitually 
devout.  His  reverence  for  religion  is  seen  in  his  exam 
ple,  his  public  communications,  and  his  private  writings. 
He  uniformly  ascribed  his  successes  to  the  beneficent 
agency  of  the  Supreme  Being.  Charitable  and  humane, 
he  was  liberal  to  the  poor,  and  kind  to  those  in  distress. 
As  a  husband,  son,  and  brother,  he  was  tender  and  affec 
tionate.  Without  vanity,  ostentation,  or  pride,  he  never 
spoke  of  himself  or  his  actions,  unless  required  by  cir 
cumstances  which  concerned  the  public  interests.  As  he 
was  free  from  envy,  so  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape 
the  envy  of  others,  by  standing  on  an  elevation  which 
none  could  hope  to  attain.  If  he  had  one  passion  more 
strong  than  another,  it  was  love  of  his  country.  The 


Reverence 
for  religion. 


^Ex.  67.]  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  493 

purity   and    ardor   of    his    patriotism    were    commensurate    CHAPTER 

with  the    greatness  of    its    object.      Love   of    country    in ^* 

him  was  invested  with  the  sacred  obligation  of  a  duty ;     1 7  9  9  • 
and   from    the   faithful   discharge   of   this   duty   he  never 
swerved  for  a  moment,  either  in  thought  or  deed,  through 
the  whole  period  of  his  eventful  career. 

Such  are  some  of  the  traits  in  the  character  of  Wash-  conclusion, 
ington,  which  have  acquired  for  him  the  love  and  venera 
tion  of  mankind.  If  they  are  not  marked  with  the  bril 
liancy,  extravagance,  and  eccentricity,  which  in  other 
men  have  excited  the  astonishment  of  the  world,  so  neith 
er  are  they  tarnished  by  the  follies  nor  disgraced  by  the 
crimes  of  those  men.  It  is  the  happy  combination  of 
rare  talents  and  qualities,  the  harmonious  union  of  the 
intellectual  and  moral  powers,  rather  than  the  dazzling 
splendor  of  any  one  trait,  which  constitute  the  grandeur 
of  his  character.  If  the  title  of  great  man  ought  to  be 
reserved  for  him,  who  cannot  be  charged  with  an  indis 
cretion  or  a  vice,  who  spent  his  life  in  establishing  the 
independence,  the  glory,  and  durable  prosperity  of  his 
country,  who  succeeded  in  all  that  he  undertook,  and 
whose  successes  were  never  won  at  the  expense  of  honor, 
justice,  integrity,  or  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  single  principle, 
this  title  will  not  be  denied  to  Washington. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I.  p.  3. 
ORIGIN  AND    GENEALOGY  OF  THE  WASHINGTON  FAMILY. 

THERE  was  a  tradition  in  the  branch  of  the  Washington  fam-  APPENDIX, 
ily  to  which  General  Washington  belonged,  that  their  ancestors  No" L  _ 
emigrated  to  America  from  Yorkshire  in  the  North  of  England.  Origin  of  the 

, .   .  Washington 

No  facts  had  been  collected,  however,  to  confirm  this  tradition,  family 
nor  did  General  Washington  himself  pretend  to  -have  any  certain 
knowledge  on  the  subject.  Soon  after  he  became  President  of 
the  United  States,  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  then  Garter  King  of  Arms 
in  London,  wrote  to  him,  stating  that  from  curiosity  he  had  been 
at  considerable  pains  to  investigate  this  matter,  and  had  made 
some  progress,  but  that  he  was  still  in  doubt  as  to  several  points, 
and  he  requested  such  particulars  as  could  be  furnished  by  the 
family  in  America. 

To  gratify  this  request,  as  far  as  it  was  in  his  power,  Wash 
ington  applied  to  several  aged  persons  for  their  reminiscences, 
procured  copies  and  abstracts  of  wills,  and  collected  such  other 
materials  as  could  be  found,  from  which  he  drew  up  a  paper  and 
forwarded  it  to  the  Garter  King  of  Arms.  This  paper  was  the 
basis  of  an  imperfect  genealogical  table,  which  was  constructed 
and  sent  to  Mount  Vernon ;  but  an  inflammation  of  the  eyes, 
which  seems  to  have  afflicted  Sir  Isaac  Heard  for  several  years 
before  his  death,  prevented  his  pursuing  the  inquiry ;  and  it  does 
not  appear  that  Washington  obtained  any  other  facts  than  those 
contained  in  the  paper  above  mentioned.  Sir  Isaac  Heard  ascer 
tained,  however,  that  the  two  brothers,  who  were  the  first  of  the 
family  that  came  to  America,  were  not  from  Yorkshire,  but  from 
Northamptonshire,  and  he  traced  their  ancestors  to  Lancashire. 

While  I  was  in    England,  searching    for   the   materials  which 
have   been  used   to  fill  out  and  illustrate  various  parts  of  Wash- 
63  z<2* 


498  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  ington's  writings,  I  embraced  the  opportunity  to  make  further 
No'Ij  inquiries  respecting  the  origin  and  history  of  the  .family.  At  the 
Herald's  College  I  was  politely  allowed  access  to  all  the  manu 
scripts  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard  on  this  subject ;  and,  with  the  aid  of 
these  and  of  the  voluminous  county  histories  in  the  public  libra 
ries,  I  was  enabled  to  collect  a  few  facts,  which  may  be  thought 
worthy  of  being  preserved  in  connexion  with  the  life  of  one, 
who  has  added  so  much  lustre  to  the  name. 

In  the  County  of  Durham  is  a  parish  called  Washington,  and 
the  earliest  period,  in  which  any  person  is  known,  or  supposed, 
to  have  been  called  by  that  name,  was  towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century.  The  following  is  Hutchinson's  account  of  this 
parish. 

wuiiam de  "The  manor  is  mentioned  in  the  Boldon  Book,*  wherein  it  is 
said  WILLIAM  DE  HERTBURN  held  the  same,  except  the  church 
and  the  lands  thereto  appertaining,  in  exchange  for  the  vill  of 
Hertburn,  rendering  four  pounds,  serving  in  the  great  chase  with 
two  greyhounds,  and  paying  one  mark  to  the  palatine  aid,  when 
such  happened  to  be  raised.  At  the  time  of  making  Bishop  Hat- 
field's  survey ,t  the  resident  family  had  assumed  a  local  name,  and 

wniiam  de     WILLIAM  DE  WESSYNGTON,  knight,  then  held  the  manor  and  vill. 

Wessyngton. 

On  the  inquisition  taken  at  his  death,  in  the  twenty-second  year 
of  that  prelatej  it  appears  that  in  his  service  he  was  to  provide 
three  greyhounds  for  the  chase,  and,  if  he  took  any  game  in  his 
way  to  the  forest,  it  should  be  for  the  Bishop's  use,  but  what  he 
got  on  his  return  was  to  be  taken  for  his  own  benefit.  In  Bishop 
Langley's§  time,  we  find  Washington  was  become  the  estate  of 
the  Blackstons."  || 

The  same  particulars  are  stated  by  Shurtees,  who  adds  the 
following. 

"It  seems  probable,  that  either  William  de  Hertburn,  or  his 
immediate  descendants,  assumed  the  local  name ;  for  William  de 
Wessyngton  occurs  as  a  witness  in  charters  of  Bishops  Robert  de 
Stitchell,^  and  de  Insula.**  William  de  Wessyngton,  chevalier, 

'  "  *  So  called  from  the  parish  of  Boldon  (near  Washington),  where  it  was 
written  in  1180,  it  being  a  record  of  survey." 

"  t  About  A.  D.   1345,  when  Hatfield  was  made  Bishop." 

"  t  About  1367." 

"  §  Langley  was  made  Bishop  in  1406,  and  died  in  1437." 

||  HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  489. 

IT  Robert  de  Stitchell  was  made  Bishop  of  Durham  in  1261,  and  died  in 
1274.  —  HDTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  214. 

**  Robert  de  Insula,  made  Bishop  in  1274,  died  1283.  —  Ibid.  p.  223. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  499 

had  license  to  settle  the  manor   on  himself,   his   wife  Katherine,   APPENDIX, 
and    his    own    right    heirs,  in  1350,  and  died  in  1367,  seized  of        No' L 
the  whole    manor  and  vill,    by   the   abovementioned  free   rent  of 
four  pounds,  leaving  William  his  son  and  heir,  who  held  by  the 
same  tenure  under  Hatfield's  survey.     Before  1400  the  direct  line 
expired  in  another  William,  whose  only  daughter,  Dionisia,  married 
Sir  William  Tempest  of  Studley."* 

From  these  authorities  it  appears,  that  Hertburn  was  the  original 
name  of  the  Washington  family,  that  the  latter  name  probably  was 
assumed  by  William  de  Hertburn  between  the  years  1261  and  1274, 
and  that  the  manor  was  held  in  the  male  line  till  about  the  year 
1400,  or  one  hundred  and  thirty  years.  During  this  period  the 
name  seems  to  have  been  usually  written  Wessyngton,  though  it  is 
sometimes  found  Wessington.  In  its  subsequent  changes  it  was 
probably  written  variously  at  different  times,  and  by  different 
branches  of  the  family.  At  the  Herald's  College,  in  the  "  VISITA 
TION  BOOK  "  (so  called)  of  Northamptonshire  for  the  year  1618, 
I  found  the  autographs  of  Alban  Wasshington  and  Robert  Was- 
shington.  These  persons  were  uncles  to  John  and  Lawrence 
Washington,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia. 

Notwithstanding  that  the  manor  Was  no  longer  held  by  a  person    j0hn  de 
of  the  same  name,  yet  the  family  extended  itself;   and  one  of  the 
number,  called  John  de   Wessyngton,  attained  to  considerable  emi 
nence  as  a  scholar  and  divine,  being  elected  Prior  of  Durham  on 
the  5th  of  November,  1416. 

"  This  learned  Prior,"  says  Hutchinson,  "  wrote  many  tracts, 
particularly  one,  De  Juribus  et  Possessionibus  Ecdesia  Dunelm., 
wherein  he  proves,  that  the  Priors  of  Durham  were  always  in 
vested  with  the  dignity  of  Abbots.  There  are  some  of  his  man 
uscripts  in  the  Dean  and  Chapter's  library.  The  account  of  the 
paintings  in  the  windows,  and  of  the  ornaments  and  ceremonies 
of  the  church,  now  extant,  is  by  some  attributed  to  him.  He  re 
newed  the  dispute  with  the  bishop  touching  the  profession  of  the 
monks,  which  was  determined  in  the  Prior's  favor,  and  presided 
at  the  general  chapter  held  for  the  order  of  St.  Benedict,  at  North 
ampton,  in  the  year  1426.  In  his  time  several  licenses  were  ob 
tained  for  acquiring  lands  for  the  monastery.  Prior  Wessyngton 
presided  thirty  years,  and  departed  this  life  in  the  year  1446.  He 
was  buried  before  the  door  of  the  north  aisle,  near  to  St.  Bene 
dict's  altar.  On  his  tombstone  was  an  inscription  in  brass,  now 
totally  lost/'t 

*  SHURTEES'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  40. 
t  HUTCHINSON'S  History  of  Durham,  Vol.  II.  p.  96. 


500  LIFE    OF  WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  Concerning  the  times  in  which  the  several  branches  of  the  fam- 
No'  L  ily  separated  from  the  original  stock,  and  the  directions  in  which 

Branches  of    they  spread,  very  little  is  known.      During  the  century  following 

ington  fam-  Prior  Wessyngton's  death,  we  can  trace  them  in  Northumberland, 
Yorkshire,  Lancashire,  Warwickshire,  Northamptonshire,  and  per 
haps  in  other  parts  of  England.  If  we  may  judge  from  the  records 
of  the  transfers  of  estates  and  monumental  inscriptions  contained 
in  the  county  histories,  many,  who  bore  the  name,  were  persons 
of  wealth  and  consideration.  Their  armorial  bearings  were  varied, 
but  whether  to  distinguish  different  branches  of  the  family,  or  for 
other  reasons,  neither  my  knowledge  of  their  history,  nor  my  skill 
in  heraldry,  enables  me  to  decide.* 

Joseph  The  prior  of  Durham  was  not  the  only  man  of  learning  among 

them.  Joseph  Washington,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  Gray's  Inn, 
Thoresby  says,  "  is  to  be  remembered  among  the  authors."  He 
wrote  the  first  volume  of  "  Modern  Reports"  ;  "  Observations  upon 
the  Ecclesiastical  Jurisdiction  of  the  Kings  of  England,"  published 
in  1689  ;  "  Abridgment  of  the  Statutes  to  1687  "  ;  a  translation  of 
part  of  "  Lucian's  Dialogues  "  ;  and  other  tracts.t  He  was  buried 

*  The  following  extract  from  ^dmondson's  Heraldry  will  show  some  of 
the  varieties,  as  adopted  by  the  Washingtons,  in  several  counties. 

WASHINGTON  ARMS. 

"1.  Gules  on  a  fess  argent,  three  mullets  pierced  of  the  field. 

"  2.  In  Buckinghamshire,  Kent,  Warwickshire,  and  Northamptonshire,  ar 
gent,  two  bars  gules  in  chief,  three  mullets  of  the  second.  Crest,  a  raven 
with  wings  indorsed  proper,  issuing  out  of  a  ducal  coronet  or. 

"  3.  Gules,  two  bars  in  chief,  three  martlets  of  the  second. 

"  4.  In  Lancashire  ;  barry  of  four  argent  and  gules  on  a  chief  of  the  sec 
ond,  three  mullets  of  the  first. 

"  5.  In  Yorkshire ;  vert,  a  lion  rampant  argent,  within  a  bordure  gobonated 
argent  and  azure." 

The  second  variety  here  described  was  the  one  used  by  General  Wash 
ington,  being  probably  the  original  arms  of  the  family. 

i  THORESBY'S  History  of  Leeds,  p.  97.  Toland  says,  that  he  was  the 
translator  of  Milton's  Defensio  pro  Populo  Anglicano,  in  reply  to  Salmasius. 
Life  of  Milton,  p.  84.  The  translator's  name  is  not  prefixed  to  the  first  edi 
tion;  but  the  publisher  states  in  an  advertisement,  "that  the  person,  who 
took  the  pains  to  translate  it,  did  it  partly  for  his  own  private  entertainment, 
and  partly  to  gratify  one  or  two  of  his  friends,  without  any  design  of  mak 
ing  it  public,  and  is  since  deceased."  This  edition  was  printed  in  the  year 
1692,  and  it  is  probable,  that  Joseph  Washington  had  died  not  long  before 
that  time.  The  translation  is  the  same,  that  is  usually  printed  with  Milton's 
prose  writings.  The  interest  he  took  in  this  performance  indicates  the  tenor 
of  his  political  sentiments,  as  well  as  the  fact  mentioned  by  Hunter,  that  he 
was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  celebrated  Lord  Somers. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  501 

in  the  Benchers'  Vault  of  the  Inner  Temple.     He  was  of  the  Ad-  APPENDIX 
wick   family,  son  of  Robert  Washington,  a  wealth)'  merchant,  who       No-  L 
lived  and  died   at  Anstrope  Hall,  near  Leeds. 

Anthony  Wood  says,  in  his  "  History  of  the  University  of  Richard 
Oxford,"  that  it  was  allowed  by  the  venerable  association,  that 
several  persons  "  might  have  liberty  when  they  pleased  to  be 
created  doctors  of  divinity  j  but  they  refused  then  and  the  next 
year  to  accept  that  favor."  Among  the  persons,  who  declined  this 
honor,  was  Richard  Washington  of  University  College.*  And 
Mr.  Hunter  cites  Wood,  as  giving  an  account '  of  a  remarkable 
collection  of  arms  and  pictures  in  the  apartments  of  Philip  Wash 
ington,  of  the  same  college,  who  died  in  1635.t 

In  the  history  of  the  civil  wars,  another  of  the  family,  named  sir  Henry 
Henry  Washington,  is  renowned  for  the  resolute  and  spirited  man 
ner,  in  which  he  defended  the  city  of  Worcester  against  the  forces 
of  the  Parliament  in  1646. 

"  Lord  Astley,  who  had  succeeded  Colonel  Sandys  as  Governor 
of  Worcester,  being  taken  prisoner  and  confined  at  Warwick,  Sir 
Henry  Washington  was  made  Governor  and  Colonel  in  his  absence. 
In  the  Herald's  College  it  appears,  that  the  last  entry  of  this  gen 
tleman's  family  was  made  there  in  the  year  1618,  at  which  time 
the  name  of  Henry  Washington,  son  and  heir  of  William  Wash 
ington  of  Packington,  in  the  county  of  Leicester,  occurs ;  who, 
on  the  following  grounds,  is  conjectured  to  have  been  afterwards 
the  Governor  of  Worcester.  First,  the  name  of  Henry  does  not 
occur  at  all  in  any  other  pedigree  of  Washington.  Secondly,  his 
mother  was  half-sister  to  the  famous  George  Villiers,  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  which  accounts  for  his  great  attachment  to  the  King. 
An  uncle  of  this  Henry  Washington,  mentioned  in  the  entry  of 
the  College  of  Arms  above  cited,  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
ancestor  of  the  renowned  General  George  Washington."  f 

In  the  Appendix  to  the  second  volume  of  Nash's  History  of 
Worcestershire,  there  is  a  highly  interesting  narrative  of  the  siege 
of  Worcester,  drawn  from  the  diary  of  a  gentleman,  who  was 
in  the  city  during  the  whole  siege.  The  conduct  of  the  Governor 
appears  throughout  to  the  greatest  advantage.  His  spirit  and 
firmness  will  be  evident  from  his  first  letter  to  General  Fairfax, 
who  demanded  a  surrender  on  the  16th  of  May,  eleven  days  after 
the  King  had  escaped  in  disguise  from  Oxford. 

*  Fasti  Oxonienses,  p.  57. 

t  HUNTER'S  History  and  Topography  of  the  Deanery  of  Doncaster,  Vol.  I. 
p.  353. 

t  GREENE'S  History  of  Worcestershire,  Vol.  II.  Append,  p.  154. 


502  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  "  It  is  acknowledged  by  your  books,  and  by  report  out  of  your 
No>  L  own  quarters,"  said  Governor  Washington,  in  reply  to  Fairfax, 
'*  that  the  King  is  in  some  of  your  armies.  That  granted,  it  may 
be  easy  for  you  to  procure  his  Majesty's  commands  for  the  disposal 
of  this  garrison.  Till  then,  I  shall  make  good  the  trust  reposed 
in  me.  As  for  conditions,  if  I  shall  be  necessitated,  I  shall  make 
the  best  I  can.  The  worst  I  know,  and 'fear  not;  if  I  had,  the 
profession  of  a  soldier  had  not  been  begun,  nor  so  long  continued, 
by  your  Excellency's  humble  servant." 

The  King's  fortunes  were  now  desperate ;  but  the  siege  was 
maintained  even  against  all  hope,  for  nearly  three  months,  when 
honorable  conditions  were  granted. 

That  this  Sir  Henry  Washington  was  the  same  person,  whose 
name  is  conjectured  above  to  be  entered  in  the  last  Visitation 
Book  in  the  Herald's  College,  the  circumstantial  evidence  is 
strong.  In  Baker's  pedigree  of  this  branch  of  the  family,  Henry 
Washington  is  stated  to  have  been  eight  years  old  in  1618.  But 
in  the  original  book  at  the  College  I  found  the  entry  to  be  three 
years.  The  error  was  probably  occasioned  by  a  misprint  of  a 
figure.  According  to  the  original  entry,  therefore,  he  would  have 
been  thirty-one  years  old  at  the  siege  of  Worcester,  in  1646.  He 
was  nephew  to  John  and  Lawrence  Washington,  who  emigrated 
to  America  about  eleven  years  after  the  siege  of  Worcester,  and 
of  course  first  cousin  to  General  George  Washington's  grandfather.* 
Washington*  The  ancestors  of  General  Washington  in  a  direct  line  are  traced 
shire.  Jo  Whitfield  and  Warton  in  the  County  of  Lancaster.  Whitaker, 

in  his  History  of  Northamptonshire,  says  of  the  parish  church  at 
Warton ;  "  The  tower  appears  to  be  contemporary  with  the  resto 
ration  of  the  church,  and  on  the  north  side  of  the  door  are  the 
arms  of  Washington,  an  old  family  of  considerable  property  within 
the  parish ;  whence  it  may  be  inferred,  that  one  of  the  name  either 
built  the  steeple  at  his  own  expense,  or  was  at  least  a  considerable 
benefactor  to  the  work."  Baker  gives  a  pedigree  of  the  family  in 
Lancaster  County  for  three  generations.  At  what  time  the  migra- 

*  This  Henry  Washington  is  doubtless  the  same  mentioned  by  Clarendon, 
as  having  distinguished  himself  at  the  taking  of  Bristol,  in  1643,  three  years 
before  the  siege  of  Worcester.  "  Though  the  division,"  says  Clarendon, 
"  led  on  by  Lord  Grandison  was  beaten  off,  Lord  Grandison  himself  being 
hurt ;  and  the  other,  led  on  by  Colonel  Bellasis,  likewise  had  no  better  for 
tune  ;  yet  Colonel  Washington,  with  a  less  party,  finding  a  place  in  the 
curtain,  between  the  places  assailed  by  the  other  two,  weaker  than  the  rest, 
entered,  and  quickly  made  room  for  the  horse  to  follow."  —  History  of  the 
Rebellion,  Book  VII. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  503 

tion  of  some  of  the  members  to  the  south  took  place  is  uncertain.  APPENDIX 
The  earliest  notice  we  have  on  the  subject  is  in  1532,  when  Law 
rence  Washington,  son  of  John  Washington  of  Warton,  was  mayor 
of  Northampton.  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Robert  Kilson 
of  Warton,  and  sister  to  Sir  Thomas  Kilson,  alderman  of  London. 
From  this  date  the  genealogy  is  unbroken.  Upon  the  surrender 
of  the  monasteries  in  1538,  the  manor  of  Sulgrave  near  North 
ampton,  which  belonged  to  the  Priory  of  St.  Andrew,  was  given 
up  to  the  crown  ;  and  the  next  year  this  manor,  and  other  lands 
in  the  vicinity,  were  granted  to  Lawrence  Washington.  Among  the 
manuscripts  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard  I  found  a  letter  to  him  from  Mr. 
Wykam,  dated  at  Sulgrave,  August  15th,  1793,  from  which  the 
following  extract  is  taken. 

"  There  is  in  our  parish  church  on  a  stone  slab  a  brass  plate,  Lawrence 
with   this   inscription   in   the  old  black   character.      '  Here   lyeih  ' 


buried  the  bodys  of  Lawrence  Wasshington,  Gent,  and  Anne  his 
wyf,  by  whome  he  had  issue  four  sons  and  seven  daughters  ;  which 
Lawrence  dyed  ye  day  of  An.  15^-;  and  Anne  deceased 
6th  day  of  October  ,  An.  Dm.  1564.'  On  the  same  stone  is  also 
a  shield  much  defaced,  and  effigies  in  brass  of  the  four  sons  and 
seven  daughters.  Over  the  four  sons  is  a  figure  larger  than  the 
rest,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  father's  effigy.  There  was  for 
merly  one  over  the  seven  daughters  ;  but  this  is  gone.  The  arms 
of  the  Wasshington  family  (so  spelled  on  six  of  the  seven)  were 
copied  from  some  painted  glass  of  the  old  manor-house  in  this 
village." 

The  death  of  this  Lawrence  Washington,  according  to  Baker,   Robert 
occurred  on  the  19th  of  February,  1584.     The  manor  of  Sulgrave   Washington' 
descended    to   his   eldest   son,    Robert.     It  was  long  held   in  the 
family,   and   thence    derived   the   name   of    Washington's   Manor. 
The  first  Lawrence  Washington  of  Sulgrave  had  eleven  children, 
four  sons  and  seven  daughters.     His  eldest  son  Robert  was  twice 
married,   and   had  sixteen  children,  ten   sons   and   six    daughters. 
Lawrence,   the    eldest   son   of  Robert  Washington,   had    fourteen 
children,   seven   sons   and  seven  daughters.     The  eldest  son  was 
Sir  William  Washington  of  Packington,  who  married  the  half-sister   su-  William 
of  George  Villiers,  Duke  of  Buckingham,  as  stated  above,  and  was   Washinston- 
the  father   (as  is  supposed)  of  Sir  Henry  Washington,  the  defender 
of  Worcester.     The   second    and   fourth  of  these  sons  were  John 
and    Lawrence  Washington,   who  emigrated  to  Virginia  about  the 
year  1057.     They  were  great-grandsons  of  the  first  Lawrence  of 
Sulgrave  ;    and  John   was  the  great-grandfather  of  General  Wash- 


504  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   ington.     These  particulars  may  be  seen  more  at  large  in  Baker's 
No>L       pedigree  of  the  family  inserted  hereafter. 

The  second  son  of  the  first  Lawrence  Washington  of  Sulgrave 
was  Sir  Lawrence  Washington  of  Garsdon,  County  of  Wilts.  His 
Elizabeth  granddaughter,  Elizabeth  Washington*,  who  appears  to  have  been 
an  only  child  and  heiress,  married  Robert  Shirley,  Baron  Ferrers 
of  Chartley,  afterwards  Earl  Ferrers  and  Viscount  Tamworth. 
She  died  in  1693.  The  family  names  were  united,  and  Wash 
ington  Shirley,  a  son  of  Robert,  was  the  second  Earl  Ferrers. 
Some  of  the  other  Earls  since  that  time  have  borne  the  same 
name. 

The  history  of  the  American  branch  of  the  family,  as  far  as  it 
is  known,  is  contained  in  President  Washington's  letter  to  Sir 
Isaac  Heard,  in  reply  to  his  inquiries  on  the  subject. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON  TO  SIR  ISAAC  HEARD. 

«  Philadelphia,  2  May,  1792. 

"  SIR,  , 

Letter  to  Sir  "  Your  letter  of  the  7th  of  December  was  put  into  my  hands 
by  Mr.  Thornton,  and  I  must  request  that  you  will  accept  my 
acknowledgments,  as  well  for  the  polite  manner  in  which  you 
express  your  wishes  for  my  happiness,  as  for  the  trouble  you  have 
taken  in  making  genealogical  collections  relative  to  the  family  of 
Washington. 

"  This  is  a  subject  to  which  I  confess  I  have  paid  very  little 
attention.  My  time  has  been  so  much  occupied  in  the  busy  and 
active  scenes  of  life  from  an  early  period  of  it,  that  but  a  small 
portion  could  have  been  devoted  to  researches  of  this  nature,  even 
if  my  inclination  or  particular  circumstances  should  have  prompt 
ed  to  the  inquiry.  I  am  therefore  apprehensive,  that  it  will  not 
be  in  my  power,  circumstanced  as  I  am  at  present,  to  furnish  you 
with  materials  to  fill  up  the  sketch,  which  you  have  sent  me,  in  so 
accurate  a  manner  as  you  could  wish.  We  have  no  office  of 
record  in  this  country,  in  which  exact  genealogical  documents  are 
preserved ;  and  very  few  cases,  I  believe,  occur,  where  a  recur 
rence  to  pedigrees  for  any  considerable  distance  back  has  been 
found  necessary  to  establish  such  points,  as  may  frequently  arise 
in  older  countries. 

"  On  comparing  the  tables,  which  you  sent,  with  such  docu 
ments  as  are  in  my  possession,  and  which  I  could  readily  obtain 
from  another  branch  of  the  family  with  whom  I  am  in  the  habit 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  505 

of  correspondence,  I  find  it  to  be  just.      I  have  often  heard  others   APPENDIX 
of  the  family,  older  than  myself,  say,  that  our  ancestor,  who  first 
settled  in  this  country,  came  from  some  one  of  the  northern  coun 
ties  of  England  ;   but  whether  from  Lancashire,  Yorkshire,  or  one 
still   more  northerly,   I  do  not  precisely  remember. 

"  The  arms  enclosed  in  your  letter  are  the  same,  that  are  held 
by  the  family  here  ;  though  I  have  also  seen,  and  have  used,  as 
you  may  perceive  by  the  seal  to  this  packet,  a  flying  griffin  for 
the  crest. 

"  If  you  can  derive  any  information  from  the  enclosed  lineage, 
which  will  enable  you  to  complete  your  table,  I  shall  be  well 
pleased  in  having  been  the  means  of  assisting  you  in  those  re 
searches,  which  you  have  had  the  politeness  to  undertake,  and 
shall  be  glad  to  be  informed  of  the  result,  and  of  the  ancient  ped 
igree  of  the  family,  some  of  whom  I  find  intermixed  with  that  of 
Ferrers. 

"  Lawrence  Washington,  from  whose  Will  you  enclosed  an 
abstract,  was  my  grandfather.  The  other  abstracts,  which  you 
sent,  do  not,  I  believe,  relate  to  the  family  of  Washington  in 
Virginia ;  but  of  this  I  cannot  speak  positively. 

"  With  due  consideration,  I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

PARTICULARS  RESPECTING   THE    WASHINGTON  FAMILY,    ENCLOSED 
IN  THE  ABOVE  LETTER. 

"  In  the  year  1657,  or  thereabouts,  and  during  the  usurpation  Washington 
of  Oliver  Cromwell,  John  and  Lawrence  Washington,  brothers, 
emigrated  from  the  North  of  England,*  and  settled  at  Bridge's 
Creek,  on  the  Potomac  River,  in  the  County  of  Westmoreland. 
But  from  whom  they  descended,  the  subscriber  is  possessed  of  no 
document  to  ascertain. 


"  John  Washington  was  employed  as  general  against  the  Indi 
ans  in  Maryland,  and,  as  a  reward  for  his  services,  was  made  a 
colonel ;  and  the  parish  wherein  he  lived  was  called  after  him. 
He  married  Anne  Pope,  and  left  issue  two  sons,  Lawrence  and 
John,  and  one  daughter,  Anne,  who  married  Major  Francis  Wright. 

*  This  tradition  probably  arose  from  the  circumstance,  that  John  Washing 
ton  owned  an  estate  at  South  Cave,  in  the  East  Riding  of  the  County  of 
York,  where  he  resided  before  he  came  to  America. 

64  A3 


506  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   The  time  of  his  death  the  subscriber  is  not  able  to  ascertain ;  but 

_! it  appears  that  he  was  interred  in  a  vault,  which  had  been  erected 

Washington    at   Bridge's  Creek. 

family  in 
Virginia. 

"  Lawrence  Washington,  his  eldest  son,  married  Mildred  Warner, 
daughter  of  Colonel  Augustine  Warner,  of  Gloucester  County,  by 
whom  he  had  two  sons,  John  and  Augustine,  and  one  daughter, 
named  Mildred.  He  died  in  1697,  and  was  interred  in  the  family 
vault  at  Bridge's  Creek. 

"  John  Washington,  the  eldest  son  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred, 
married  Catharine  Whiting,  of  Gloucester  County,  where  he  settled, 
died,  and  was  buried.  He  had  two  sons,  Warner  and  Henry  ;  and 
three  daughters,  Mildred,  Elizabeth,  and  Catharine,  all  of  whom 
are  dead. 

"  Warner  Washington  married  first  Elizabeth  Macon,  daughter 
of  Colonel  William  Macon  of  New  Kent  County,  by  whom  he  had 
one  son,  who  is  now  living,  and  bears  the  name  of  Warner.  His 
second  wife  was  Hannah,  youngest  daughter  of  the  Honorable 
William  Fairfax,  by  whom  he  left  two  sons,  and  five  daughters,  as 
follows;  namely,  Mildred,  Hannah,  Catharine,  Elizabeth,  Louisa, 
Fairfax,  and  Whiting.  The  three  oldest  of  the  daughters  are  mar 
ried;  Mildred  to Throckmorton,  Hannah  to Whit 
ing,  and  Catharine  to Nelson.  After  his  second  marriage, 

he  removed  from  Gloucester,  and  settled  in  Frederic  County,  where 
he  died  in  1791. 

"  Warner  Washington,    his    son,   married Whiting    of 

Gloucester,  by  whom  he  has  many  sons  and  daughters ;  the  eldest 
is  called  Warner,  and   is  now  nearly,   if  not  quite,  of  age 

"  Henry,  the  other  son  of  John  and  Catharine  Washington, 
married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Thacker,  of  Middlesex  County, 
and  died  many  years  ago,  leaving  one  son,  Thacker,  and  two  or 
three  daughters. 

"  Thacker  Washington  married  the  daughter  of  Sir  John  Pey 
ton,  of  Gloucester  County,  and  lives  on  the  family  estate,  left  to 
his  grandfather  John,  at  Machodac,  in  the  County  of  Westmore 
land.  He  has  several  children. 

"  Mildred,  daughter  of  John  and  Catharine,  of  Gloucester,  was 

twice  married,   but  never  had  a  child.     Elizabeth  never  was  mar- 

.  ried.     Catharine  married  Fielding  Lewis,   by  whom  she  had  a  son 

and   daughter.      John,   the   eldest,    is  now  living.      Frances   died 

without  issue. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  507 

"  Augustine,  son  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred  Washington,  mar-  APPENDIX 
ried  Jane  Butler,  the  daughter  of  Caleb  Butler  of  Westmoreland,    _No<  l- 
April  20th,   1715,   by  whom  he  had  three  sons,  Butler  (who  died   Washington 
young),  Lawrence,  and  Augustine,   and  one  daughter,  Jane,  who   Virginia? 
died  when  a  child.     Jane,  wife  of  Augustine,  died  November  24th, 
1728,  and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault  at  Bridge's  Creek. 

"  Augustine  then  married  Mary  Ball,  March  6th,  1730,  by  whom 
he  had  issue  George  [the  writer],  born  February  llth  (old  style) 
1732;  Betty,  born  June  20th,  1733;  Samuel,  born  November 
16th,  1734,  John  Augustine,  born  January  13th,  1735;  Charles, 
May  1st,  1738 ;  and  Mildred,  June  21st,  1739,  who  died  October 
28th,  1740.  Augustine  departed  this  life,  April  12th,  1743,  aged 
49  years,  and  was  interred  at  Bridge's  Creek,  in  the  vault  of  his 
ancestors. 

"  Lawrence,  son  of  Augustine  and  Jane  Washington,  married 
July  19th,  1743,  Anne,  eldest  daughter  of  the  Honorable  William 
Fairfax,  of  Fairfax  County,  by  whom  he  had  issue  Jane,  born  Sep 
tember  27th,  1744,  who  died  in  January,  1745 ;  Fairfax,  born  August 
22d,  1747,  who  died  in  October,  1747;  Mildred,  born  September 
28th,  1748,  who  died  in  1749;  Sarah,  born  November  7th,  1750, 
who  died  in  175-.  In  1752,  Lawrence  himself  died,  aged  about 
34,  and  was  interred  in  a  vault,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  erected 
at  Mount  Vernon,  in  Fairfax  County,  where  he  settled,  after  he 
returned  from  the  Carthagena  expedition. 

"Augustine,  son  of  Augustine  and  Jane  Washington,  married 
Anne,  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  William  Aylett,  of  Westmoreland 
County,  by  whom  he  had  many  children,  all  of  whom  died  in  their 
nonage  and  single,  except  Elizabeth,  who  married  Alexander  Spots- 
wood  of  Spotsylvania  County,  grandson  of  General  Spotswood, 
Governor  of  Virginia,  by  whom  she  has  a  number  of  children ; 
Anne,  who  married  Burdet  Ashton,  of  Westmoreland,  by  whom 
she  had  one  or  two  children,  and  died  young ;  and  William,  who 
married  his  cousin  Jane,  daughter  of  John  Augustine  Washington, 
by  whom  he  has  four  children.  Augustine  lived  at  the  ancient 
mansion  seat,  in  Westmoreland  County,  where  he  died,  and  was 
interred  in  the  family  vault. 

"  George,  eldest  son  of  Augustine  Washington  by  the  second 
marriage,  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  and  married,  January 
6th,  1759,  Martha  Custis,  widow  of  Daniel  Parke  Custis,  and 
daughter  of  John  Dandridge,  both  of  New  Kent  County  ;  has  no 
issue. 

"  Betty,  daughter  of  Augustine  and  Mary  Washington,  became 


508  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  the  second  wife  of  Fielding  Lewis,  by  whom  she  had  a  number  of 
No'  *'  children,  many  of  whom  died  young  ;  but  five  sons  and  a  daughter 
Washington  are  yet  living. 

"  Samuel,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  was  five  times  married. 
1.  To  Jane,  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Champe.  2.  To  Mildred, 
daughter  of  Colonel  John  Thornton.  3.  To  Luey,  daughter  of 
Nathaniel  Chapman.  4.  To  Anne,  daughter  of  Colonel  William 
Steptoe,  and  widow  of  Willoughby  Alleton.  5.  To  a  Widow  Perrin. 
Samuel,  by  his  second  wife,  Mildred,  had  issue  one  son,  Thornton, 
who  was  twice  married,  and  left  three  sons.  He  died  in  or  about 
the  year .  By  his  fourth  wife,  Anne,  he  had  three  sons,  Fer 
dinand,  George  Steptoe,  and  Lawrence  Augustine,  and  a  daughter 
Harriot.  Ferdinand  was  married,  but  died  soon  after,  leaving  no 
issue.  The  other  two  sons  and  daughter  are  living  and  single. 
Samuel  had  children  by  his  other  wives,  but  they  all  died  in  their 
infancy.  He  departed  this  life  himself,  in  the  year  1781,  at  Hare- 
wood,  in  the  County  of  Berkeley,  where  he  was  buried. 

"  John  Augustine,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  married  Hannah 
Bushrod,  daughter  of  Colonel  John  Bushrod,"of  Westmoreland 
County,  by  whom  he  has  left  two  sons,  Bushrod  and  Corbin,  and 
two  daughters,  Jane  and  Mildred.  He  had  several  other  children, 
but  they  died  young.  Jane,  his  eldest  child,  married  (as  has  been 
before  observed)  William  Washington,  son  of  Augustine  and  Anne 
Washington,  and  died  in  1791,  leaving  four  children. 

"  Bushrod  married,  in  1785,  Anne  Blackburn,  daughter  of  Col 
onel  Thomas  Blackburn,  of  Prince  William  County,  but  has  no 
issue.  Corbin  married  a  daughter  of  the  Honorable  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  by  whom  he  has  three  sons.  Mildred  married  Thomas 
Lee,  son  of  the  said  Richard  Henry  Lee.  John  Augustine  died 
in  February,  1787,  at  his  estate  on  Nomony,  in  Westmoreland 
County,  and  was  there  buried. 

"  Charles  Washington,  son  of  Augustine  and  Mary,  married 
Mildred  Thornton,  daughter  of  Colonel  Francis  Thornton,  of  Spot- 
sylvania  County,  by  whom  he  has  four  children,  George  Augustine, 
Frances,  Mildred,  and  Samuel.  George  Augustine  married  Fran 
ces  Bassett,  daughter  of  Colonel  Burwell  Bassett,  of  New  Kent,  by 
whom  he  has  had  four  children ;  three  of  whom  are  living,  namely, 
Anna  Maria,  George  Fayette,  and  Charles  Augustine.  Frances 
married  Colonel  Burgess  Ball,  by  whom  she  has  had  several 
children.  Mildred  and  Samuel  are  unmarried. 

"  Mildred  Washington,  daughter  of  Lawrence  and  Mildred,  and 
sister  to  John  and  Augustine  Washington,  married  Gregory, 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  509 

by  whom  she  had  three  daughters,  Frances,  Mildred,  and  Eliza-  APPENDIX, 
beth,  who  married  three  brothers,  Colonel  Francis  Thornton,  Col 
onel   John  Thornton,  and   Reuben  Thornton,   all  of  Spotsylvania   Washington 
County.     She  had  for  her  second  husband  Colonel   Henry  Willis,    Virginia. 
and,  by  him,  the  present  Colonel  Lewis  Willis  of  Fredericksburg. 

"  The  above  is  the  best  account  the  subscriber  is  able  at  present 
to  give,  absent  as  he  is,  and  at  so  great  a  distance,  from  Virginia, 
and  under  circumstances  too,  which  allow  no  time  for  inquiry  of 
the  family  of  Washington,  from  which  he  is  lineally  descended. 

"  The  descendants  of  the  first  named  Lawrence,  and  the  second 
John,  are  also  numerous;  but,  for  the  reasons  before  mentioned, 
and  from  not  having  the  same  knowledge  of  them,  and  being  more 
over  more  remote  from  their  places  of  residence,  and,  in  truth,  not 
having  inquired  much  into  the  names  or  connexion  of  the  lateral 
branches  of  the  family,  I  am  unable  to  give  a  satisfactory  account 
of  them.  But,  if  it  be  in  any  degree  necessary  or  satisfactory  to 
Sir  Isaac  Heard,  Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms,  I  will,  upon  inti 
mation  thereof,  set  on  foot  an  inquiry,  and  will  at  the  same  time 
endeavor  to  be  more  particular  with  respect  to  the  births,  names, 
ages,  and  burials  of  those  of  the  branch  to  which  the  subscriber 
belongs. 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

After  Sir  Isaac  Heard  received  this  letter,  he  constructed  from 
it  a  table,  which  he  forwarded  to  President  Washington,  requesting 
him  to  supply  other  dales  and  descriptions.  But  there  is  no  evi 
dence  of  any  additional  facts  having  been  obtained.  It  was  the 
chief  object  of  Sir  Isaac  Heard,  however,  to  ascertain  whether 
John  and  Lawrence  Washington,  who  emigrated  to  Virginia,  were 
of  the  Sulgrave  family,  and  brothers  to  Sir  William  Washington 
of  Packington.  This  was  his  impression,  but  he  was  not  fully 
satisfied  with  the  proof.  It  has  since  been  confirmed  by  Baker, 
in  his  History  of  Northamptonshire. 

I  shall  here  subjoin  Baker's  genealogical  table  of  the  family 
before  the  emigration  of  the  two  brothers,  and  Sir  Isaac  Heard's 
table  of  the  American  branch  in  continuation.  To  these  will  be 
added  the  genealogy  of  the  Washington  family  of  Adwick,  taken 
from  Hunter's  History  of  Doncaster.  It  is  not  known  what  de 
gree  of  affinity  there  was  between  the  heads  of  the  two  families, 
but  it  is  probable  that  there  are  many  descendants  from  both  in 
America. 

A3* 


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LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


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LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


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LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  513 

No.  II.  p.  6. 
RULES   OF   BEHAVIOR. « 

1.  Every  action  in  company  ought  to  be  with  some  sign  of  re-  APPENDIX, 
spect  to  those  present.  No- IL 

2.  In  the  presence  of  others,  sing  not  to  yourself  with  a  hum-  Rules  of 

/  Jf     t  Behavior 

mmg  noise,  nor  drum  with  your  fingers  or  feet. 

3.  Sleep   not   when   others   speak,    sit   not   when   others   stand, 
speak   not   when    you    should    hold   your  peace,  walk   not   when 
others  stop. 

4.  Turn  not  your  back  to  others,  especially  in  speaking  ;  jog 
not  the  table  or  desk  on  which  another  reads  or  writes;  lean  not 
on  any  one. 

5.  Be  no  flatterer ;  neither  play  with  any  one,  that  delights  not 
to  be  played  with. 

6.  Read   no  letters,  books,  or   papers  in  company ;   but,   when 
there  is  a  necessity  for  doing  it,  you  must  ask  leave.      Come   not 
near  the  books  or  writings  of  any  one.  so  as  to  read  them,  unless 
desired,  nor  give  your   opinion  of  them  unasked ;    also,  look   not 
nigh  when  another  is  writing  a  letter. 

7.  Let  your  countenance   be  pleasant,  but   in   serious   matters 
somewhat  grave. 

8.  Show  not  yourself  glad  at  the  misfortune  of  another,  though 
he  were  your  enemy. 

9.  When   you   meet  with  one  of  greater  quality  than   yourself, 
stop  and  retire,  especially   if  it  be  at  a  door  or  any  strait  place, 
to  give  way  for  him  to  pass. 

10.  They  that  are  in   dignity,  or   in   office,  have  in   all   places 
precedency ;  but,  whilst  they  are  young,  they  ought  to  respect  those 
that  are  their  equals  in  birth,  or  other  qualities,  though  they  have 
no  public  charge. 

11.  It  is  good  manners  to  prefer  them  to  whom  we  speak  before 
ourselves,  especially  if  they  be  above  us,  with  whom  in  no  sort  we 
ought  to  begin. 

12.  Let  your  discourse  with  men  of  business  be  short  and  com 
prehensive. 

*  These  Rules  are  taken  from  a  manuscript  book  in  Washington's  hand 
writing,  which  was  written  when  he  was  thirteen  years  old.  The  source 
from  which  they  were  derived  is  not  mentioned. 

65 


514  LITE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,       13.  In  visiting  the  sick,  do  not  presently  play   the  physician, 

No* IL       if  you  be  not  knowing  therein. 

Rules  of  14.  In  writing,  or  speaking,  give  to  every  person  his  due  title, 

according  to  his  degree  and  the  custom  of  the  place. 

15.  Strive   not   with   your   superiors   in   argument,   but    always 
submit  your  judgment  to  others  with  modesty. 

16.  Undertake  not  to  teach  your  equal  in  the  art  himself  pro 
fesses;   it  savors  of  arrogancy. 

17.  When  a  man  does  all  he  can,  though  it  succeeds  not  well, 
blame  not  him  that  did  it. 

18.  Being   to   advise   or   reprehend  any  one,  consider  whether 
it  ought  to  be  in  public  or  in  private,  presently  or  at  some  other 
time,  in  what  terms  to  do  it ;  and,  in  reproving,  show  no  signs  of 
choler,  but  do  it  with  sweetness  and  mildness. 

19.  Take   all    admonitions  thankfully,  in  what  time  or   place 
soever  given ;    but  afterwards,  not  being  culpable,  take  a  time  or 
place  convenient  to  let  him  know  it  that  gave  them. 

••  20.  Mock  not  nor  jest  at  any  thing  of  importance;  break  no 
jests  that  are  sharp-biting,  and,  if  you  deliver  any  thing  witty  and 
pleasant,  abstain  from  laughing  thereat  yourself. 

21.  Wherein  you  reprove  another,  be  unblamable  yourself;   for 
example  is  more  prevalent  than  precepts. 

22.  Use  no  reproachful  language  against  any  one,  neither  curse, 
nor  revile. 

23.  Be  not  hasty  to  believe  flying  reports  to  the  disparagement 
of  any. 

24.  In  your  apparel,  be  modest,  and  endeavor  to  accommodate 
nature,  rather  than  to  procure  admiration ;  keep  to  the  fashion  of 
your  equals,  such  as  are  civil  and  orderly  with   respect  to   times 
and  places. 

25.  Play  not  the  peacock,  looking  everywhere  about  you  to  see 
if  you  be  well  decked,  if  your  shoes  fit  well,  if  your  stockings  sit 
neatly,  and  clothes  handsomely. 

26.  Associate  yourself  with  men  of  good  quality,  if  you  esteem 
your  own   reputation ;    for   it  is  better  to  be  alone,   than   in    bad 
company. 

27.  Let  your  conversation  be  without   malice  or  envy,  for  it  is 
a  sign  of  a  tractable  and  commendable  nature ;  and,  in  all  causes 
of  passion,  admit  reason  to  govern. 

28.  Be  not  immodest  in  urging  your  friend  to  discover  a  secret. 

29.  Utter  not  base  and  frivolous  things  amongst  grave  and  learn 
ed   men  ;  nor  very  difficult  questions  or  subjects  among  the  igno 
rant  ;  nor  things  hard  to  be  believed. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  515 

30.  Speak   not  of  doleful  things  in  time   of  mirth,  nor  at  the  APPENDIX 
table  ;  speak  not  of  melancholy  things,  as  death  and  wounds,  and       No-IL 
if  others  mention  them,  change,  if  you  can,  the  discourse.      Tell  Jjjjjjj. 
not  your  dreams,  but  to  your  intimate  friend. 

31.  Break  not  a  jest  where  none  takes  pleasure  in  mirth ;  laugh 
not  aloud,   nor  at  all  without  occasion.     Deride  no  man's  misfor 
tune,  though  there  seem  to  be  some  cause. 

32.  Speak  not  injurious  words,  neither  in  jest  nor  earnest ;  scoff 
at  none,  although  they  give  occasion. 

33.  Be  not  forward,  but    friendly  and   courteous  ;    the  first  to 
salute,  hear,  and  answer ;    and  be  not  pensive,  when  it  is  a  time 
to  converse. 

34.  Detract  not  from  others,  neither  be  excessive  in  commending. 

35.  Go  not  thither,  where  you  know  not  whether  you  shall  be 
welcome  or  not.     Give  not  advice  without  being  asked,  and,  when 
desired,  do  it  briefly. 

36.  If  two  contend  together,  take  not  the  part  of  either  uncon 
strained,  and  be  not  obstinate  in  your  own  opinion  ;  in  things  in 
different,  be  of  the  major  side. 

37.  Reprehend  not  the  imperfections  of  others,  for  that  belongs 
to  parents,  masters,  and  superiors. 

38.  Gaze  not  on  the  marks  or  blemishes  of  others,  and  ask  not 
how  they  came.      What    you  may  speak  in  secret  to  your  friend, 
deliver  not  before  others. 

39.  Speak  not  in  an  unknown  tongue  in  company,  but  in  your 
own   language,   and   that  as  those    of  quality  do,  and   not  as  the 
vulgar;  sublime  matters  treat  seriously. 

40.  Think    before   you   speak,    pronounce   not   imperfectly,  nor 
bring  out  your  words  too  hastily,  but  orderly  and  distinctly. 

41.  When  another  speaks,  be  attentive  yourself,  and  disturb  not 
the   audience.      If   any  hesitate  in  his  words,  help   him   not,  nor 
prompt  him,  without  being  desired ;  interrupt  him  not,  nor  answer 
him,  till  his  speech  be  ended. 

42.  Treat  with  men  at   fit  times  about   business ;    and  whisper 
not  in  the  company  of  others. 

43.  Make  no  comparisons ;  and,  if  any  of  the  company  be  com 
mended  for  any  brave  act  of  virtue,  commend  not  another  for  the 
same. 

44.  Be  not  apt  to  relate  news,  if  you  know  not  the  truth  thereof. 
In  discoursing  of  things   you  have  heard,  name  not   your  author 
always.     A  secret  discover  not. 

45.  Be  not  curious  to  know  the   affairs  of  others,   neither  ap 
proach  to  those  that  speak  in  private. 


516 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


Rules  of 
Behavior. 


APPENDIX,       46.  Undertake  not  what  you  cannot  perform,  but  be  careful  to 
No' IL       keep  your  promise. 

47.  When  you  deliver  a  matter,  do  it  without  passion,  and  with 
discretion,  however  mean  the  person  be  you  do  it  to. 

48.  When  your  superiors  talk  to  anybody,  hearken  not,  neither 
speak,  nor  laugh. 

49.  In  disputes,  be  not  so  desirous  to  overcome,  as  not  to  gire 
liberty  to  each  one  to  deliver  his  opinion  ;   and  submit  to  the  judg 
ment  of  the  major  part,  especially  if  they  are  judges  of  the  dispute. 

50.  Be  not   tedious   in  discourse;    make  not  many  digressions, 
nor  repeat  often  the  same  manner  of  discourse. 

51.  Speak  not  evil   ->f  the  absent,  for  it  is  unjust. 

52.  Make  no  show  of  taking  great  delight  in  your  victuals  ;  feed 
not  with  greediness  ;   cut  your  bread  with  a  knife ;  lean  not  on  the 
table ;  neither  find   fault  with  what  you  eat. 

53.  Be  not  angry   at  table,  whatever  happens,  and,  if  you  have 
reason   to   be   so,   show  it  not ;   put  on   a   cheerful   countenance, 
especially  if  there  be  strangers,  for  good  humor  makes  one  dish 
of  meat  a  feast. 

54.  Set  not  yourself  at  the  upper  end  of  the  table ;  but,  if  it  be 
your  due,  or  that  the  master  of  the  house  will  have  it  so,  contend 
not,  lest  you  should  trouble  the  company. 

55.  When  you  speak  of  God,  or  his  attributes,  let  it  be  seriously 
in  reverence.     Honor  and  obey  your  natural  parents,  although  thev 
be  poor. 

56.  Let  your  recreations  be  manful,  not  sinful. 

57.  Labor  to  keep  alive  in  your  breast  that  little  spark  of  ce 
lestial  fire,  called  conscience. 


No.  III.  p.  373. 

GENERAL  WASHINGTON'S  EXPENSES   WHILE  ACTING  AS 
COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  AMERICAN  ARMIES 


Washing-  According  to  his  declaration  when  he  accepted  his  commission, 

pensesxd~ur-     General  Washington  never  received  any  pecuniary   compensation 
~  v'  for  his  services.     He  kept  exact  accounts  of  all  his  expenditures  ; 
and,  after   the  cessation  of  hostilities,  he  drew   up  with  his  own 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  517 

hand  a  detailed  statement  of  these  accounts,  extending   to  more  APPENDIX, 
than  sixty  folio  pages.     This  statement,  with  the  original  vouchers,      No'  ln- 
was  deposited  in  the  Treasury   Department,  where  it  is  still  pre-  Washing- 
served.     A  fac-simile  of  the  whole  paper  has  been  published  ;  and   penses  dur- 
it  affords  a  memorable  proof  of  the  strict  regard,  which  he  paid  to  "lution. 
the   public   interest    in    the   minutest  particulars.     The   following 
abstract  and  remarks  are  taken  from  the  original,  dated  July  1st, 
1783,  as  exhibited  in  his  own  handwriting,   and  expressed  in  law 
ful  money,  or  the  old  currency  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia. 

Household  expenses,  exclusive  of  the  provisions  had  from 
the  commissaries  and  contractors,  and  liquors,  &c.  from 
them  and  others,  .  .  .  .  .  £  &387  14  4 

Expended  for  secret  intelligence,      .  .  .  1982  10  0 

Expended  in  reconnoitring  and  travelling,  .  .     1874    8  8 

Miscellaneous  charges,  ....  2952 10  1 

One  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  and  seventy-four  dollars, 
extended  in  lawful  money,  according  to  the  scale  of 
depreciation,  .  .  .  .  .6114140 


Expenditures  of  eight  years  £  16311  17  1 

Mrs.  Washington's  travelling  expenses  in  coming  to  and 
returning  from  his  winter  quarters,  the  money  to  de 
fray  which  being  taken  from  his  private  purse  and 
brought  with  her  from  Virginia.  .  .  .  1064  1  0 

Expenditure    from    July  1st   to  the  time   of  resigning  his 

commission,  .  .  •*.'"•  .  1930 13  8 


Total,  Virginia  currency,  £  19306  11  9 

Or  sterling,  £  14479  18  9| 

Or  dollars,  at  4s.  6d.  sterling  each,        $  64,355-30 

In  addition  to  this  amount  he  charged  to  the  government  £  288, 
lawful  money,  as  the  interest  on  ,£599  19  11,  which  was  the  bal 
ance  due  to  him  on  the  31st  of  December,  1776,  the  amount 
having  been  supplied  from  his  private  funds  for  public  objects  dur 
ing  the  preceding  year.  On  this  item,  and  the  one  respecting 
Mrs.  Washington's  travelling  expenses,  he  made  the  following  re 
marks  at  the  foot  of  the  account. 

"  Although  I  kept  memoranda  of  these  expenditures,  I  did  not 
introduce  them  into  my  public  accounts  as  they  occurred.  The 
reason  was,  it  appeared  at  first  view  in  the  commencement  of  them 
to  have  the  complexion  of  a  private  charge.  I  had  my  doubts, 
therefore,  of  the  propriety  of  making  it.  But,  as  the  peculiar  cir 
cumstances  attending  my  command,  and  the  embarrassed  situation 
of  our  public  affairs,  obliged  me  (to  the  no  small  detriment  of  my 

u3 


518  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON 

APPENDIX,   private  interest)  to  postpone  the  visit  I  every  year  contemplated  to 
No'  IIL      make  my  family  between  the  close  of  one  campaign  and  the  open- 
Washing-       ing  of  another;   and  as  this  expense  was  incidental  thereto,  and 
dur-     consequent  of  my  self-denial,  I  have,   as  of  right  I  think  I  ought, 
.  e  "   with  due  consideration,   adjudged  the  charge  as  just  with  respect 
to  the  public,  as  it  is  convenient  with  respect  to  myself. 

"  And  I  make  it  with  the  less  reluctance,  as  I  find,  upon  the 
final  adjustment  of  these  accounts  (which  have,  as  will  appear, 
been  long  unsettled),  that  I  am  a  considerable  loser;  my  disburse 
ments  falling  a  good  deal  short  of  my  receipts  and  the  money  I 
had  upon  hand  of  my  own.  For,  besides  the  sum  I  carried  with 
me  to  Cambridge  in  1775,  and  which  exceeded  the  aforementioned 
balance  of  .£599  19  11,1  received  moneys  afterwards  on  private 
account  in  1777  and  since,  which,  except  small  sums  that  I  had 
occasion  now  arid  then  to  apply  to  private  uses,  were  all  expended 
in  the  public  service ;  and  which,  through  hurry,  I  suppose,  and 
the  perplexity  of  business,  (for  I  know  not  how  else  to  account 
for  the  deficiency,)  I  have  omitted  to  charge,  whilst  every  debit 
against  me  is  here  credited." 


No.  IV.  p.  413. 
RELIGIOUS  OPINIONS  AND  HABITS  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Religious  Such  persons  as  have  attentively  perused  Washington's  writings 

naWtBofan  may  think  any  remarks  on  this  subject  superfluous.  In  certain 
hmgton.  quarterSj  nevertheless,  there  have  been  discussions  tending  to  throw 
doubts  over  the  religious  belief  of  Washington  ;  whether  from  ig 
norance  of  his  character  and  writings,  or  from  causes  less  cred 
itable,  it  is  needless  to  inquire.  A  formal  attempt  to  confute 
insinuations  of  this  kind  would  be  allowing  them  a  weight,  which 
they  cannot  claim,  till  supported  by  positive  testimony,  or  till  it  is 
shown  by  at  least  a  shadow  of  proof,  that  they  have  some  founda 
tion  other  than  conjecture  and  inference.  This  has  never  been 
done,  and  nothing  is  hazarded  in  saying  that  it  never  will  be  done. 
A  hundred  years  have  elapsed  since  the  childhood  of  Washing 
ton  ;  and  so  little  is  known  of  his  early  life,  from  written  materials, 
that  we  cannot  speak  with  confidence  respecting  his  first  religious 
impressions.  It  has  always  been  the  prevalent  tradition,  however, 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON  519 

in  the  neighborhood  of  his  birthplace,  that  he  wa"  educated  under  APPENDIX 
influences,  that  could  not  fail  to  fix  in  his  mind  the  principles  of 
the  Christian   religion,  and    a   sacred   regard   for   the   precepts   it  Religious 
inculcates.      This  is  in   part  confirmed   by  his  manuscripts,  con-  iEts'of8"' 
taining  articles  and  extracts  copied  out  by  himself  in  his  boyhood,   V 
which   prove  that  his  thoughts  at   that   time  had  a  religious  ten 
dency.     One  of  these  pieces,  being  a  series  of  verses   On  Christ 
mas  Day,  begins  thus ; 

j 

"  Assist  me,  Muse  divine,  to  sing  the  morn, 
On  which  the  Savior  of  mankind  was  born." 

A  boy  of  thirteen  would  scarcely  employ  himself  in  transcribing 
pieces  of  this  description,  whose  mind  had  not  already  received 
a  decided  bias  from  the  instructions  of  pious  parents  or  teachers. 

It  should  be  observed,  also,  that  m  his  first  military  campaigns 
he  was  careful  to  have  religious  service  regularly  performed  in 
camp.  Even  in  the  midst  of  the  active  scenes  at  the  Great 
Meadows  this  was  the  daily  practice.  During  the  French  war, 
when  the  government  of  Virginia  neglected  to  provide  chaplains 
for  the  army,  he  remonstrated  against  such  an  impropriety,  and 
urged  his  request  till  they  were  appointed.  In  the  general  orders 
he  reproved  and  forbade  the  vicious  habits  and  profane  swearing 
of  the  soldiers.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  these  orders. 
"  Colonel^  Washington  has  observed,  that  the  men  of  his  regi 
ment  are  very  profane  and  reprobate.  He  takes  this  opportunity 
to  inform  them  of  his  great  displeasure  at  such  practices,  and 
assures  them,  that,  if  they  do  not  leave  them  off,  they  shall  be 
severely 'punished.  The  officers  are  desired,  if  they  hear  any 
man  swear,  or  make  use  of  an  oath  or  execration,  to  order  the 
offender  twenty-five  lashes  immediately,  without  a  court-martial. 
For  the  second  offence,  he  shall  be  more  severely  punished." 
Similar  orders  were  repeated,  when  the  occasion  required  ;  and 
they  afford  a  convincing  proof  of  the  high  religious  motives  by 
which  he  was  actuated  in  his  command. 

After  the  French  war,  while  in  retirement  at  Mount  Vernon, 
he  took  a  lively  interest  in  church  affairs,  regularly  attending 
public  worship,  and  being  at  different  times  a  vestryman  in  two 
parishes.*  The  House  of  Burgesses,  of  which  he  was  a  mem- 

*  The  following  list  of  votes  for  vestrymen  in  Fairfax  Parish,  and  Truro 
Parish,  is  copied  from  a  paper  in  Washington's  handwriting,  and  shows  that 
he  was  chosen  a  vestryman  in  each  of  those  parishes.  How  long  he  con 
tinued  in  that  station,  I  have  no  means  of  determining.  The  place  of  wor- 


520  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  her,  passed  an  order  (May  24th,  1774),  in  reference  to  the  act  of 
_!!!l!.^L_  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the  Port  of  Boston,  that  "  the  1st  day 
Religious  of  June  should  be  set  apart  as  a  day  of  fasting,  humiliation,  and 

opinions  and 

habits  of  prayer,  devoutly  to  implore  the  divine  interposition  for  averting 
the  heavy  calamity,  which  threatened  destruction  to  their  civil 
rights,  and  the  evils  of  civil  war."  On  the  day  appointed,  he 
writes  in  his  diary ;  "  Went  to  church,  and  fasted  all  day"  thus 
conforming  not  only  to  the  spirit,  but  to  the  strict  letter  of  the 
order.  This  diary  was  kept  for  many  years  with  much  particu 
larity.  A  Sunday  rarely  occurs,  in  which  it  is  not  recorded 
that  he  went  to  church.  If  there  was  an  omission,  it  was  caused 
by  the  weather,  or  badness  of  the  roads;  the  nearest  church,  as 
stated  in  the  note,  being  seven  miles  from  his  residence.  While 
attending  the  first  Congress,  he  adhered  to  the  same  practice. 

For  a  full  knowledge  of  his  religious  opinions  and  habits 
during  the  revolution  and  afterwards,  and  of  the  importance  he 
attached  to  the  principles  and  observances  of  religion,  the  reader 
is  referred  to  his  published  letters,  addresses,  and  other  writings.* 
After  an  attentive  perusal  of  them,  no  doubt  can  be  left  in  any 
candid  mind.  To  say  that  he  was  not  a  Christian,  or  at  least 
that  he  did  not  believe  himself  to  be  a  Christian,  would  be  to 
impeach  his  sincerity  and  honesty.  Of  all  men  in  the  world, 
Washington  was  certainly  the  last,  whom  any  one  would  charge 
with  dissimulation  or  indirectness ;  and,  if  he  was  so  scrupulous 
in  avoiding  even  a  shadow  of  these  faults  in  every  known  act 
of  his  life,  however  unimportant,  is  it  likely,  is  it  credible,  that,  in 

ship  in  Fairfax  Parish  was  at  Alexandria;    in  Truro  Parish,  at  Pohick;  the 
former  ten,  the  latter  seven  miles  from  Mount  Vernon. 


"  Vestry  chosen  for  Fairfax  Parish, 

28th  March,  1765 ; 
With  the  number  of  votes  for  each. 
John  West  ....  340 
Charles  Alexander  .  .  309 
William  Payne  .  .  .304 
John  Dalton  .  .  .  281 
George  Washington  .  .  274 
Charles  Broadwater  .  .  2GO 
George  Johnston  .  ,  .  254 
Townsend  Dade  .  .  252 
Richard  Sanford  ,  ,  .  247 
William  Adams  .'•»'.  244 
John  Posey  .  ,  .  .  222 
Daniel  French  ...  221 


Vestry  chosen  for  Truro  Parish, 

22d  July,  1765 ; 

With  the  number  of  votes  for  each. 
George  Mason  .  .  .  282 
Edward  Payne  .  .  .  277 
George  Washington  .  .  259 
John  Posey  .  .  .  259 

Daniel  McCarty  .  .  .  246 
George  William  Fairfax  .  235 
Alexander  Henderson  .  .  231 
William  Gardner  .  .  218 
Tomison  Ellzey  .  .  .  209 
Thomas  W.  Coffer  .  .  189 
William  Lynton  .  .  .173 
Thomas  Ford  ...  170 


*  Numerous  extracts  illustrating  this  subject  are  brought  together  in  Wash 
ington's  Writings,  Vol.  XII.  pp.  401-405.  See  also  in  the  same  volume 
(p.  408)  an  interesting  letter  from  Bishop  White  to  the  Reverend  B.  C.  C. 
Parker  on  the  same  subject. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  521 

a  matter  of  the  highest  and  most  serious   importance,  he   should  APPENDIX, 
practise   through   a   long    series    of  years,   a  deliberate   deception       No' IVt 
upon    his   friends   and    the  public  1      It    is   neither    credible    nor  Religious 

...  opinions  and 

possible.  habits  of 

I  shall  here  insert  a  letter  on  this  subject,  written  to  me  .by  a 
lady  who  lived  twenty  years  in  Washington's  family,  and  who  was 
his  adopted  daughter,  and  the  granddaughter  of  Mrs.  Washington. 
The  testimony  it  affords,  and  the  hints  it  contains  respecting  the 
domestic  habits  of  Washington,  are  interesting  and  valuable. 


"  Woodlawn,  26  February,  1833. 
"  SIR, 

"  I  received  your  favor  of  the  20th  instant  last  evening,  and 
hasten  to  give  you  the  information,  which  you  desire. 

"  Truro  Parish  is  the  one  in  which  Mount  Vernon,  Pohick 
Church,  and  Woodlawn  are  situated.  Fairfax  Parish  is  now  Alex 
andria.  Before  the  Federal  District  was  ceded  to  Congress,  Alex 
andria  was  in  Fairfax  County.  General  Washington  had  a  pew 
in  Pohick  Church,  and  one  in  Christ  Church  at  Alexandria.  He 
was  very  instrumental  in  establishing  Pohick  Church,  and  I  be 
lieve  subscribed  largely.  His  pew  was  near  the  pulpit.  I  have 
a  perfect  recollection  of  being  there,  before  his  election  to  the 
presidency,  with  him  and  my  grandmother.  It  was  a  beautiful 
church,  and  had  a  large,  respectable,  and  wealthy  congregation, 
who  were  regular  attendants. 

"  He  attended  the  church  at  Alexandria,  when  the  weather 
and  roads  permitted  a  ride  of  ten  miles.  In  New  York  and 
Philadelphia  he  never  omitted  attendance  at  church  in  the  morn 
ing,  unless  detained  by  indisposition.  The  afternoon  was  spent 
in  his  own  room  at  home  ;  the  evening  with  his  family,  and 
without  company.  Sometimes  an  old  and  intimate  friend  called 
to  see  us  for  an  hour  or  two ;  but  visiting  and  visitors  were  pro 
hibited  for  that  day.  No  one  in  church  attended  to  the  services 
with  more  reverential  respect.  My  grandmother,  who  was  emi 
nently  pious,  never  deviated  from  her  early  habits.  She  always 
knelt.  The  General,  as  was  then  the  custom,  stood  during  the 
devotional  parts  of  the  service.  On  communion  Sundays,  he  left 
the  church  with  me,  after  the  blessing,  and  returned  home,  and 
we  sent  the  carriage  back  for  my  grandmother. 

"  It  was  his  custom  to  retire  to  his  library  at  nine  or  ten 
o'clock,  where  he  remained  an  hour  before  he  went  to  his  cham 
ber.  He  always  rose  before  the  sun,  and  remained  in  his  library 
66  B3* 


522  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   until  called  to  breakfast.     I  never  witnessed  his  private  devotions. 
No<  IV>      I  never  inquired  about  them.     I  should  have  thought  it  the  great- 
Religious        est  heresy  to  doubt  his  firm  belief  in  Christianity.      His  life,  his 

opinions  and          .  .  .         ,  „,.     .     .  TT  ~    . 

habits  of        writings,  prove  that  he  was  a  Christian.     He  was  not  one  of  those, 
ington'   who  act  or  pray,    'that    they   may   be   seen   of  men.'      He  com 
muned  with  his  God  in  secret. 

"  My  mother  resided  two  years  at  Mount  Vernon,  after  her 
marriage  with  John  Parke  Custis,  the  only  son  of  Mrs.  Wash 
ington.  I  have  heard  her  say,  that  General  Washington  always 
received  the  sacrament  with  my  grandmother  before  the  revolution' 
When  my  aunt,  Miss  Custis,  died  suddenly  at  Mount  Vernon, 
before  they  could  realize  the  event,  he  knelt  by  her  and  prayed 
most  fervently,  most  affectingly,  for  her  recovery.  Of  this  I  was 
assured  by  Judge  Washington's  mother,  and  other  witnesses. 

"  He  was  a  silent,  thoughtful  man.  He  spoke  little  generally  ; 
never  of  himself.  I  never  heard  him  relate  a  single  act  of  his 
life  during  the  war.  I  have  often  seen  him  perfectly  abstracted, 
his  lips  moving,  but  no  sound  was  perceptible.  I  have  sometimes 
made  him  laugh  most  heartily  from  sympathy  with  my  joyous  and 
extravagant  spirits.  I  was,  probably,  one  of  the  last  persons  on 
earth  to  whom  he  would  have  addressed  serious  conversation, 
particularly  when  he  knew  that  I  had  the  most  perfect  model  of 
female  excellence  ever  with  me  as  my  monitress,  who  acted  the 
part  of  a  tender  and  devoted  parent,  loving  me  as  only  a  mother 
can  love,  and  never  extenuating  or  approving  in  me  what  she 
disapproved  in  others.  She  never  omitted  her  private  devotions, 
or  her  public  duties ;  and  she  and  her  husband  were  so  perfectly 
united  and  happy,  that  he  must  have  been  a  Christian.  She  had 
no  doubts,  no  fears  for  him.  After  forty  years  of  devoted  affec 
tion  and  uninterrupted  happiness,  she  resigned  him  without  a 
murmur  into  the  arms  of  his  Savior  and  his  God,  with  the  as 
sured  hope  of  his  eternal  felicity.  Is  it  necessary  that  any  one 
should  certify,  '  General  Washington  avowed  himself  to  me  a  be 
liever  in  Christianity  1 '  As  well  may  we  question  his  patriotism, 
his  heroic,  disinterested  devotion  to  his  country.  His  mottos  were, 
'  Deeds,  not  Words ' ;  and,  '  For  God  and  my  Country' 

"  With  sentiments  of  esteem,  I  am,  &c." 

It  seems  proper  to  subjoin  to  this  letter  what  was  told  to  me 
by  Mr.  Robert  Lewis,  at  Fredericksburg,  in  the  year  1827.  Being 
a  nephew  of  Washington,  and  his  private  secretary  during  the 
first  part  of  his  presidency,  Mr.  Lewis  lived  with  him  on  terms 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  523 

of  intimacy,  and  had  the  best  opportunity  for  observing  his  habits.   APPENDIX, 
Mr.   Lewis  said    he  had  accidentally  witnessed    his  private  devo-       No" Iv> 
tions  in  his  library  both  morning  and  evening ;  that  on  those  oc-  Religious 

opinions  and 

casioris  he  had  seen  him  in  a  kneeling  posture  with  a  Bible  open  habits  of 
before  him,  and  that  he  believed  such  to  have  been  his  daily 
practice.  Mr.  Lewis  is  since  dead,  but  he  was  a  gentleman  es 
teemed  for  his  private  worth  and  respectability.  I  relate  the  an 
ecdote  as  he  told  it  to  me,  understanding  at  the  time  that  he 
was  willing  it  should  be  made  public  on  his  authority.  He  add 
ed,  that  it  was  the  President's  custom  to  go  to  his  library  in  the 
morning  at  four  o'clock,  and  that,  after  his  devotions,  he  usually 
spent  his  time  till  breakfast  in  writing  letters. 

The  circumstance  of  his  withdrawing  himself  from  the  commun 
ion  service,  at  a  certain  period  of  his  life,  has  been  remarked  as 
singular.  This  may  be  admitted,  and  regretted,  both  on  account 
of  his  example,  and  the  value  of  his  opinion  as  to  the  importance 
and  practical  tendency  of  this  rite.  It  does  not  follow,  however, 
that  he  was  an  unbeliever,  unless  the  same  charge  is  proved  to 
rest  against  the  numerous  class  of  persons,  who  believe  themselves 
to  be  sincere  Christians,  but  who  have  scruples  in  regard  to  the 
ordinance  of  the  communion.  Whatever  his  motives  may  have 
been,  it  does  not  appear  that  they  were  ever  explained.  Nor  is 
it  known,  or  to  be  presumed,  that  any  occasion  offered.  It  is 
probable,  that,  after  he  took  command  of  the  army,  rinding  his 
thoughts  and  attention  necessarily  engrossed  by  the  business  that 
devolved  upon  him,  in  which  frequently  little  distinction  could 
be  observed  between  Sunday  and  other  days,  he  may  have  be 
lieved  it  improper  publicly  to  partake  of  an  ordinance,  which, 
according  to  the  ideas  he  entertained  of  it,  imposed  severe  re 
strictions  on  outward  conduct,  and  a  sacred  pledge  to  perform 
duties  impracticable  in  his  situation.  Such  an  impression  would 
be  natural  to  a  serious  mind  ;  and,  although  it  might  be  founded 
on  erroneous  views  of  the  nature  of  the  ordinance,  it  would  not 
have  the  less  weight  with  a  man  of  a  delicate  conscience  and 
habitual  reverence  for  religion. 

There  is  proof,  however,  that,  on  one  occasion  at  least  during 
the  war,  he  partook  of  the  communion ;  but  this  was  at  a  season 
when  the  army  was  in  camp,  and  the  activity  of  business  was  in 
some  degree  suspended.  An  anecdote  contained  in  Dr.  Ilosack's 
Life  of  De  Witt  Clinton,  and  related  in  the  words  of  the  Rev 
erend  Samuel  H.  Cox,  who  communicated  it  to  the  author,  estab 
lishes  this  fact. 


524  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,        "  I  have  the  following  anecdote,"  says  Dr.  Cox,  "  from  unques- 

No' IV>      tionable  authority.     It  has1  never,  I  think,  been  given  to  the  public; 

Religious        but  I   received  it  from   a  venerable  clergyman,  who  had  it  from 

habits  of        the  lips  of  the  reverend   Dr.  Jones  himself.     To  all  Christians,  and 

tp  all  Americans,  it  cannot  fail  to  be  acceptable. 

"  While  the  American  army,  under  the  command  of  Washing 
ton  lay  encamped  at  Morristown,  New  Jersey,  it  occurred  that 
the  service  of  the  communion  (then  observed  semi-annually  only) 
was  to  be  administered  in  the  Presbyterian  church  of  that  village. 
In  the  morning  of  the  previous  week,  the  General,  after  his  accus 
tomed  inspection  of  the  camp,  visited  the  house  of  the  Reverend 
Dr.  Jones,  then  pastor  of  the  church,  and,  after  the  usual  prelimi 
naries,  thus  accosted  him.  «  Doctor,  I  understand  that  the  Lord's 
Supper  is  to  be  celebrated  with  you  next  Sunday;  I  would  learn 
if  it  accords  with  the  canon  of  your  church  to  admit  communi 
cants  of  another  denomination?'  The  Doctor  rejoined;  'Most 
certainly ;  ours  is  not  the  Presbyterian  table,  General,  but  the 
Lord's  table ;  and  we  hence  give  the  Lord's  invitation  to  all  his 
followers,  of  whatever  name.'  The  General  replied,  '  I  am  glad 
of  it ;  that  is  as  it  ought  to  be ;  but,  as  I  was  not  quite  sure  of 
the  fact,  I  thought  I  would  ascertain  it  from  yourself,  as  I  pro 
pose  to  join  with  you  on  that  occasion.  Though  a  member  of 
the  Church  of  England,  I  have  no  exclusive  partialities.'  The 
Doctor  reassured  him  of  a  cordial  welcome,  and  the  General  was 
found  seated  with  the  communicants  the  next  Sabbath." 

The  situation  in  which  Washington  stood,  while  President  of 
the  United  States,  made  it  necessary  that  he  should  use  much 
circumspection  in  whatever  came  from  him  touching  theological 
subjects.  He  received  addresses  from  many  Christian  congrega 
tions  or  societies,  including  nearly  every  denomination  in  the 
country,  complimentary  to  his  character,  and  expressing  gratitude 
for  his  long  and  eminent  public  services.  In  his  replies,  it  would 
have  been  equally  discourteous  and  impolitic  to  employ  language 
indicating  a  decided  preference  for  the  peculiar  tenets  or  forms 
of  any  particular  church.  He  took  a  wiser  course ;  the  only  one, 
indeed,  which  with  propriety  could  be  taken.  He  approved  the 
general  objects,  and  commended  the  zeal,  of  all  the  religious  con 
gregations  or  societies  by  which  he  was  addressed,  spoke  of  their 
beneficial  effects  in  promoting  the  welfare  of  mankind,  declared 
his  cordial  wishes  for  their  success,  and  often  concluded  with  his 
prayers  for  the  future  happiness  of  the  individuals  belonging  to 
them,  both  in  this  world  and  the  world  to  corne.  All  the  answers 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  525 

of  this   kind   breathe   a  Christian  spirit,   and  they  may  justly  be  APPENDIX, 

regarded   as  implying   the    author's   acknowledgment  of  the   truth  No~  IV> 
and  authority  of  the  Christian  religion. 


After  a  long  and  minute  examination  of  the  writings  of  Wash-  habits  of 

Washington. 

mgton,  public  and  private,  in  print  and  in  manuscript,  I  can  affirm, 
that  I  have  never  seen  a  single  hint,  or  expression,  from  which 
it  could  be  inferred,  that  he  had  any  doubt  of  the  Christian  rev 
elation,  or  that  he  thought  with  indifference  or  unconcern  of  that 
subject.  On  the  contrary,  whenever  he  approaches  it,  and  indeed 
whenever  he  alludes  in  any  manner  to  religion,  it  is  done  with 
seriousness  and  reverence. 

The  foregoing  observations  have  been  made,  not  by  way  of 
argument,  but  merely  as  a  statement  of  facts;  for  I  must  end,  as 
I  began,  by  saying,  that  I  conceive  any  attempt  at  argument  in 
so  plain  a  case  would  be  misapplied.  If  a  man,  who  spoke,  wrote, 
and  acted  as  a  Christian  through  a  long  life,  who  gave  numerous 
proofs  of  his  believing  himself  to  be  such,  and  who  was  never 
known  to  say,  write,  or  do  a  thing  contrary  to  his  professions, 
if  such  a  man  is  not  to  be  ranked  among  the  believers  of  Chris 
tianity,  it  would  be  impossible  to  establish  the  point  by  any  train 
of  reasoning.  How  far  he  examined  the  grounds  of  his  faith  is 
uncertain,  but  probably  as  far  as  the  large  portion  of  Christians, 
who  do  not  make  theology  a  special  study  ;  and  we  have  a  right 
to  presume,  that  a  mind  like  his  would  not  receive  an  opinion 
without  a  satisfactory  reason.  He  was  educated  in  the  Episcopal 
Church,  to  which  he  always  adhered  ;  and  my  conviction  is,  that 
he  believed  in  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Christianity  as  usu 
ally  taught  in  that  Church,  according  to  his  understanding  of 
them  ;  but  without  a  particle  of  intolerance,  or  disrespect  for 
the  faith  and  modes  of  worship  adopted  by  Christians  of  other 
denominations. 


No.  V.  p.  475. 
WASHINGTON'S   FAREWELL   ADDRESS. 

The  curiosity,  which  has  been  expressed  respecting  the  author-  Farewell 
ship  of  the  FAREWELL  ADDRESS,  would  seem  to  require  some  no-  Address- 
tice  of  the  subject  in  this  work ;  although  the  question,  as  to  the 
manner  in  which  that  address  originated,  is  one  of  small  moment, 
since  its  real  importance  consists  in  its  being  known  to  contain 


526  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  the  sentiments  of  Washington,  uttered  on  a  solemn  occasion,  and 
No>  v*       designed  for  the  benefit  of  his  countrymen.     Whether  every  idea 

Farewell  embodied  in  it  arose  spontaneously  from  his  own  mind,  or  whether 
every  word  was  first  traced  by  his  pen,  or  whether  he  acted  as 
every  wise  man  would  naturally  act  under  the  same  circum 
stances,  and  sought  counsel  from  other  sources  claiming  respect 
and  confidence,  or  in  what  degree  he  pursued  either  or  all  of 
these  methods,  are  points  so  unimportant,  compared  with  the  ob 
ject  and  matter  of  the  whole,  as  to  be  scarcely  worth  considering. 
Nor  is  it  intended  here  to  do  any  thing  more  than  to  state  a  few 
facts,  leaving  the  reader  to  draw  his  own  inferences. 

When  Washington  accepted  the  Presidency,  to  which  he  had 
been  called  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  people,  it  was  not  his 
intention  to  remain  in  the  office  more  than  one  term.  Towards 
the  close  of  that  term,  he  wrote  a  letter  on  the  subject  to  Mr. 
Madison,  whom  he  had  been  in  the  habit  of  frequently  consulting, 
and  of  whose  ability,  integrity,  and  practical  wisdom,  he  enter 
tained  the  highest  opinion.  In  this  letter  he  stated  briefly,  but 
ably,  some  of  the  particulars,  which  he  supposed  should  be  in 
troduced  into  a  valedictory  address,  which  it  might  be  proper  for 
him  to  publish  on  retiring  from  office.  In  compliance  with  this 
request,  Mr.  Madison  sketched  a  draft,  embodying  the  principal 
parts  of  Washington's  letter,  and  suggesting  a  few  additions. 

But  the  state  of  public  affairs,  and  the  loud  call  of  his  fellow- 
citizens  from  every  part  of  the  Union,  prevailed  on  Washington 
to  yield  to  a  second  choice,  and  remain  in  the  presidency  another 
term  of  four  years.  Hence  no  use  was  made  of  this  draft.  He 
firmly  resolved,  however,  in  any  event,  to  retire  from  public  life 
at  the  end  of  this  second  period  ;  and,  as  the  time  approached, 
he  began  to  revolve  in  his  mind  an  address  to  the  people,  which 
should  communicate  his  determination,  and  convey  to  them  such 
sentiments  or  advice,  as  the  occasion  might  properly  call  fortfi,  or 
as  his  long  experience  and  services  authorized  him  to  give.  There 
is  proof,  that  the  subject  occupied  his  thoughts  nearly  a  year  be 
fore  his  term  of  office  expired.  In  the  mean  time,  the  spirit  of 
party,  that  bane  of  the  private  affections  as  well  as  of  public  con 
cord,  caused  him  to  be  estranged  personally  and  politically  in 
some  degree  from  Mr.  Madison,  and  to  seek  other  counsellors. 

Among  these,  none  possessed  a  higher  place  in  his  confidence 
than  Hamilton  ;  of  the  talents,  patriotism,  honor,  and  honesty  of 
none  had  he  a  more  thorough  conviction,  and  for  none  a  more 
profound  respect.  A  colossal  pillar  of  his  administration,  Humil- 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  527 

ton  had  stood  by  him  in  every  hour  of  trial,  equally  firm  and  true   APPENDIX, 
in  his  friendship,    and   powerful  in  his  support.     To  whom  could       No>  v* 
Washington  more  safely  apply  for  the  fruits  of  a  wise  and  disci-  Farewell 
plined  mind?     From  whom  could  he  hope  for   better  counsel,  or 
a  more  sacred  regard  to  so  confidential  a  trust? 

The  following  note  from  Hamilton  to  Washington  was  proba 
bly  the  first  written  communication  that  passed  between  them  on 
this  subject. 

"New  York,  May  10M,  1796.  — Sir;  When  last  in  Philadel 
phia,  you  mentioned  to  me  your  wish,  that  I  should  re-dress  a 
certain  paper,  which  you  had  prepared.  As  it  is  important,  that 
a  thing  of  this  kind  should  be  done  with  great  care,  and  much 
at  leisure,  touched  and  retouched,  I  submit  a  wish,  that,  as  soon 
as  you  have  given  it  the  body  you  mean  it  to  have,  it  may  be  sent 
to  me." 

This  note  is  dated  more  than  four  months  before  the  FAREWELL 
ADDRESS  was  published,  and  it  appears  that  a  draft  of  some  sort 
had  already  been  "prepared"  by  Washington.  It  also  appears, 
that  Hamilton  had  been  invited,  and  was  well  disposed,  to  lend 
his  assistance  in  giving  it  completeness  and  finish. 

What  were  the  contents  of  the  draft  here  alluded  to,  or  whether 
it  was  the  one  afterwards  sent  to  Hamilton,  there  are  now  no 
means  of  ascertaining.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  it  was  Wash 
ington's  original  idea  to  embody  in  the  address  the  substance  and 
the  form  of  Mr.  Madison's  draft,  and  to  make  such  additions  as 
events  and  the  change  of  circumstances  seemed  to  require.  A 
paper  of  this  description  has  been  preserved,  in  which  is  first 
inserted  Mr.  Madison's  draft,  and  then  a  series  of  memoranda,  or 
loose  hints,  evidently  designed  to  be  wrought  into  the  address.* 

Whether  these  hints  constitute  the  paper  first  sent  to  Hamilton, 
or  to  what  extent  they  were  previously  enlarged  and  arranged, 
cannot  now  be  told.  It  may  be  remarked,  however,  that  they  in 
clude  nearly  all  the  elements  of  the  principal  points  of  the  address, 
as  it  was  finally  published.  After  the  draft  had  been  transmitted  to 
Hamilton,  he  discouraged  the  idea  of  incorporating  Mr.  Madison's 
draft,  in  its  distinct  form,  on  account  of  the  apparent  incongruity 
of  the  thing,  and  because  he  thought  some  of  its  sentiments  not 
suited  to  the  objects  proposed  in  this  last  address.  He  accord 
ingly  sketched  two  plans,  or  drafts,  one  on  the  basis  of  an  incor- 

*  This  paper,  and  also  Washington's  letter  to  Mr.  Madison,  and  Mr. 
Madison's  draft,  may  be  seen  in  Washington's  Writings,  Vol.  XII.  pp.  387,  391. 


528  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  poration,  the  other  on  that  of  an  original  form,  submitting  it  to 
_^'_^__  the  judgment  of  Washington  to  decide  which  was  the  preferable 
Farewell  method.  He  chose  the  latter.  Several  letters  passed  between 
them.  Suggestions  were  made  on  both  sides,  some  of  which  were 
approved  and  adopted,  others  disapproved  and  rejected.  The 
drafts  were  sent  back  and  forth  from  the  one  to  the  other.  The 
work  was  nearly  four  months  in  hand ;  and  was  executed  with  a 
deliberation  and  solicitude,  which  prove  the  deep  sense,  that  each 
entertained  of  its  importance,  and  of  the  advantages  to  be  de 
rived  from  it  to  the  country. 

Mr.  Jay's  testimony  ought  not  to  be  omitted  in  this  place,  as 
he  was  likewise  a  party  concerned. 

"  Some  time  before  the  address  appeared,"  he  says,  "  Colonel 
Hamilton  informed  me,  that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Presi 
dent  Washington,  and  with  it  the  draft  of  a  Farewell  Address, 
which  the  President  had  prepared,  and  on  which  he  requested 
our  opinion.  He  then  proposed  that  we  should  fix  on  a  day  for 
an  interview  at  my  house  on  the  subject.  A  day  was  accordingly 
appointed,  and  on  that  day  Colonel  Hamilton  attended.  He  ob 
served  to  me  in  words  to  this  effect ;  that,  after  having  read  and 
examined  the  draft,  it  appeared  to  him  to  be  susceptible  of  im 
provement;  that  he  thought  the  easiest  and  best  way  was  to 
leave  the  draft  untouched,  and  in  its  fair  state,  and  to  write  the 
whole  over  with  such  amendments,  alterations,  and  corrections  as 
he  thought  were  advisable ;  and  that  he  had  done  so.  He  then 
proposed  to  read  it  and  to  make  it  the  subject  of  our  considera 
tion.  This  being  agreed  to,  he  read  it,  and  we  proceeded  de 
liberately  to  discuss  and  consider  it,  paragraph  by  paragraph, 
until  the  whole  met  with  our  mutual  approbation.  Some  amend 
ments  were  made  during  the  interview,  but  none  of  much  im 
portance. 

"  Although  this  business  had  not  been  hastily  despatched,  yet, 
aware  of  the  consequence  of  such  a  paper,  I  suggested  the  giving 
it  a  further  critical  examination;  but  he  declined  it,  saying  he 
was  pressed  for  time,  and  was  anxious  to  return  the  draft  to  the 
President  without  delay. 

"  It  afterwards  occurred  to  me,  that  a  certain  proposition  was 
expressed  in  terms  too  general  and  unqualified  ;  and  I  hinted  it 
in  a  letter  to  the  President.  As  the  business  took  the  course 
above  mentioned,  a  recurrence  to  -the  draft  was  unnecessary,  and 
it  was  not  read.  There  was  this  advantage  in  the  course  pur 
sued:  the  President's  draft  remained  (as  delicacy  required)  fair 
and  not  obscured  by  interlineations.  By  comparing  it  with  the 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  529 

paper  sent   with  it,   he  would  immediately  observe  the  particular   APPENDIX, 

emendations  and  corrections  that  were  proposed,   and  would  find 

them  standing  in  their  intended  places.     Hence  he  was  enabled   Farewell 

to  review,  and  to  decide  on  the  whole  matter,   with  much  greater 

clearness  and  facility,  than  if  he  had  received  them   in  separate 

and  detached  notes,    and    with   detailed   references   to  the   pages 

and  lines,   where  they  were  advised  to  be  introduced."  * 

It  is  here  to  be  observed,  that  Mr.  Jay  does  not  profess  to  have 
seen  Washington's  first  draft,  and  of  course  he  could  not  know 
what  alterations  and  amendments  had  been  made  by  Hamilton 
in  transcribing  it.  He  evidently  received  the  impression,  how 
ever,  that  the  transcript  was,  in  its  matter,  essentially  the  same 
as  the  original. 

The  copy,  from  which  the  final  draft  was  printed,  is  now  in 
existence.  It  was  given  by  Washington  himself  to  Mr.  Claypoole, 
the  printer.  This  manuscript,  by  the  permission  of  Mr.  Claypoole, 
I  have  examined,  and  it  is  wholly  in  the  handwriting  of  Wash 
ington.  It  bears  all  the  marks  of  a  most  rigid  and  laborious 
revision.  It  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Claypoole.  "  The  manu 
script  copy  consists  of  thirty-two  pages  of  quarto  letter-paper,  sew 
ed  together  as  a  book,  and  with  many  alterations ;  as  in  some 
places  whole  paragraphs  are  erased,  and  others  substituted ;  in 
others,  many  lines  struck  out;  in  others,  sentences  and  words 
erased,  and  others  interlined  in  their  stead.  The  tenth,  eleventh, 
and  sixteenth  pages  are  almost  entirely  expunged,  saving  only  a 
few  lines ;  and  one  half  of  the  thirty-first  page  is  also  effaced."  t 

The  above  statement  I  believe  to  include  all  that  is  known 
with  certainty  on  this  subject.  It  proves  that  an  original  draft 
was  sent  by  Washington  to  Hamilton  ;  that  the  latter  bestowed 
great  pains  in  correcting  and  improving  it ;  that,  during  this  pro 
cess,  several  communications  passed  between  them ;  and  that  the 
final  draft  was  printed  from  a  copy,  containing  numerous  altera 
tions  in  the  matter  and  style,  which  were  unquestionably  made  by 
Washington.  The  precise  paragraphs,  words,  or  thoughts,  which 
originated  with  either,  cannot  now  be  known.  If  a  draft  could 
be  found  in  the  handwriting  of  Hamilton,  nearly  resembling  the 
printed  address,  it  would  go  but  a  short  way  in  solving  thisjques- 
tion.  Papers  may  or  may  not  have  been  destroyed.  It  is  im- 

*  Letter  to  Richard  Peters,  published  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  So 
ciety  of  Pennsylvania,  Vol.  I.  p.  249. 

t  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Vol.  I.  p.  257. 

67  c3 


530 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


Farewell 

Address. 


APPENDIX,  possible  to  prove  either  the  one  or  the  other  ;  and  till  this  can 
No- v-  be  done,  it  is  equally  impossible  to  decide  what  part  was  con 
tributed  by  each  of  the  writers.  In  a  case  of  so  confidential  a  . 
nature,  and  in  which  his  honor  was  so  much  concerned,  it  may 
be  supposed  that  Hamilton  would  not  preserve  every  communica 
tion  he  received.  It  could  only  be,  by  a  knowledge  of  the  con 
versation  between  Washington  and  Hamilton  before  the  first  draft 
was  sent  to  the  latter,  and  by  comparing  all  the  papers  that  ever 
existed  on  the  subject,  that  a  positive  conclusion  could  justly  or 
safely  be  drawn. 

My  opinion  is,  that  the  Address,  in  the  shape  it  now  bears,  is 
much  indebted  for  its  language  and  style  to  the  careful  revision 
and  skilful  pen  of  Hamilton  ;  that  he  suggested  some  of  the  topics 
and  amplified  others  ;  and  that  he  undertook  this  task  not  more 
as  an  act  of  friendship,  than  from  a  sincere  desire,  that  a  paper 
of  this  kind  should  go  before  the  public  in  a  form,  which  would 
give  it  great  and  lasting  utility.  But  I  do  not  think  that  his  aid, 
however  valuable,  was  such  as  to  detract  from  the  substantial 
merit  of  Washington,  or  to  divest  him  of  a  fair  claim  to  the  au 
thorship  of  the  address. 

If  we  chose  to  pursue  the  inquiry,  and  accumulate  probabilities, 
the  result  would  not  be  more  satisfactory.  Every  one,  who  shall 
peruse  the  volumes  of  Washington's  writings,  will  be  satisfied  that 
there  is  not  an  idea  or  sentiment  in  the  FAREWELL  ADDRESS,  which 
may  not  be  found,  more  or  less  extended,  in  different  parts  of  them ; 
nor,  after  such  a  perusal,  can  any  one  doubt  his  ability  to  corn- 
pose  such  a  paper.  As  a  mere  literary  performance,  though  ex 
cellent,  it  is  neither  extraordinary,  nor  in  any  degree  superior  to 
many  others  known  to  be  written  by  each  of  the  parties.  It 
would  add  little  to  the  great  reputation  of  Washington,  or  of 
Hamilton,  if  the  one  or  the  other  could  be  proved  to  be  its  sole 
and  unaided  author.  It  derives  its  value,  and  is  destined  to  im 
mortality,  chiefly  from  the  circumstance  of  its  containing  wise, 
pure,  and  noble  sentiments,  sanctioned  by  the  name  of  Washing 
ton  at  the  moment  when  he  was  retiring  from  a  long  public 
career,  in  which  he  had  been  devoted  to  the  service  of  his  coun 
try  with  a  disinterestedness,  self-sacrifice,  perseverance,  and  suc 
cess,  commanding  the  admiration  and  applause  of  mankind. 
Take  away  this  name  and  this  circumstance,  and  its  powerful 
charm  would  be  broken ;  it  would  be  called  able  and  good,  an 
honorable  testimony  of  the  ability  and  patriotism  of  the  writer, 
without  exciting  eager  curiosity  as  to  its  origin,  or  the  precise 
manner  in  which  it  was  produced. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  531 

No.  VI.    p.  488. 
LAST  ILLNESS   AND   DEATH  OF   WASHINGTON.* 

Mount.  Vernon,   Saturday,   December   14th,   1799.  —  This   day  APPENDIX, 
being  marked  by  an  event,  which  will  be  memorable  in  the  his 
tory  of  America,  and  perhaps  of  the  world,  I  shall  give  a  particular  Last  ninesa 

and  death  of 

statement  of  it,  to  which  1  was  an  eyewitness.  Washington. 

On  Thursday,  December  12th,  the  General  rode  out  to  his  farms 
about  ten  o'clock,  and  did  not  return  home  till  past  three.  Soon 
after  he  went  out,  the  weather  became  very  bad,  rain,  hail,  snow 
falling  alternately,  with  a  cold  wind.  When  he  came  in,  I  carried 
some  letters  to  him  to  frank,  intending  to  send  them  to  the  post- 
office  in  the  evening.  He  franked  the  letters,  but  said  the  weather 
was  too  bad  to  send  a  servant  to  the  office  that  evening.  I  ob 
served  to  him,  that  I  was  afraid  he  had  got  wet.  He  said,  No,  his 
great-coat  had  kept  him  dry.  But  his  neck  appeared  to  be  wet, 
and  the  snow  was  hanging  upon  his  hair.  He  came  to  dinner 
(which  had  been  waiting  for  him)  without  changing  his  dress.  In 
the  evening  he  appeared  as  well  as  usual. 

A  heavy  fall  of  snow  took  place  on  Friday,  which  prevented  the 
General  from  riding  out  as  usual.  He  had  taken  cold,  undoubt 
edly  from  being  so  much  exposed  the  day  before,  and  complained 
of  a  sore  throat,  He,  however,  went  out  in  the  afternoon  into  the 
ground  between  the  house  and  the  river  to  mark  some  trees,  which 
were  to  be  cut  down  in  the  improvement  of  that  spot.  He  had  a 
hoarseness,  which  increased  in  the  evening  ;  but  he  made  light  of  it. 

In  the  evening  the  papers  were  brought  from  the  post-office, 
and  he  sat  in  the  parlor  with  Mrs.  Washington  and  myself  read 
ing  them,  till  about  nine  o'clock,  when  Mrs.  Washington  went  up 
into  Mrs.  Lewis's  room,  who  was  confined,  and  left  the  General 
and  myself  reading  the  papers.  He  was  very  cheerful,  and  when 
he  met  with  any  thing  interesting  or  entertaining,  he  read  it  aloud 
as  well  as  his  hoarseness  would  permit.  He  requested  me  to  read 
to  him  the  Debates  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  on  the  election  of  a 

*  Mr.  Tobias  Lear,  a  gentleman  of  education  and  talents,  resided  several 
years  with  Washington,  first  as  his  secretary,  and  afterwards  as  superintend 
ent  of  his  private  affairs.  He  was  present  during  Washington's  last  illness, 
and  wrote  down  a  narrative  of  the  occurrences  immediately  after  his  death. 
The  narrative  is  here  printed  as  transcribed  from  Mr.  Lear's  original  manu 
script. 


532  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   Senator  and  Governor  ;  and,  on  hearing  Mr.  Madison's  observations 
No'  VL      respecting  Mr.  Monroe,   he    appeared  much   affected,  and   spoke 


with  some  degree  of  asperity  on  the  subject,  which  I  endeavored 
Washington,  to  moderate,  as  I  always  did  on  such  occasions.  On  his  retiring, 
I  observed  to  him,  that  he  had  better  take  something  to  remove 
his  cold.  He  answered,  "  No,  you  know  I  never  take  any  thing 
for  a  cold.  Let  it  go  as  it  came." 

Between  two  and  three  o'clock,  on  Saturday  morning,  he  awoke 
Mrs.  Washington,  and  told  her  that  he  was  very  unwell,  and  had  had 
an  ague.  She  observed,  that  he  could  scarcely  speak,  and  breath 
ed  with  difficulty,  and  would  have  got  up  to  call  a  servant.  But  he 
would  not  permit  her,  lest  she  should  take  a  cold.  As  soon  as  the 
day  appeared,  the  woman  (Caroline)  went  into  the  room  to  make 
a  fire,  and  Mrs.  Washington  sent  her  immediately  to  caft  me.  I 
got  up,  put  on  my  clothes  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  went  to  his 
chamber.  Mrs.  Washington  was  then  up,  and  related  to  me  his 
being  ill  as  before  stated.  I  found  the  General  breathing  with 
difficulty,  and  hardly  able  to  utter  a  word  intelligibly.  He  desired 
Mr.  Rawlins  (one  of  the  overseers)  might  be  sent  for  to  bleed  him 
before  the  doctor  could  arrive.  I  despatched  a  servant  instantly 
for  Rawlins,  and  another  for  Dr.  Craik,  and  returned  again  to  the 
General's  chamber,  where  I  found  him  in  the  same  situation  as 
I  had  left  him. 

A  mixture  of  molasses,  vinegar,  and  butter  was  prepared  to  try 
its  effects  in  the  throat  ;  but  he  could  not  swallow  a  drop.  When 
ever  he  attempted  it,  he  appeared  to  be  distressed,  convulsed,  and 
almost  suffocated.  Rawlins  came  in  soon  after  sunrise,  and  pre 
pared  to  bleed  him.  When  the  arm  was  ready,  -the  General,  observ 
ing  that  Rawlins  appeared  to  be  agitated,  said,  as  well  as  he  could 
speak,  "  Don't  be  afraid."  And  when  the  incision  was  made,  he 
observed,  "  The  orifice  is  not  large  enough."  However,  the  blood 
ran  pretty  freely.  Mrs.  Washington,  not  knowing  whether  bleed 
ing  was  proper  or  not  in  the  General's  situation,  begged  that  much 
might  not  be  taken  from  him,  lest  it  should  be  injurious,  and  desired 
me  to  stop  it  ;  but,  when  I  was  about  to  untie  the  string,  the  Gen 
eral  put  up  his  hand  to  prevent  it,  and,  as  soon  as  he  could  speak, 
he  said,  "  More,  more."  Mrs.  Washington  being  still  very  uneasy, 
lest  too  much  blood  should  be  taken,  it  was  stopped  after  taking 
about  half  a  pint.  Finding  that  no  relief  was  obtained  from  bleed 
ing,  and  that  nothing  would  go  down  the  throat,  I  proposed  bathing 
it  externally  with  sal  volatile,  which  was  done,  and  in  the  opera 
tion,  which  was  with  the  hand,  and  in  the  gentlest  manner,  he 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  533 

observed,  "  It   is   very   sore."     A   piece   of  flannel  dipped  in  sal  APPENDIX, 
volatile  was   put  around  his  neck,  and   his   feet   bathed    in  warm      No- VL 
water,  but  without  affording  any  relief.  Last  illness 

In  the  mean  time,  before  Dr.  Craik  arrived,  Mrs.  Washington  Washington. 
desired  me  to  send  for  Dr.  Brown  of  Port  Tobacco,  whom  Dr. 
Craik  had  recommended  to  be  called,  if  any  case  should  ever 
occur,  that  was  seriously  alarming.  I  despatched  a  messenger  im 
mediately  for  Dr.  Brown  between  eight  and  nine  o'clock.  Dr.  Craik 
came  in  soon  after,  and,  upon  examining  the  General,  he  put  a  blister 
of  cantharides  on  the  throat,  took  some  more  blood  from  him,  and 
had  a  gargle  of  vinegar  and  sage  tea  prepared ;  and  ordered  some 
vinegar  and  hot  water  for  him  to  inhale  the  steam  of  it,  which  he 
did  ;  but  in  attempting  to  use  the  gargle  he  was  almost  suffocated. 
When  the  gargle  came  from  the  throat,  some  phlegm  followed,  and 
he  attempted  to  cough,  which  the  doctor  encouraged  him  to  do  as 
much  as  possible ;  but  he  could  only  attempt  it.  About  eleven 
o'clock,  Dr.  Craik  requested  that  Dr.  Dick  might  be  sent  for,  as 
he  feared  Dr.  Brown  would  not  come  in  time.  A  messenger  was 
accordingly  despatched  for  him.  About  this  time  the  General  was 
bled  again.  No  effect,  however,  was  produced  by  it,  and  he  re 
mained  in  the  same  state,  unable  to  swallow  any  thing. 

Dr.  Dick  came  about  three  o'clock,  and  Dr.  Brown  arrived  soon 
after.  Upon  Dr.  Dick's  seeing  the  General,  and  consulting  a  few 
minutes  with  Dr.  Craik,  he  was  bled  again.  The  blood  came 
very  slow,  was  thick,  and  did  not  produce  any  symptoms  of  faint 
ing.  Dr.  Brown  came  into  the  chamber  soon  after,  and  upon 
feeling  the  General's  pulse,  the  physicians  went  out  together.  Dr. 
Craik  returned  soon  after.  The  General  could  now  swallow  a 
little.  Calomel  and  tartar  emetic  were  administered,  but  without 
any  effect. 

About  half  past  four  o'clock  he  desired  me  to  call  Mrs.  Wash 
ington  to  his  bedside,  when  he  requested  her  to  go  down  into  his 
room,  and.  take  from  his  desk  two  wills,  which  she  would  find 
there,  and  bring  them  to  him,  which  she  did.  Upon  looking  at 
them  he  gave  her  one,  which  he  observed  was  useless,  as  being 
superseded  by  the  other,  and  desired  her  to  burn  it,  which  she 
did,  and  took  the  other  and  put  it  into  her  closet. 

After  this  was  done,  I  returned  to  his  bedside  and  took  his 
hand.  He  said  to  me ;  "  I  find  I  am  going.  My  breath  cannot 
ast  long.  I  believed  from  the  first,  that  the  disorder  would  prove 
fatal.  Do  you  arrange  and  record  all  my  late  military  letters  and 
papers.  Arrange  my  accounts  and  settle  my  books,  as  you  know 

D3 


534  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  more  about  them  than  any  one  else,  and  let  Mr.  Rawlins  finish 

No-VI-      recording  my  other  letters,  which  he  has  begun."     I  told  him  this 

Last  illness     should  be  done.     He  then  asked,  if  I  recollected  any  thing  which 

Washington,   it  was  essential  for  him  to  do,  as  he  had  but  a  very  short  time  to 

continue  with  us.     I  told  him,  that  I  could  recollect  nothing,  but 

that  I  hoped  he  was  not  so  near  his  end.     He  observed,  smiling, 

that  he  certainly  was,  and  that,  as  it  was  the  debt  which  we  must 

all  pay,  he  looked  to  the  event  with  perfect  resignation. 

In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  he  appeared  to  be  in  great  pam 
and  distress,  from  the  difficulty  of  breathing,  and  frequently  changed 
his  posture  in  the  bed.  On  these  occasions  I  lay  upon  the  bed 
and  endeavored  to  raise  him,  and  turn  him  with  as  much  ease  as 
possible.  He  appeared  penetrated  with  gratitude  for  my  attentions, 
and  often  said,  "  I  am  afraid  I  shall  fatigue  you  too  much " ;  and 
upon  my  assuring  him,  that  I  could  feel  nothing  but  a  wish  to  give 
him  ease,  he  replied,  "  Well,  it  is  a  debt  we  must  pay  to  each 
other,  and  I  hope,  when  you  want  aid  of  this  kind,  you  will  find  it." 

He  asked  when  Mr.  Lewis  and  Washington  Custis  would  return. 
(They  were  then  in  New  Kent.)  I  told  him  about  the  20th  of 
the  month. 

About  five  o'clock  Dr.  Craik  came  again  into  the  room,  and, 
upon  going  to  the  bedside  the  General  said  to  him ;  "  Doctor,  I 
die  hard,  but  I  am  not  afraid  to  go.  I  believed,  from  my  first 
attack,  that  I  should  not  survive  it.  My  breath  cannot  last  long." 
The  Doctor  pressed  his  hand,  but  could  not  utter  a  word.  He 
retired  from  the  bedside,  and  sat  by  the  fire  absorbed  in  grief. 

Between  five  and  six  o'clock  Dr.  Dick  and  Dr.  Brown  came 
into  the  room,  and  with  Dr.  Craik  went  to  the  bed,  when  Dr.  Craik 
asked  him  if  he  could  sit  up  in  the  bed.  He  held  out  his  hand, 
and  I  raised  him  up.  He  then  said  to  the  physicians ;  "  I  feel 
myself  going ;  I  thank  you  for  your  attentions  ;  but  I  pray  you  to 
take  no  more  trouble  about  me.  Let  me  go  off  quietly.  I  cannot 
last  long."  They  found  that  all  which  had  been  done  was  without 
effect.  He  lay  down  again,  and  all  retired  except  Dr.  Craik. 
He  continued  in  the  same  situation,  uneasy  and  restless,  but  with 
out  complaining ;  frequently  asking  what  hour  it  was.  When  I 
helped  him  to  move  at  this  time,  he  did  not  speak,  but  looked  at 
me  with  strong  expressions  of  gratitude. 

4^bout  eight  o'clock  the  physicians  came  again  into  the  room, 
and  applied  blisters  and  cataplasms  of  wheat  bran  to  his  legs  and 
feet,  after  which  they  went  out,  except  Dr.  Craik,  without  a  ray  of 
hope.  I  went  out  about  this  time,  and  wrote  a  line  to  Mr.  Law  and 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  535 

Mr.  Peter,  requesting  them  to  come  with  their  wives  (Mrs.  Wash-  APPENDIX, 
ington's  granddaughters)  as  soon  as  possible   to  Mount  Vernon. 

About  ten   o'clock   he  made   several    attempts   to   speak  to  me   Last  illness 
before  he  could  effect  it.     At  length  he  said  ;  "I  am  just  going.   Washington 
Have  me  decently  buried  ;  and  do  not  let  my  body  be  put  into  the 
vault  in  less  than  three  days  after  I  arn  dead."     I   bowed  assent, 
for   I  could   not  speak.     He  then  looked  at  me  again  and  said  ; 
"  Do  you  understand  me  ?"  I  replied,  "  Yes."  "  'T  is  well,"  said  he. 

About  ten  minutes  before  he  expired  (which  was  between  ten 
and  eleven  o'clock),  his  breathing  became  easier.  He  lay  quietly  ; 
he  withdrew  his  hand  from  mine,  and  felt  his  own  pulse.  I  saw  his 
countenance  change.  I  spoke  to  Dr.  Craik,  who  sat  by  the  fire. 
He  came  to  the  bedside.  The  General's  hand  fell  from  his  wrist. 
I  took  it  in  mine,  and  pressed  it  to  my  bosom.  Dr.  Craik  put  his  * 
hands  over  his  eyes,  and  he  expired  without  a  struggle  or  a  sigh. 

While  we  were  fixed  in  silent  grief,  Mrs.  Washington,  who  was 
sitting  at  the  foot  of  the  bed,  asked  with  a  firm  and  collected 
voice ;  "  Is  he  gone  1 "  I  could  not  speak,  but  held  up  my  hand 
as  a  signal,  that  he  was  no  more.  "  'T  is  well,"  said  she,  in  the 
same  voice,  "  all  is  now  over ;  I  shall  soon  follow  him :  I  have  no 
more  trials  to  pass  through." 

OCCURRENCES  NOT  NOTED  IN  THE  PRECEDING  NARRATIVE. 

The  General's  servant,  Christopher,  was  in  the  room  during  the 
day ;  and  in  the  afternoon  the  General  directed  him  to  sit  down, 
as  he  had  been  standing  almost  the  whole  day.  He  did  so. 

About  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  get 
up.  His  clothes  were  put  on,  and  he  was  led  to  a  chair  by  the 
fire.  He  found  no  relief  from  that  position,  and  lay  down  again 
about  ten  o'clock. 

About  five  in  the  afternoon,  he  was  helped  up  again,  and,  after 
sitting  about  half  an  hour,  he  desired  to  be  undressed  and  put  in 
bed,  which  was  done. 

During  his  whole  illness  he  spoke  but  seldom,  and  with  great 
difficulty  and  distress ;  and  in  so  low  and  broken  a  voice,  as  at 
times  hardly  to  be  understood.  His  patience,  fortitude,  and  resig 
nation  never  forsook  him  for  a  moment.  In  all  his  distress  he 
uttered  not  a  sigh  nor  a  complaint ;  always  endeavoring,  from  a 
sense  of  duty  as  it  appeared,  to  take  what  was  offered  him,  and  to 
do  as  he  was  desired  by  the  physicians. 

At  the  time  of  his  decease,  Dr.  Craik  and  myself  were  in  the 


536  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   situation    before   mentioned.      Mrs.   Washington   was  sitting   near 

No'VL      the  foot  of  the  bed.     Christopher  was  standing  near  the  bedside. 

Last  illness     Caroline,  Molly,   and  Charlotte  were  in  the  room,  standing  near 

Washington,  the  door.      Mrs.    Forbes,  the  housekeeper,   was  frequently  in  the 

room  during  the  day  and  evening. 

As  soon  as  Dr.  Craik  could  speak,  after  the  distressing  scene  was 
closed,  he  desired  one  of  the  servants  to  ask  the  gentlemen  below 
to  come  up  stairs.  When  they  came  to  the  bedside,  I  kissed  the 
cold  hand,  which  I  had  held  to  my  bosom,  laid  it  down,  and  went 
to  the  other  end  of  the  room,  where  I  was  for  some  time  lost  in 
profound  grief,  until  aroused  by  Christopher  desiring  me  to  take 
care  of  the  General's  keys,  and  other  things,  which  were  taken  out 
of  his  pockets,  and  which  Mrs.  Washington  directed  him  to  give 
.  to  me.  I  wrapped  them  in  the  General's  handkerchief,  and  took 
them  to  my  room. 

About  twelve  o'clock  the  corpse  was  brought  down  stairs,  and 
laid  out  in  the  large  room.* 


Washing-  Sunday,  December  15th.  Mrs.  Washington  sent  for  me  in  the 

!ra*  morning,  and  desired  that  I  would  send  up  to  Alexandria  and 
have  a  coffin  made,  which  I  did. 

Mrs.  Stuart  was  sent  for  in  the  morning.  About  ten  o'clock, 
Mr.  Thomas  Peter  came  down ;  and  about  two,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Law, 
to  whom  I  had  written  on  Saturday  evening.  Dr.  Thornton  came 
down  with  Mr.  Law.  Dr.  Craik  stayed  all  day  and  night. 

In  the  evening  I  consulted  with  Mr.  Law,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Dr. 
Craik  on  fixing  a  day  for  depositing  the  body  in  the  vault.  I 
wished  the  ceremony  to  be  postponed  till  the  last  of  the  week,  to 
give  time  to  some  of  the  General's  relations  to  be  here ;  but  Dr. 
Craik  and  Dr.  Thornton  gave  it  decidedly  as  their  opinion,  that, 
considering  the  disorder  of  which  the  General  died,  being  of  an 
inflammatory  nature,  it  would  not  be  proper  to  keep  the  body  so 
long,  and  therefore  Wednesday  was  fixed  upon  for  the  funeral. 

Monday,  December  16th.  I  directed  the  people  to  open  the 
family  vault,  clear  away  the  rubbish  about  it,  and  make  every  thing 
decent ;  ordered  a  door  to  be  made  to  the  vault,  instead  of  closing 

*  The  following  certificate,  in  the  handwriting  of  Dr.  Craik,  is  appended 
to  the  above  portion  of  Mr.  Lear's  narrative. 

"  Sunday,  December  15th.  The  foregoing  statement,  so  far  as  I  can  recol 
lect,  is  correct.  "JAS.  CRAIK." 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  537 

it  again  with  brick,  as  had  been  the  custom.     Engaged  Mr.  Inglis   APPENDIX, 
and  Mr.  Munn  to  have  a  mahogany  coffin  made,  lined  with  lead. 

Dr.  Craik,  Mr.  Peter,  and  Dr.  Thornton  left  us  after  breakfast. 
Mrs.  Stuart  and  her  daughters  came  in  the  afternoon.  Mr.  Ander 
son  went  to  Alexandria  to  get  a  number  of  things  preparatory  for 
the  funeral.  Mourning  was  ordered  for  the  family,  domestics,  and 
overseers. 

Having  received  information  from  Alexandria,  that  the  militia, 
freemasons,  &,c.,  were  determined  to  show  their  respect  for  the 
General's  memory,  by  attending  his  body  to  the  grave,  I  directed 
provision  to  be  prepared  for  a  large  number  of  people,  as  some 
refreshment  would  be  expected  by  them.  Mr.  Robert  Hamilton 
wrote  to  me  a  letter,  informing  me  that  a  schooner  of  his  would 
be  off  Mount  Vernon  to  fire  minute  guns,  while  the  body  was  car 
rying  to  the  grave.  I  gave  notice  of  the  time  fixed  for  the  funeral 
to  the  following  persons  by  Mrs.  Washington's  desire ;  namely,  Mr. 
Mason  and  family,  Mr.  Peake  and  family,  Mr.  Nickols  and  family, 
Mr.  McCarty  and  family,  Miss  McCarty,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  McClana- 
han,  Lord  Fairfax  and  family,  Mr.  Triplet  and  family,  Mr.  Ander 
son  and  family,  Mr.  Diggs,  Mr.  Cockburn  and  family,  Mr.  Massey 
and  family,  and  Mr.  R.  West.  Wrote  also  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davis  to 
read  the  service. 

Tuesday,  December  17th.  Every  preparation  for  the  mournful 
ceremony  was  making.  Mr.  Stewart,  adjutant  of  the  Alexandria 
regiment,  came  to  view  the  ground  for  the  procession.  About  one 
o'clock  the  coffin  was  brought  from  Alexandria.  Mr.  Grater 
accompanied  it  with  a  shroud.  The  body  was  laid  in  the  coffin. 
The  mahogany  coffin  was  lined  with  lead,  soldered  at  the  joints, 
with  a  cover  of  lead  to  be  soldered  on  after  the  body  should  be  in 
the  vault.  The  coffin  was  put  into  a  case,  lined  and  covered  with 
black  cloth. 

Wednesday,  December  18th.  About  eleven  o'clock  numbers  of 
people  began  to  assemble  to  attend  the  funeral,  which  was  intended 
to  have  been  at  twelve  o'clock  ;  but,  as  a  great  part  of  the  troops 
expected  could  not  get  down  in  time,  it  did  not  take  place  till 
three. 

Eleven  pieces  of  artillery  were  brought  from  Alexandria;  and 
a  schooner,  belonging  to  Mr.  R.  Hamilton,  came  down  and  lay 
off  Mount  Vernon  to  fire  minute  guns. 

About   three   o'clock   the  procession  began  to  move.      The  ar 
rangements  of  the  procession  were  made  by  Colonels  Little,  Simms, 
Deneale,  and  Dr.   Dick.     The   pall-holders   were  Colonels  Little, 
68 


538  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  Simms,  Payne,  Gilpin,  Ramsey,  and  Marsteler.  Colonel  Black- 
No>  VL  burn  preceded  the  corpse.  Colonel  Deneale  marched  with  the 

Washing  military.  The  procession  moved  out  through  the  gate  at  the  left 
wing  of  the  house,  and  proceeded  round  in  front  of  the  lawn,  and 
down  to  the  vault  on  the  right  wing  of  the  house.  The  procession 
as  follows ; 

The  Troops,  horse  and  foot. 
The  Clergy,  namely,  the  Reverend  Messrs.  Davis,  M uir,  Moffatt, 

and  Addison. 
The  General's  horse,  with  his  saddle,  holsters,  and  pistols,  led  by 

two  grooms,  Cyrus  and  Wilson,  in  black. 
The  Body,   borne  by  the  Freemasons  and  Officers. 

Principal  Mourners,   namely, 
Mrs.   Stuart  and  Mrs.  Law, 
Misses  Nancy  and  Sally  Stuart, 
Miss  Fairfax  and  Miss  Dennison, 
Mr.  Law  and  Mr.  Peter, 
Mr.  Lear  and  Dr.  Craik, 
Lord  Fairfax  and  Ferdinando  Fairfax. 

Lodge,  No.  23. 

Corporation  of  Alexandria. 

All  other  persons ;  preceded 

by  Mr.  Anderson  and  the  Overseers. 

When  the  body  arrived  at  the  vault,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Davis  read 
the  service,  and  pronounced  a  short  address. 

The  Masons  performed  their  ceremonies,  and  the  body  was 
deposited  in  the  vault. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  539 


No.  VII.  p.  489. 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS  IN  CONSEQUENCE  OF  THE 
DEATH  OF   WASHINGTON. 

SPEECH  OP  JOHN  MARSHALL  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 
AND  RESOLUTIONS  ADOPTED  BY  THE  HOUSE,  DECEMBER  19TH, 
1799.* 

MR.  SPEAKER, 

The   melancholy   event,  which   was  yesterday   announced   with  APPENDIX, 
doubt,   has  been  rendered  but  too   certain.     Our   Washington  is     No- V1L 

no  more !     The  hero,  the  patriot,  and  the  sage  of  America ;  the  Proceedings 

*  of  Congress. 

man  on  whom  in  times  of  danger  every  eye  was  turned,  and  all 
hopes  were  placed,  lives  now  only  in  his  own  great  actions,  and 
in  the  hearts  of  an  affectionate  and  afflicted  people. 

If,  Sir,  it  had  even  not  been  usual  openly  to  testify  respect  for 
the  memory  of  those  whom  Heaven  has  selected  as  its  instru 
ments  for  dispensing  good  to  man,  yet  such  has  been  the  un 
common  worth,  and  such  the  extraordinary  incidents,  which  have 
marked  the  life  of  him  whose  loss  we  all  deplore,  that  the  whole 
American  nation,  impelled  by  the  same  feelings,  would  call  with 
one  voice  for  a  public  manifestation  of  that  sorrow,  which  is  so 
deep  and  so  universal. 

More  than  any  other  individual,  and  as  much  as  to  one  indi 
vidual  was  possible,  has  he  contributed  to  found  this  our  wide- 
spreading  empire,  and  to  give  to  the  western  world  independence 
and  freedom. 

Having  effected  the  great  object  for  which  he  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  our  armies,  we  have  seen  him  convert  the  sword  into 
the  ploughshare,  and  sink  the  soldier  in  the  citizen. 

When  the  debility  of  our  federal  system  had  become  manifest, 
and  the  bonds  which  connected  this  vast  continent  were  dissolv 
ing,  we  have  seen  him  the  chief  of  those  patriots,  who  formed  for 
us  a  constitution,  which,  by  preserving  the  union,  will,  I  trust, 
substantiate  and  perpetuate,  those  blessings  which  our  Revolution 
had  promised  to  bestow. 

In  obedience  to  the  general  voice  of  his  country,  calling  him 
to  preside  over  a  great  people,  we  have  seen  him  once  more  quit 

*  The  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Washington  had  been  received  the  pre 
ceding  day,  and  the  House  immediately  adjourned.  The  next  morning  Mr 
Marshall  addressed  this  speech  to  the  House. 


540  LIFE    OF    WASHI1S?GTON. 

APPENDIX,   the  retirement  he  loved,  and,  in  a  season  more  stormy  and  tern- 
VIL      pestuous  than  war  itself,  with  calm  and  wise  determination   pur- 


Proceedings  sue  the  true  interests  of  the  nation,  and  contribute,  more  than  any 
other  could  contribute,  to  the  establishment  of  that  system  of  policy, 
which  will,  I  trust,  yet  preserve  our  peace,  our  honor,  and  our 
independence. 

Having  been  twice  unanimously  chosen  the  chief  magistrate  of 
a  free  people,  we  have  seen  him,  at  a  time  when  his  reelection 
with  universal  suffrage  could  not  be  doubted,  afford  to  the  world 
a  rare  instance  of  moderation,  by  withdrawing  from  his  station  to 
the  peaceful  walks  of  private  life. 

However  the  public  confidence  may  change,  and  the  public  af 
fections  fluctuate  with  respect  to  others,  with  respect  to  him  they 
have,  in  war  and  in  peace,  in  public  and  in  private  life,  been  as 
steady  as  his  own  firm  mind,  and  as  constant  as  his  own  exalted 
virtues. 

Let  us,  then,  Mr.  Speaker,  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  and 
affection  to  our  departed  friend.  Let  the  grand  council  of  the 
nation  display  those  sentiments  which  the  nation  feels.  For  this 
purpose  I  hold  in  my  hand  some  resolutions,  which  I  take  the 
liberty  of  offering  to  the  house. 

Resolved,  That  this  house  will  wait  on  the  President,  in  con 
dolence  of  this  mournful  event. 

Resolved,  That  the  Speaker's  chair  be  shrouded  with  black, 
and  that  the  members  and  officers  of  the  house  wear  black  during 
the  session. 

Resolved,  That  a  committee,  in  conjunction  with  one  from  the 
Senate,  be  appointed  to  consider  on  the  most  suitable  manner  of 
paying  honor  to  the  memory  of  the  man,  first  in  war,  first  in  peace, 
and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  fellow  citizens. 


LETTER  FROM  THE  SENATE  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE 
UNITED  STATES. 

23  December,  1799.  * 

SIR, 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  respectfully  take  leave  to  ex 
press  to  you  their  deep  regret  for  the  loss  their  country  sustains 
in  the  death  of  General  George  Washington. 

This  event,  so  distressing  to  all  our  fellow  citizens,  must  be 
peculiarly  heavy  to  you,  who  have  long  been  associated  with  him 
in  deeds  of  patriotism.  Permit  us,  Sir,  to  mingle  our  tears  with 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON. 


641 


of  Congress. 


yours.     On  this  occasion  it  is  manly  to  weep.     To  lose  such   a  APPENDIX, 
man,  at  such  a  crisis,  is  no  common  calamity  to  the  world.     Our      No<  V1I> 
country  mourns  a  father.     The  Almighty  Disposer  of  human  events   Proceedings 
has  taken  from  us  our  greatest  benefactor  and  ornament.     It  be 
comes  us  to  submit  with  reverence  to  him  "  who  maketh  darkness 
his  pavilion." 

With  patriotic  pride  we  review  the  life  of  our  Washington,  and 
compare  him  with  those  of  other  countries  who  have  been  pre 
eminent  in  fame.  Ancient  and  modern  times  are  diminished  be 
fore  him.  Greatness  and  guilt  have  too  often  been  allied  ;  but 
his  fame  is  whiter  than  it  is  brilliant.  The  destroyers  of  nations 
stood  abashed  at  the  majesty  -^of  his  virtues.  It  reproved  the  in 
temperance  of  their  ambition,  and  darkened  the  splendor  of  vic 
tory.  The  scene  is  closed,  and  we  are  no  longer  anxious  lest 
misfortune  should  sully  his  glory ;  he  has  travelled  on  to  the  end 
of  his  journey,  and  carried  with  him  an  increasing  weight  of 
honor ;  he  has  deposited  it  safely,  where  misfortune  cannot  tarnish 
it,  where  malice  cannot  blast  it.  Favored  of  Heaven,  he  depart 
ed  without  exhibiting  the  weakness  of  humanity.  Magnanimous 
in  death,  the  darkness  of  the  grave  could  not  obscure  his  brightness. 

Such  was  the  man  whom  we  deplore.  Thanks  to  God,  his  glory 
is  consummated.  Washington  yet  lives  on  earth  in  his  spotless 
example  ;  his  spirit  is  in  Heaven. 

Let  his  countrymen  consecrate  the  memory  of  the  heroic  gen 
eral,  the  patriotic  statesman,  and  the  virtuous  sage.  Let  them 
teach  their  children  never  to  forget,  that  the  fruits  of  his  labors 
and  his  example  are  their  inheritance. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  ANSWER. 

23  December,  1799. 
GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE, 

I  receive  with  the  most  respectful  and  affectionate  sentiments, 
in  this  impressive  address,  the  obliging  expressions  of  your  regret 
for  the  loss  our  country  has  sustained  in  the  death  of  her  most 
esteemed,  beloved,  and  admired  citizen. 

In ,  the  multitude  of  my  thoughts  and  recollections  on  this  mel 
ancholy  event,  you  will  permit  me  to  say,  that  I  have  seen  him 
in  the  days  of  adversity,  in  some  of  the  scenes  of  his  deepest  dis 
tress  and  most  trying  perplexities.  I  have  also  attended  him  in 
his  highest  elevation  and  most  prosperous  felicity,  with  uniform 
admiration  of  his  wisdom,  moderation,  and  constancy. 

E3 


542  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,       Among  all  our  original  associates  in  that  memorable  league  of 
No' VIL      this  continent,  in  1774,  which  first  expressed  the   sovereign  will 

Proceedings  of  a  free  nation  in  America,  he  was  the  only  one  remaining  in 
the  general  government.  Although  with  n.  constitution  more  en 
feebled  than  his,  at  an  age  when  he  thought  it  necessary  to  pre 
pare  for  retirement,  I  feel  myself  alone,  bereaved  of  my  last  brother, 
yet  I  derive  a  strong  consolation  from  the  unanimous  disposition 
which  appears  in-  all  ages  and  classes,  to  mingle  their  sorrows 
with  mine,  on  this  common  calamity  to  the  world. 

The  life  of  our  Washington  cannot  suffer  by  a  comparison  with 
those  of  other  countries,  who  have  been  most  celebrated  and  ex 
alted  by  fame.  The  attributes  and  decorations  of  royalty  could 
only  have  served  to  eclipse  the  majesty  of  those  virtues  which 
made  him,  from  being  a  modest  citizen,  a  more  resplendent  lu 
minary.  Misfortune,  had  he  lived,  could  hereafter  have  sullied 
his  glory  only  with  those  superficial  minds,  who,  believing  that 
character  and  actions  are  marked  by  success  alone,  rarely  deserve 
to  enjoy  it.  Malice  could  never  blast  his  honor,  and  envy  made 
him  a  singular  exception  to  her  universal  rule.  For  himself,  he 
had  lived  long  enough  to  life  and  to  glory ;  for  his  fellow  citizens, 
if  their  prayers  could  have  been  answered,  he  would  have  been 
immortal ;  for  me,  his  departure  is  at  a  most  unfortunate  moment. 
Trusting,  however,  in  the  wise  and  righteous  dominion  of  Provi 
dence  over  the  passions  of  men  and  the  results  of  their  actions, 
as  well  as  over  their  lives,  nothing  remains  for  me  but  humble 
resignation. 

His  example  is  now  complete ;  and  it  will  teach  wisdom  and 
virtue  to  magistrates,  citizens,  and  men,  not  only  in  the  present 
age,  but  in  future  generations,  as  long  as  our  history  shall  be 
read.  If  a  Trajan  found  a  Pliny,  a  Marcus  Aurelius  can  never 
want  biographers,  eulogists,  or  historians. 

JOHN  ADAMS. 


JOINT    RESOLUTIONS   ADOPTED    BY    BOTH    HOUSES    OP    CONGRESS. 

December  23d.  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  a  marble  monument  be  erected  by  the  United  States  at  the 
Capitol  of  the  city  of  Washington,  and  that  the  family  of  General 
Washington  be  requested  to  permit  his  body  to  be  deposited  under 
it,  and  that  the  monument  be  so  designed  as  to  commemorate  the 
great  events  of  his  military  and  political  life. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  543 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  there  be  a  funeral  procession   APPENDIX, 
from  Congress  Hall,  to  the  German  Lutheran  Church,  in  memory      No<  VIL 
of  General   George   Washington,  on   Thursday  the   26th   instant,  Proceedings 
and  that  an  oration  be  prepared  at  the  request  of  Congress,  to  be 
delivered   before  both  Houses  that  day  ;    and  that  the   President 
of  the  Senate,  and  Speaker  of  the   House  of  Representatives,  be 
desired   to   request  one  of  the  members  of  Congress   to   prepare 
and  deliver  the  same. 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States,  to  wear  crape  on  their  left  arm,  as  mourn 
ing,  for  thirty  days. 

And  be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested  to  direct  a  copy  of  these  resolutions  to  be 
transmitted  to  Mrs.  Washington,  assuring  her  of  the  profound  re 
spect  Congress  will  ever  bear  for  her  person  and  character,  of 
their  condolence  on  the  late  afflicting  dispensation  of  Providence; 
and  entreating  her  assent  to  the  interment  of  the  remains  of  Gen 
eral  Washington  in  the  manner  expressed  in  the  first  resolution. 

Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested 
to  issue  his  proclamation,  notifying  to  the  people  throughout 
the  United  States  the  recommendation  contained  in  the  third 
resolution. 

December  30th.  Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  United  States  to  assemble,  on  the  twenty-second  day 
of  February  next,  in  such  numbers  and  manner  as  may  be  con 
venient,  publicly  to  testify  their  grief  for  the  death  of  General 
George  Washington,  by  suitable  eulogies,  orations,  and  discourses, 
or  by  public  prayers. 

And  it  is  further  resolved,  That  the  President  be  requested  to 
issue  a  proclamation,  fe~  the  purpose  of  carrying  the  foregoing 
resolution  into  effect 


514  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

No.  VIII. 
CHARACTER   OF    WASHINGTON; 

DESIGNED    FOR    A    MONUMENTAL    INSCRIPTION.* 


APPENDIX,  WASHINGTON, 

NO.  viii.  The  Defender  of  his  Country,  the  Founder  of  Liberty, 

Monumental  The  Friend  of  Man. 

inscription.  History  and   Iradition  are  explored  in  vain 

For  a  Parallel  to  his  Character. 
In  the  Annals  of  modern  Greatness, 

He  stands  alone, 

And  the  noblest  Names  of  Antiquity 

Lose  their  Lustre  in  his  Presence. 

Born  the  Benefactor  of  Mankind, 

He  united  all  the  Qualities  necessary 

To  an  Illustrious  Career. 

Nature  made  him  Great, 

He  made  himself  Virtuous. 

Called  by  his  Country  to  the  Defence  of  her  Liberties. 

He  triumphantly  vindicated  the  Rights  of  Humanity, 

And  on  the  Pillars  of  National  Independence 

Laid  the  Foundations  of  a  Great  Republic. 

Twice  invested  with  Supreme  Magistracy 

By  the  Unanimous  Voice  of  a  Free  People, 

He  surpassed  in  the  Cabinet 

The  Glories  of  the  Field, 

And,  voluntarily  resigning  the  Sceptre  and  the  Sword, 
Retired  to  the  Shades  of  Private  Life. 

A  Spectacle  so  new  and  so  sublime 

Was  contemplated  with  the  profoundest  Admiration; 

And  the  Name  of  WASHINGTON, 

Adding  new  Lustre  to  Humanity, 

Resounded  to  the  remotest  Regions  of  the  Earth. 

Magnanimous  in  Youth, 

Glorious  through  Life, 

Great  in  Death, 
His  highest  Ambition  the  Happiness  of  Mankind, 

His  noblest  Victory  the  Conquest  of  himself, 

Bequeathing  to  Posterity  the  Inheritance  of  his  Fame, 

And  building  his  Monument  in  the  Hearts  of  his  Countrymen, 

He  lived  the  Ornament  of  the  Eighteenth  Century, 

He  died  regretted  by  a  mourning  World. 

*  The  author  of  this  composition  is  not  known.  It  has  been  transcribed 
from  a  manuscript  copy,  written  on  the  back  of  a  picture-frame,  in  which 
is  set  a  miniature  likeness  of  Washington,  and  which  hangs  in  one  of  the 
rooms  of  the  mansion  at  Mount  Vernon,  having  been  left  there  some  time 
after  Washington's  death. 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  545 

No.  IX. 
WASHINGTON'S   WILL. 


IN  THE  NAME  OF  GOD,  AMEN. 

I,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  of  Mount  Vernon,  a  citizen  of  the  APPENDIX 
United  States,  and  lately  President  of  the  same,  do  make,  ordain,       No-  IX" 


and  declare  this  instrument,  which  is  written  with  my  own  hand, 
and  every  page  thereof  subscribed  with  my  name,*  to  be  my  last 
WILL  and  TESTAMENT,  revoking  all  others. 

Imprimis.  —  All  my  debts,  of  which  there  are  but  few,  and  none 
of  magnitude,  are  to  be  punctually  and  speedily  paid,  and  the 
legacies,  herein  after  bequeathed,  are  to  be  discharged  as  soon  as 
circumstances  will  permit,  and  in  the  manner  directed. 

Item.  —  To  my  dearly  beloved  wife,  Martha  Washington,  I  give 
and  bequeath  the  use,  profit,  and  benefit  of  my  whole  estate,  real 
and  personal,  for  the  term  of  her  natural  life,  except  such  parts 
thereof  as  are  specially  disposed  of  hereafter.  My  improved  lot  in 
the  town  of  Alexandria,  situated  on  Pitt  and  Cameron  streets,  I  give  to 
her  and  her  heirs  fof  ever  ;  as  I  also  do  my  household  and  kitchen 
furniture  of  every  sort  and  kind,  with  the  liquors  and  groceries 
which  may  be  on  hand  at  the  time  of  my  decease,  to  be  used  and 
disposed  of  as  she  may  think  proper.  f 

Item.  —  Upon  the  decease  of  my  wife,  it  is  my  will  and  desire 
that  all  the  slaves  whom  I  hqld  in  my  own  right  shall  receive  their 
freedom.  To  emancipate  them  during  her  life  would,  though 
earnestly  wished  by  me,  be  attended  with  such  insuperable  difficulties, 
on  account  of  their  intermixture  by  marriage  with  the  dower  negroes, 
as  to  excite  the  most  painful  sensations,  if  not  disagreeable  conse 
quences  to  the  latter,  while  both  descriptions  are  in  the  occupancy 
of  the  same  proprietor  ;  it  not  being  in  my  power,  under  the  tenure 
by  which  the  dower  negroes  are  held,  to  manumit  them.  And 
whereas,  among  those  who  will  receive  freedom  according  to  this 
devise,  there  may  be  some,  who,  from  old  age  or  bodily  infirmities, 
and  others,  who,  on  account  of  their  infancy,  will  be  unable  to 
support  themselves,  it  is  my  will  and  desire,  that  all,  who  come  under 
the  first  and  second  description,  shall  be  comfortably  clothed  and 
fed  by  my  heirs  while  they  live  ;  and  that  such  of  the  latter  descrip- 

*  In  the  original  manuscript,  GEORGE  WASHINGTON'S  name  was  written  at 
the  bottom  of  every  page. 

69  E3* 


5-16  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   tion  as  have  no  parents  living,  or,  if  living,  are  unable  or  unwilling 
No>lx-      to  provide  for  them,  shall  be  bound  by  the  court  until  they  shall 

Washing-  arrive  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  years;  and,  in  cases  where  no  record 
can  be  produced,  whereby  their  ages  can  be  ascertained,  the  judg 
ment  of  the  court,  upon  its  own  view  of  the  subject,  shall  be  adequate 
and  final.  The  negroes  thus  bound,  are  (by  their  masters  or  mis 
tresses)  to  be  taught  to  read  and  write,  and  to  be  brought  up  to 
some  useful  occupation,  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  the  Commonwealth 
of  Virginia,  providing  for  the  support  of  orphan  and  other  poor 
children.  And  I  do  hereby  expressly  forbid  the  sale  or  transporta 
tion  out  of  the  said  Commonwealth,  of  any  slave  I  may  die  possessed 
of,  under  any  pretence  whatsoever.  And  I  do,  moreover,  most 
pointedly  and  most  solemnly  enjoin  it  upon  my  executors  hereafter 
named,  or  the  survivors  of  them,  to  see  that  this  clause  respecting 
slaves,  and  every  part  thereof,  be  religiously  fulfilled  at  the  epoch  at 
which  it  is  directed  to  take  place,  without  evasion,  neglect,  or  delay, 
after  the  crops  which  may  then  be  on  the  ground  are  harvested, 
particularly  as  it  respects  the  aged  and  infirm;  seeing  that  a  regular 
and  permanent  fund  be  established  for  their  support,  as  long  as  there 
are  subjects  requiring  it;  not  trusting  to  the  uncertain  provision  to 
be  made  by  individuals.  And  to  my  mulatto  man,  William,  calling 
himself  William  Lee,  I  give  immediate  freedom,  or,  if  he  should 
prefer  it,  (on  account  of  the  accidents  which  have  befallen  him,  and 
which  have  rendered  him  incapable  of  walking,  or  of  any  active 
employment,)  to  remain  in  the  situation  he  now  is,  it  shall  be 
optional  in  him  to  do  so ;  in  either  case,  however,  I  allow  him  an 
annuity  of  thirty  dollars,  daring  his 'natural  life,  .which  shall  be 
independent  of  the  victuals  and  clothes  he  has  been  accustomed  to 
receive,  if  he  chooses  the  last  alternative;  but  in  full  with  his 
freedom,  if  he  prefers  the  first;  and  this  I  give  him,  as  a  testimony 
of  my  sense  of  his  attachment  to  me,  and  for  his  faithful  services 
during  the  revolutionary  war. 

Item.  —  To  the  trustees  (governors,  or  by  whatsoever  other 
name  they  may  be  designated)  of  the  Academy  in  the  town  of 
Alexandria,  I  give  and  bequeath,  in  trust,  four  thousand  dollars, 
or  in  other  words,  twenty  of  the  shares  which  I  hold  in  the  Bank  of 
Alexandria,  towards  the  support  of  a  free  school,  established  at, 
and  annexed  to,  the  said  Academy,  for  the  purpose  of  educating 
such  orphan  children,  or  the  children  of  such  other  poor  and 
indigent  persons,  as  are  unable  to  accomplish  it  with  their  own 
means,  and  who,  in  the  judgment  of  the  trustees  of  the  said  sem 
inary,  are  best  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  this  donation.  The  aforesaid 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  547 

twenty  shares  I  give  and  bequeath  in  perpetuity ;  the  dividends  only  APPENDIX, 
of  which  are  to  be  drawn  for  and  applied,  by  the  said  trustees  for*  No-IX- 
the  time  being,  for  the  uses  above  mentioned ;  the  stock  to  remain 
entire  and  untouched,  unless  indications  of  failure  of  the  said  bank 
should  be  so  apparent,  or  a  discontinuance  thereof,  should  render  a 
removal  of  this  fund  necessary.  In  either  of  these  cases,  the  amount 
of  the  stock  here  devised  is  to  be  vested  in  some  other  bank,  or 
public  institution,  whereby  the  interest  may  with  regularity  and 
certainty  be  drawn  and  applied  as  above.  And  to  prevent  miscon 
ception,  my  meaning  is,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be,  that  these 
twenty  shares  are  in  lieu  of,  and  not  in  addition  to,  the  thousand 
pounds  given  by  a  missive  letter  some  years  ago,  in  consequence 
whereof  an  annuity  of  fifty  pounds  has  since  been  paid  towards  the 
support  of  this  institution. 

Item.  —  Whereas  by  a  law  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia, 
enacted  in  the  year  1785,  the  Legislature  thereof  was  pleased,  as  an 
evidence  of  its  approbation  of  the  services  I  had  rendered  the  public 
during  the  Revolution,  and  partly,  I  believe,  in  consideration  of  my 
having  suggested  the  vast  advantages  which  the  community  would 
derive  from  the  extension  of  its  inland  navigation  under  legislative 
patronage,  to  present  me  with  one  hundred  shares,  of  one  hundred 
dollars  each,  in  the  incorporated  Company,  established  for  the  pur 
pose  of  extending  the  navigation  of  James  River  from  the  tide  water 
to  the  mountains ;  and  also  with  fifty  shares,  of  £  100  sterling  each, 
in  the  corporation  of  another  Company,  likewise  established  for  the 
similar  purpose  of  opening  the  navigation  of  the  River  Potomac  from 
the  tide  water  to  Fort  Cumberland ;  the  acceptance  of  which,  although 
the  offer  was  highly  honorable  and  grateful  to  my  feelings,  was 
refused,  as  inconsistent  with  a  principle  which  I  had  adopted,  and 
had  never  departed  from,  viz.  not  to  receive  pecuniary  compensa 
tion  for  any  services  I  could  render  my  country  in  its  arduous 
struggle  with  Great  Britain  for  its  rights,  and  because  I  had  evaded 
similar  propositions  from  other  States  in  the  Union  ;  adding  to  this 
refusal,  however,  an  intimation,  that,  if  it  should  be  the  pleasure  of 
the  legislature  to  permit  me  to  appropriate  the  said  shares  to  public 
uses,  1  would  receive  them  on  those  terms  with  due  sensibility ;  and 
this  it  having  consented  to,  in  flattering  terms,  as  will  appear  by  a 
subsequent  law,  arid  sundry  resolutions,  in  the  most  ample  and 
honorable  manner ;  —  I  proceed  after  this  recital,  for  the  more  correct 
understanding  of  the  case,  to  declare;  that,  as  it  has  always  been 
a  source  of  serious  regret  with  me,  to  see  the  youth  of  these  United 
States  sent  to  foreign  countries  for  the  purpose  of  education,  often 


548  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   before  their  minds  were  formed,  or  they  had  imbibed  any  adequate 
IX>      ideas  of  the  happiness  of  their  own ;  contracting  too  frequently,  not 

Washing.  only  habits  of  dissipation  and  extravagance,  but  principles  unfriendly 
to  republican  government,  and  to  the  true  and  genuine  liberties  of 
mankind,  which  thereafter  are  rarely  overcome  ;  for  these  reasons 
it  has  been  my  ardent  wish  to  see  a  plan  devised  on  a  liberal  scale, 
which  would  have  a  tendency  to  spread  systematic  ideas  through  all 
parts  of  this  rising  empire,  thereby  to  dp  away  local  attachments  and 
State  prejudices,  as  far  as  the  nature  of  things  would,  or  indeed 
ought  to  admit,  from  our  national  councils.  Looking  anxiously 
forward  to  the  accomplishment  of  so  desirable  an  object  as  this  is 
(in  my  estimation),  my  mind  has  not  been  able  to  contemplate  any 
plan  more  likely  to  effect  the  measure,  than  the  establishment  of  a 
UNIVERSITY  in  a  central  part  of  the  United  States,  to  which  the 
youths  of  fortune  and  talents  from  all  parts  thereof  may  be  sent  for 
the  completion  of  their  education,  in  all  the  branches  of  polite  litera 
ture,  in  arts  and  sciences,  in  acquiring  knowledge  in  the  princi 
ples  of  politics  and  good  government,  and,  as  a  matter  of  infinite 
importance  in  my  judgment,  by  associating  with  each  other,  and 
forming  friendships  in  juvenile  years,  be  enabled  to  free  themselves 
in  a  proper  degree  from  those  local  prejudices  and  habitual  jeafousies 
which  have  just  been  mentioned,  and  which,  when  carried  to  ex 
cess,  are  never-failing  sources  of  disquietude  to  the  public  mind, 
and  pregnant  of  mischievous  consequences  to  this  country.  Under 
these  impressions,  so  fully  dilated, 

Jtem.  —  I  give  and  bequeath,  in  perpetuity,  the  fifty  shares  which 
I  hold  in  the  Potomac  company,  (under  the  aforesaid  acts  of  the 
Legislature  of  Virginia,)  towards  the  endowment  of  a  University, 
to  be  established  within  the  limits  of  the  district  of  Columbia,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  general  government,  if  that  government  should 
incline  to  extend  a  fostering  hand  towards  it;  and,  until  such 
seminary  is  established,  and  the  funds  arising  on  these  shares  shall 
be  required  for  its  support,  my  further  will  and  desire  is,  that  the 
profit  accruing  therefrom  shall,  whenever  the  dividends  are  made, 
be  laid  out  in  purchasing  stock  in  the  Bank  of  Columbia,  or  some 
other  bank,  at  the  discretion  of  my  executors,  or  by  the  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States  for  the  time  being,  under  the  direction  of 
Congress,  provided  that  honorable  body  should  patronize  tne  meas 
ure  ;  and  the  dividends  proceeding  from  the  purchase  of  such  stock 
are  to  be  vested  in  more  stock,  and  so  on,  until  a  sum  adequate 
to  the  accomplishment  of  the  object  is  obtained ;  of  which  I  have 
not  the  smallest  doubt  before  many  years  pass  away,  even  if  no  aid 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  549 

or  encouragement  is  given   by  the  legislative  authority,  or   from  APPENDIX, 
any  other  source. 

Item.  —  The  hundred  shares,  which  I  hold  in  the  James  River   Washing 
ton's  Will, 

Company,  I  have  given,  and  now  confirm  in  perpetuity,  to  and  for 
the  use  and  benefit  of  Liberty  Hall  Academy,  in  the  County  of 
Rockbridge,  in  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia. 

Item.  —  I  release,  exonerate,  and  discharge  the  estate  of  my 
deceased  brother,  Samuel  Washington,  from  the  payment  of  the 
money  which  is  due  to  me  for  the  land  I  sold  to  Philip  Pendleton, 
(lying  in  the  county  of  Berkeley,)  who  assigned  the  same  to  him,  the 
said  Samuel,  who  by  agreement  was  to  pay  me  therefor.  And 
whereas,  by  some  contract  (the  purport  of  which  was  never  commu 
nicated  to  me)  between  the  said  Samuel  and  his  son,  Thornton 
Washington,  the  latter  became  possessed  of  the  aforesaid  land, 
without  any  conveyance  having  passed  from  me,  either  to  the  said 
Pendlcton,  the  said  Samuel,  or  the  said  Thornton,  and  without  any 
consideration  having  been  made,  by  which  neglect  neither  the  legal 
nor  equitable  title  has  been  alienated  ;  it  rests  therefore  with  me  to 
declare  my  intentions  concerning  the  premises ;  and  these  are,  to 
give  and  bequeath  the  said  land  to  whomsoever  the  said  Thornton 
Washington  (who  is  also  dead)  devise4  the  same,  or  to  his  heirs 
for  ever,  if  he  died  intestate ;  exonerating  the  estate  of  the  said 
Thornton,  equally  with  that  of  the  said  Samuel,  from  payment  of 
the  purchase  money,  which,  with  interest,  agreeably  to  the  original 
contract  with  the  said  Pendleton,  would  amount  to  more  than  a 
thousand  pounds.  And  whereas  two  other  sons  of  my  said  deceased 
brother  Samuel,  namely,  George  Steptoe  Washington  and  Lawrence 
Augustine  Washington,  were,  by  the  decease  of  those  to  whose  care 
they  were  committed,  brought  under  my  protection,  and,  in  conse 
quence,  have  occasioned  advances  on  my  part,  for  their  education  at 
college  and  other  schools,  for  their  board,  clothing,  and  other 
incidental  expenses,  to  the  amount  of  near  five  thousand  dollars, 
over  and  above  the  sums  furnished  by  their  estate,  which  sum  it  may 
be  inconvenient  for  them  or  their  father's  estate  to  refund ;  I  do  for 
these  reasons  acquit  them  and  the  said  estate  from  the  payment 
thereof,  my  intention  being,  that  all  accounts  between  them  and 
me,  and  their  father's  estate  and  me,  shall  stand  balanced." 

Item.  —  The  balance  due  to  me  from  the  estate  of  Bartholomew 
Dandridge,  deceased,  (my  wife's  brother,)  and  which  amounted  on 
the  first  day  of  October,  1795,  to  four  hundred  and  twenty-five 
pounds,  (as  will  appear  by  an  account  rendered  by  his  deceased  son, 
John  Dandridge,  who  was  the  acting  executor  of  his  father's  will,) 


550  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  I  release  and  acquit  from  the  payment  thereof.  And  the  negroes, 
N°' 1X'  then  thirty-three  in  number,  formerly  belonging  to  the  said  estate, 
who  were  taken  in  execution,  sold,  and  purchased  in  on  my  account, 
in  the  year  (blank),  and  ever  since  have  remained  in  the  possession 
and  to  the  use  of  Mary,  widow  of  the  said  Bartholomew  Dandridge, 
with  their  increase,  it  is  my  will  and  desire  shall  continue  and  be 
in  her  possession,  without  paying  hire,  or  making  compensation 
for  the  same  for  the  time  past,  or  to  come,  during  her  natural  life; 
at  the  expiration  of  which,  I  direct  that  all  of  them  who  are  forty 
years  old  and  upwards  shall  receive  their  freedom ;  and  all  under 
that  age,  and  above  sixteen,  shall  serve  seven  years  and  no  longer  ; 
and  all  under  sixteen  years  shall  serve  until  they  are  twenty-five 
years  of  age,  and  then  be  free.  And,  to  avoid  disputes  respecting  the 
ages  of  any  of  these  negroes,  they  are  to  be  taken  into  the  court  of 
the  county  in  which  they  reside,  and  the  judgment  thereof,  in  this 
relation,  shall  be  final,  and  record  thereof  made,  which  may  be 
adduced  as  evidence  at  any  time  thereafter,  if  disputes  should  arise 
concerning  the  same.  And  I  further  direct,  that  the  heirs  of  the 
said  Bartholomew  Dandridge  shall  equally  share  the  benefits  arising 
from  the  services  of  the  said  negroes,  according  to  the  tenor  of  this 
devise,  upon  the  decease  of  their  mother. 

Item.  —  If  diaries  Carter,  who  intermarried  with  my  niece, 
Betty  Lewis,  is  not  sufficiently  secured  in  the  title  to  the  lots  he  had 
of  me  in  the  town  of  Fredericksburg,  it  is  my  will  and  desire,  that 
my  executors  shall  make  such  conveyances  of  them  as  the  law 
requires  to  render  it  perfect. 

Item.  —  To  my  nephew,  William  Augustine  Washington,  and  his 
heirs,  (if  he  should  conceive  them  to  be  objects  worth  prosecuting,) 
a  lot  in  the  town  of  Manchester,  (opposite  to  Richmond,)  No.  265, 
drawn  on  my  sole  account,  and  also  the  tenth  of  one  or  two  hundred 
acre  lots,  and  two  or  three  half-acre  lots,  in  the  city  and  vicinity  of 
Richmond,  drawn  in  partnership  with  nine  others,  all  in  the  lottery 
of  the  deceased  William  Byrd,  are  given  ;  as  is  also  a  lot  which  I 
purchased  of  John  Hood,  conveyed  by  William  Willie  and  Samuel 
Gordon,  trustees  of  the  said  John  Hood,  numbered  139,  in  the  town 
of  Edinburgh,  in  the  County  of  Prince  George,  State  of  Virginia. 

Item.  —  To  my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington*  I  give  and 
bequeath  all  the  papers  in  my  possession,  which  relate  to  my  civil 

*  As  General  Washington  never  had  any  children,  he  gave  the  larger  part 
of  his  property  to  his  nephews  and  nieces,  and  the  children  of  Mrs  Wash 
ington's  son  by  her  first  marriage.  The  principal  heir  was  Bushrod  Wash 
ington,  son  of  his  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington. 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  551 

and  military  administration  of  the  affairs  of  this  country.     1  leave  to  APPENDIX, 
him  also  such  of  my  private  papers  as  are  worth  preserving  ;  and  at      No' IX' 
the  decease  of  my  wife,  and  before,  if  she  is  not  inclined  to  retain   Washing- 
them,  I  give  and  bequeath   my  library  of  books  and  pamphlets  of 
every  kind. 

Item.  —  Having  sold  lands  which  I  possessed  in  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  part  of  a  tract  held  in  equal  right  with  George 
Clinton,  late  governor  of  New  York,  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
my  share  of  land  and  interest  in  the  Great  Dismal  Swamp,  and  a 
tract  of  land  which  I  owned  in  the  County  of  Gloucester,  —  with 
holding  the  legal  titles  thereto,  until  the  consideration  money  should 
be  paid,  —  and  having  moreover  leased  and  conditionally  sold  (as 
will  appear  by  the  tenor  of  the  said  leases)  all  my  lands  upon  the 
Great  Kenhawa,  and  a  tract  upon  Difficult  Run,  in  the  County  of 
Loudoun,  it  is  my  will  and  direction,  that  whensoever  the  con 
tracts  are  fully  and  respectively  complied  with,  according  to  the 
spirit,  true  intent,  and  meaning  thereof,  on  the  part  of  the  purchasers, 
their  heirs  or  assigns,  that  then,  and  in  that  case,  conveyances  are  to 
be  made,  agreeably  to  the  terms  of  the  said  contracts,  and  the  money 
arising  therefrom,  when  paid,  to  be  vested  in  bank  stock;  the 
dividends  whereof,  as  of  that  also  which  is  already  vested  therein,  are 
to  inure  to  my  said  wife  during  her  life ;  but  the  stock  itself  is  to 
remain  and  be  subject  to  the  general  distribution  hereafter  directed. 

Item.  —  To  the  Earl  of  Buchan  I  recommit  the  "Box  made  of 
the  Oak  that  sheltered  the  great  Sir  William  Wallace,  after  the 
battle  of  Falkirk,"  presented  to  me  by  his  Lordship,  in  terms  too 
flattering  for  me  to  repeat,  with  a  request  "  to  pass  it,  on  the  event 
of  my  decease,  to  the  man  in  my  country,  who  should  appear  to 
merit  it  best,  upon  the  same  conditions  that  have  induced  him  to 
send  it  to  me."  Whether  easy  or  not  to  select  the  man,  who 
might  comport  with  his  Lordship's  opinion  in  this  respect,  is  not 
for  me  to  say;  but,  conceiving  that  no  disposition  of  this  valuable 
curiosity  can  be  more  eligible  than  the  recommitment  of  it  to  his 
own  cabinet,  agreeably  to  the  original  design  of  the  Goldsmiths' 
Company  of  Edinburgh,  who  presented  it  to  him,  and,  at  his  request, 
consented  that  it  should  be  transferred  to  me,  I  do  give  and 
bequeath  the  same  to  his  Lordship ;  and,  in  case  of  his  decease,  to 
his  heir,  with  my  grateful  thanks  for  the  distinguished  honor  of 
presenting  it  to  me,  and  more  especially  for  the  favorable  sentiments 
with  which  he  accompanied  it. 

Item.  —  To  my  brother,  Charles  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath 


552  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   the  gold-headed  cane  left  me  by  Dr.  Franklin  in  his  will.     I  add 
NO.  ix.^   nothing  to  it,  because  of  the  ample  provision  I  have  made  for  his 

Washing-  issue.  To  the  acquaintances  and  friends  of  my  juvenile  years, 
Lawrence  Washington  and  Robert  Washington,  of  Chotanck,  I 
give  my  other  two  gold-headed  canes,  having  my  arms  engraved  on 
them ;  and  to  each,  as  they  will  be  useful  where  they  live,  I  leave 
one  of  the  spyglasses,  which  constituted  part  of  my  equipage  during 
the  late  war.  To  my  compatriot  in  arms,  and  old  and  intimate 
friend,  Dr.  Craik,  I  give  my  bureau  (or,  as  the  cabinet-makers  call 
it,  tambour  secretary)  and  the  circular  chair,  an  appendage  of  my 
study.  To  Dr.  David  Stuart  I  give  my  large  shaving  and  dressing 
table,  and  my  telescope.  To  the  Reverend,  now  Bryan,  Lord  Pair- 
fax,  I  give  a  Bible,  in  three  large  folio  volumes,  with  notes,  present 
ed  to  me  by  the  Right  Reverend  Thomas  ^Wilson,  Bishop  of  Sodor 
and  Man.  To  General  de  Lafayette  I  give  a  pair  of  finely-wrought 
steel  pistols,  taken  from  the  enemy  in  the  revolutionary  war.  To 
my  sisters-in-law,  Hannah  Washington  and  Mildred  Washington, 
to  my  friends,  Eleanor  Stuart,  Hannah  Washington,  of  Fair  field, 
and  Elizabeth  Washington,  of  Hay  field,  I  give  each  a  mourning 
ring,  of  the  value  of  one  hundred  dollars.  These  bequests  are  not 
made  for  the  intrinsic  value  of  them,  but  as  mementos  of  my  esteem 
and  regard.  To  Tobias  Lear  I  give  the  use  of  the  farm,  which  he 
now  holds  in  virtue  of  a  lease  from  me  to  him  and  his  deceased 
wife,  (for  and  during  their  natural  lives,)  free  from  rent  during  his 
life ;  at  the  expiration  of  which,  it  is  to  be  disposed  of  as  is  herein 
after  directed.  To  Sally  B.  Haynie,  (a  distant  relation  of  mine,)  I 
give  and  bequeath  three  hundred  dollars.  To  Sarah  Green,  daughter 
of  the  deceased  Thomas  Bishop,  and  to  Ann  Walker,  daughter  of 
John  Alton,  also  deceased,  I  give  each  one  hundred  dollars,  in 
consideration  of  the  attachment  of  their  fathers  to  me;  each  of 
whom  having  lived  nearly  forty  years  in  my  family.  To  each  of  my 
nephews,  William  Augustine  Washington,  George  Lewis,  George 
Steptoe  Washington,  Bushrod  Washington,  and  Samuel  Washington, 
I  give  one  of  the  swords,  or  couteaux,  of  which  I  may  die  possess 
ed;  and  they  are  to  choose  in  the  order  they  are  named.  These 
swords  are  accompanied  with  an  injunction  not  to  unsheath  them  for 
the  purpose  of  shedding  blood,  except  it  be  for  self-defence,  or  in 
defence  of  their  country  and  its  rights ;  and  in  the  latter  case,  to 
keep  them  unsheathed,  and  prefer  falling  with  them  in  their  hands 
to  the  relinquishment  thereof. 

And   now,   having    gone    through   these   specific   devises,    with 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  553 

explanations  for  the  more  correct  understanding  of  the  meaning  and  APPENDIX, 
design  of  them,  I  proceed  to  the  distribution  of  the  more  important      No'  1X> 
parts  of  my  estate,  in  manner  following;  Washing- 

FIRST.  —  To  my  nephew,  Bus/trod  Washington,  and  his  heirs, 
(partly  in  consideration  of  an  intimation  to  his  deceased  father, 
while  we  were  bachelors,  and  he  had  kindly  undertaken  to  super 
intend  my  estate  during  my  military  services  in  the  former  war 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  that,  if  I  should  fall  therein, 
Mount  Vernon,  then  less  extensive  in  domain  than  at  present,  should 
become  his  property,)  I  give  and  bequeath  all  that  part  thereof,  which 
is  comprehended  within  the  following  limits,  viz.  Beginning  at  the 
ford  of  Dogue  Run,  near  my  Mill,  and  extending  along  the  road, 
and  bounded  thereby,  as  it  now  goes,  and  ever  has  gone,  since  my 
recollection  of  it,  to  the  ford  of  Little  Hunting  Creek,  at  the  Gum 
Spring,  until  it  comes  to  a  knoll  opposite  to  an  old  road,  which 
formerly  passed  through  the  lower  field  of  Muddy-Hole  Farm  ;  at 
which,  on  the  north  side  of  the  said  road,  are  three  red  or  Spanish 
oaks,  marked  as  a  corner,  and  a  stone  placed;  thence  by  a  line 
of  trees,  to  be  marked  rectangular,  to  the  back  line  or  outer  boundary 
of  the  tract  between  Thompson  Mason  and  myself;  thence  with 
that  line  easterly  (now  double  ditching,  with  a  post-and-rail  fence 
thereon)  to  the  run  of  Little  Hunting  Creek  ;  thence  with  that  run, 
which  is  the  boundary  between  the  lands  of  the  late  Humphrey 
Peake  and  me,  to  the  tide  water  of  the  said  creek ;  thence  by  that 
water  to  Potomac  River;  thence  with  the  river  to  the  mouth  of 
Dogue  Creek  ;  and  thence  with  the  said  Dogue  Creek  to  the 
place  of  beginning  at  the  aforesaid  ford ;  containing  upwards  of 
four  thousand  acres,  be  the  same  more  or  less,  together  with  the 
mansion-house,  and  all  other  buildings  and  improvements  thereon. 

SECOND.  —  In  consideration  of  the  consanguinity  between  them 
and  my  wife,  being  as  nearly  related  to  her  as  to  myself,  as  on  ac 
count  of  the  affection  I  had  for,  and  the  obligation  I  was  under  to, 
their  father  when  living,  who  from  his  youth  had  attached  himself  to 
my  person,  and  followed  my  fortunes  through  the  vicissitudes  of  the 
late  Revolution,  afterwards  devoting  his  time  to  the  superintendence 
of  my  private  concerns  for  many  years,  whilst  my  public  employ 
ments  rendered  it  impracticable  for  me  to  do  it  myself,  thereby 
affording  me  essential  services,  and  always  performing  them  in  a 
manner  the  most  filial  and  respectful ;  for  these  reasons,  I  say,  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  George  Fayette  Washington  and  Lawrence  Augus 
tine  Washington,  and  their  heirs,  my  estate  east  of  Little  Hunting 
70  r3 


554  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   Creek,  lying  on  the  River  Potomac,  including  the  farm  of  three 
No<  Ix<      hundred  and  sixty  acres,  leased  to  Tobias  Lear,  as  noticed  before, 

Wj»Mng-  and  containing  in  the  whole,  by  deed,  two  thousand  and  twenty-seven 
acres,  be  it  more  or  less ;  which  said  estate  it  is  my  will  and  desire 
should  be  equitably  and  advantageously  divided  between  them, 
according  to  quantity,  quality,  and  other  circumstances,  when  the 
youngest  shall  have  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  by  three 
judicious  and  disinterested  men ;  one  to  be  chosen  by  each  of  the 
brothers,  and  the  third  by  these  two.  In  the  mean  time,  if  the  ter 
mination  of  my  wife's  interest  therein  should  have  ceased,  the  profits 
arising  therefrom  are  to  be  applied  for  their  joint  uses  and  benefit. 

THIRD.  —  And  whereas  it  has  always  been  my  intention,  since 
my  expectation  of  having  issue  has  ceased,  to  consider  the  grand 
children  of  my  wife  in  the  same  light  as  I  do  my  own  relations,  and 
to  act  a  friendly  part  by  them  ;  more  especially  by  the  two  whom  we 
have  raised  from  their  earliest  infancy,  namely,  Eleanor  Parke  Ous- 
tis  and  George  Washington  Parke  Custis ;  and  whereas  the  former 
of  these  hath  lately  intermarried  with  Lawrence  Lewis,  a  son  of  my 
deceased  sister,  Betty  Lewis,  by  which  union  the  inducement  to 
provide  for  them  both  has  been  increased  ;  wherefore  I  give  and 
bequeath  to  the  said  Lawrence  Lewis,  and  Eleanor  Parke  Lewis,  his 
wife,  and  their  heirs,  the  residue  of  my  Mount  Vernon  estate,  not 
already  devised  to  my  nephew,  Bushrod  Washington,  comprehended 
within  the  following  description,  viz.  All  the  land  north  of  the  road 
leading  from  the  ford  of  Dogue  Run  to  the  Gum  Spring,  as  described 
in  the  devise  of  the  other  part  of  the  tract  to  Bushrod  Washington, 
until  it  comes  to  the  stone  and  three  red  or  Spanish  oaks  on  the 
knoll ;  thence  with  the  rectangular  line  to  the  back  line  (between 
Mr.  Mason  and  me) ;  thence  with  that  line  westerly  along  the  new 
double  ditch  to  Dogue  Run,  by  the  tumbling  dam  of  my  Mill ;  thence 
with  the  said  run  to  the  ford  aforementioned.  To  which  I  add  all 
the  land  I  possess  west  of  the  said  Dogue  Run  and  Dogue  Creek, 
bounded  easterly  and  southerly  thereby;  together  with  the  mill, 
distillery,  and  all  other  houses  and  improvements  on  the  premises, 
making  together  about  two  thousand  acres,  be  it  more  or  less. 
FOURTH.  —  Actuated  by  the  principle  already  mentioned,  I  give 
and  bequeath  to  George  Washington  Parke  Custis,  the  grandson  of 
my  wife,  and  my  ward,  and  to  his  heirs,  the  tract  I  hold  on  Four 
Mile  Run,  in  the  vicinity  of  Alexandria,  containing  one  thousand 
two  hundred  acres,  more  or  less,  and  my  entire  square,  No.  21,  in 
the  city  of  Washington. 


LIFE    OF   WASHINGTON.  556 

FIFTH.  —  All  the  rest  and  residue  of  my  estate  real  and  per-  APPENDIX, 
sonal,  not  disposed  of  in  manner  aforesaid,  in  whatsoever  con 
sisting,  wheresoever  lying,  and  whensoever  found,  (a  schedule  of 
which,  as  far  as  is  recollected,  with  a  reasonable  estimate  of  its 
value,  is  hereunto  annexed,)  I  desire  may  be  sold  by  my  execu 
tors,  at  such  times,  in  such  manner,  and  on  such  credits,  (if  an 
equal,  valid,  and  satisfactory  distribution  of  the  specific  property 
cannot  be  made  without,)  as  in  their  judgment  shall  be  most  con 
ducive  to  the  interest  of  the  parties  concerned ;  and  the  moneys 
arising  therefrom  to  be  divided  into  twenty-three  equal  parts, 
and  applied  as  follows,  viz.  To  William  Augustine  Washington, 
Elizabeth  Spotswood,  Jane  Thornton,  and  the  heirs  of  Ann  Ashton, 
sons  and  daughters  of  my  deceased  brother,  Augustine  Washington, 
I  give  and  bequeath  four  parts ;  that  is,  one  part  to  each  of  them. 
To  Fielding  Lewis,  George  Lewis,  Robert  Lewis,  Howell  Lewis, 
and  Betty  Carter,  sons  and  daughters  of  my  deceased  sister,  Betty 
Lewis,  I  give  and  bequeath  five  other  parts ;  one  to  each  of  them. 
To  George  Steptoe  Washington,  Lawrence  Augustine  Washington, 
Harriot  Parks,  and  the  heirs  of  Thornton  Washington,  sons  and 
daughters  of  my  deceased  brother  Samuel  Washington,  I  give  and 
bequeath  other  four  parts ;  one  to  each  of  them.  To  Corbin  Wash" 
ington,  and  the  heirs  of  Jane  Washington,  son  and  daughter  of  my 
deceased  brother,  John  Augustine  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath 
two  parts ;  one  to  each  of  them.  To  Samuel  Washington,  Frances 
Ball,'  and  Mildred  Hammond,  son  and  daughters  of  my  brother 
Charles  Washington,  I  give  and  bequeath  three  parts ;  one  part  to 
each  of  them.  And  to  George  Fayette  Washington,  Charles  Au 
gustine  Washington,  and  Maria  Washington,  sons  and  daughter  of 
my  deceased  nephew,  George  Augustine  Washington,  I  give  one 
other  part ;  that  is,  to  each  a  third  of  that  part.  To  Elizabeth  Parke 
Law,  Martha  Parke  Peter,  and  Eleanor  Parke  Lewis,  I  give  and 
bequeath  three  other  parts ;  that  is,  a  part  to  each  of  them.  And  to 
my  nephews,  Bushrod  Washington  and  Lawrence  Lewis,  and  to  my 
ward,  the  grandson  of  my  wife,  I  give  and  bequeath  one  other  part; 
that  is,  a  third  thereof  to  each  of  them.  And,  if  it  should  so 
happen,  that  any  of  the  persons  whose  names  are  here  enumerated 
(unknown  to  me)  should  now  be  dead,  or  should  die  before  me,  that 
in  either  of  these  cases,  the  heirs  of  such  deceased  person  shall,  not 
withstanding,  derive  all  the  benefits  of  the  bequest,  in  the  same 
manner  as  if  he  or  she  was  actually  living  at  the  time.  And,  by  way 
of  advice,  I  recommend  it  to  my  executors  not  to  be  precipitate  in 


556  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,   disposing  of  the  landed  property,  (herein  directed  to  be  sold,)  if  from 
No- Ix-      temporary  causes  the  sale  thereof  should  be  dull;  experience  having 

Washing-  fully  evinced,  that  the  price  of  land,  especially  above  the  falls  of  the 
river  and  on  the  western  waters,  has  been  progressively  rising,  and 
cannot  be  long  checked  in  its  increasing  value.  And  I  particularly 
recommend  it  to  such  of  the  legatees  (under  this  clause  of  my  will), 
as  can  make  it  convenient,  to  take  each  a  share  of  rny  stock  in  the 
Potomac  Company,  in  preference  to  the  amount  of  what  it  might 
sell  for ;  being  thoroughly  convinced  myself,  that  no  uses  to  which 
the  money  can  be  applied,  will  be  so  productive  as  the  tolls  arising 
from  this  navigation  when  in  full  operation,  (and  thus,  from  the 
nature  of  things,  it  must  be,  ere  long,)  and  more  especially  if  that  of 
the  Shenandoah  is  added  thereto. 

The  family  vault  at  Mount  Vernon  requiring  repairs,  and  being 
improperly  situated  besides,  I  desire  that  a  new  one  of  brick,  and 
upon  a  larger  scale,  may  be  built  at  the  foot  of  what  is  commonly 
called  the  Vineyard  Enclosure,  on  the  ground  which  is  marked  out ; 
in  which  my  remains,  with  those  of  my  deceased  relations  (now 
in  the  old  vault),  and  such  others  of  my  family  as  may  choose  to  be 
entombed  there,  may  be  deposited.  And  it  is  my  express  desire, 
that  my  corpse  may  be  interred  in  a  private  manner,  without  parade 
or  funeral  oration. 

LASTLY,  I  constitute  and  appoint  my  dearly  beloved  wife,  Martha 
Washington,  my  nephews,  William  Augustine  Washington,  Bushrod 
Washington,  George  Steptoe  Washington,  Samuel  Washington,  and 
Lawrence  Lewis,  and  my  ward,  George  Washington  Parke  Custis 
(when  he  shall  have  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years),  execu 
trix  and  executors  of  this-  my  will  and  testament ;  in  the  construction 
of  which  it  will  be  readily  perceived,  that  no  professional  character 
has  been  consulted,  or  has  had  any  agency  in  the  draft;  and  that, 
although  it  has  occupied  many  of  my  leisure  hours  to  digest,  and  to 
throw  it  into  its  present  form,  it  may,  notwithstanding,  appear  crude 
and  incorrect ;  but,  having  endeavoured  to  be  plain  and  explicit  in  all 
the  devises,  even  at  the  expense  of  prolixity,  perhaps  of  tautology,  I 
hope  and  trust  that  no  disputes  will  arise  concerning  them.  But  if, 
contrary  to  expectation,  the  case  should  be  otherwise,  from  the  want 
of  legal  expressions,  or  the  usual  technical  terms,  or  because  too 
much  or  too  little  has  been  said  on  any  of  the  devises  to  be  conso 
nant  with  law,  my  will  and  direction  expressly  is,  that  all  disputes 
(if  unhappily  any  should  arise)  shall  be  decided  by  three  impartial 
and  intelligent  men,  known  for  their  probity  and  good  understand- 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


557 


ton's  Will. 


ing;  two  to  be  chosen  by  the  disputants,  each  having  the  choice  of   APPENDIX, 
one,  and  the  third  by  those  two;  which  three  men,  thus  chosen,       No.  ix. 
shall,  unfettered  by  law  or  legal  constructions,  declare  their  sense   Washing- 
of  the  testator's  intention ;  and  such  decision  is,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  to  be  as  binding  on  the  parties  as  if  it  had  been  given  in 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

* 

In  witness  of  all  and  of  each  of  the  things  herein  contained,  I  have 
set  my  hand  and  seal,  this  ninth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  ninety  *  and  of  the  Independence 
of  the  United  States  the  twenty-fourth. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


SCHEDULE    OF    PROPERTY 

Comprehended  in  the  foregoing  Will,  which  is  directed  to  be  sold ; 
and  some  of  it  conditionally  is  sold ;  with  descriptive  and  explan 
atory  Notes  relative  thereto. 


IN  VIRGINIA. 

Loudoun  County,  Difficult  Run, 
Loudoun  and  Fauquier,  Ashby's  Bent, 
Chattin's  Run, 
Berkeley,  South  Fork  of  Bullskin, 

Head  of  Evans's  M., 

In  VVormeley's  Line, 

Frederic,  bought  from  Mercer, 

Hampshire,  on  Potomac  River,  above  B., 

Gloucester,  on  North  River, 

Nansemond,  near  Suffolk,  one  third  of 
1119  acres, 

Great  Dismal  Swamp,  my  dividend  thereof, 

Ohio  River,  Round  Bottom, 
Little  Kenhawa, 
Sixteen  miles  lower  down, 
Opposite  Big  Bent, 


Price, 


Acres. 

Dollars. 

Dollar*. 

300 

6,666 

a 

2481 

10 

24,810  ) 

885 

8 

7,080  5 

1600 

453 

183 

2236 

20 

44,720 

.  c 

571 

20 

11,420 

d 

240 

15 

3,600 

e 

400 

about 

3,000 

f 

373 

8 

2,984 

g 

about 

20,000 

* 

587 

2314 

2448 

4395 

9744     10       97,440       t 


*  It  appears  that  the  testator  omitted  the  word  "  nine.'* 

F3* 


558  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,    n        ,   v      ,  Acre8-     Price-         Dollars* 

NO.  ix.      Great  Kenhawa, 

Washing-     '  Near  the  mouth>  west>  1099° 

ton's  wiii.  East  side,  above,  7276 

Mouth  of  Cole  River,  2000 

Opposite  thereto,  2950 

Burning  Spring,  125 

3075 

200,000 

MARYLAND. 


Charles  County,                                            600       6 
Montgomery  County,                                     519     12 

3,600       i 
6,228      m 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Great  Meadows, 

234       6 

1,404       n 

NEW  YORK. 

Mohawk  River, 

about  1000       6 

6,000       o 

NORTHWEST  TERRITORY. 

On  Little  Miami, 
Ditto, 
Ditto, 

839 
977 
1235 

3051       5       15,255      p 


KENTUCKY. 

Rough  Creek,  3000 

Ditto,  adjoining,  2000 

5000       2       10,000      q 

•  \ 

LOTS. 

CITY  OF  WASHINGTON. 
Two  near  the  Capitol,  Square  634,  cost  963  dollars, 

and  with  buildings,  15,000       r 

Nos.  5, 12, 13,  and  14,  the  last  three  water  lots  on  the 
Eastern  Branch,  in  Square  667,  containing  together 
34,438  square  feet,  at  12  cents,  4,132  s 

ALEXANDRIA. 

Corner  of  Pitt  and  Prince  streets,  half  an  acre,  laid 
out  into  building  lots,  three  or  four  of  which  are  let 
on  ground  rent,  at  three  dollars  per  foot,  4,000  t 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON.  559 

WINCHESTER.  APPENDIX. 

Dollars.  No.  IX> 

A  lot  in  the  town,  of  half  an  acre,  and  another  on  the 

common,  of  about  six  acres,  supposed,  400       u 

BATH,  OR  WARM  SPRINGS. 
Two  well-situated  and   handsome   buildings,  to  the 

amount  of  <£150,  800      v 

STOCK. 

United  States  6  per  cent.  3,746 

Ditto,  deferred,  1,873 

Ditto,  3  per  cent.  2,946 

2,500 

6,246      w 

Potomac  Company,  24  shares,  cost  each  ,£100  sterling,  10,666  x 
James  River  Company,  5  shares,  each  cost  100  dollars,  500  y 
Bank  of  Columbia,  170  shares,  40  dollars  each,  6,800  i 

Bank  of  Alexandria,  1,000)    Z 

Besides  20  shares  in  the  free  school.  —  5. 

STOCK    LIVING. 

One  covering  horse,  5  carriage  horses,  4  riding  horses, 
6  brood  mares,  20  working  horses  and  mares,  2 
covering  jacks  and  3  young  ones,  10  she-asses,  42 
working  mules,  15  younger  ones,  329  head  of 
horned  cattle,  640  head  of  sheep,  and  a  large  stock 
of  hogs,  the  precise  number  unknown.  OL?"  My 
manager  has  estimated  this  live  stock  at  ,£7000; 
but  I  shall  set  it  down,  in  order  to  make  a  round  , 

sum,  at  15,653 

Aggregate  amount,  $530,000 


•  NOTES. 

(a)  THIS  tract,  for  the  size  of  it,  is  valuable,  more  for  its  situation  than  the 
quality  of  its  soil ;  though  that  is  good  for  farming,  with  a  considerable  propor 
tion  of  ground  that  might  very  easily  be  improved  into  meadow.  It  lies  on  the 
great  road  from  the  city  of  Washington,  Alexandria,  and  Georgetown,  to  Lees- 
burgh  and  Winchester,  at  Difficult  Bridge,  nineteen  miles  from  Alexandria, 
less  from  the  city  of  Georgetown,  and  not  more  than  three  from  Matildaville,  at 
the  Great  Falls  of  Potomac.  There  is  a  valuable  seat  on  the  premises,  and  the 
whole  is  conditionally  sold  for  the  sum  annexed  in  the  schedule. 


560 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


APPENDIX, 
No.  IX. 

Washing, 
ton's  Will. 


(b)  What  the  selling  prices  of  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  these  two  tracts  are, 
I  know  not;  but,  compared  with  those  above  the  Ridge,  and  others  below  them, 
the  value  annexed  will  appear  moderate;  a  less  one  would  not  obtain  them 
from  me. 

(c)  The  surrounding  land,  not  superior  in  soil,  situation,  or  properties  of  any 
sort,  sells  currently  at  from  twenty  to  thirty  dollars  an  acre.    The  lowest  price 
is  affixed  to  these. 

(d)  The  observations  made  in  the  last  note  apply  equally  to  this  tract;  being 
in   the  vicinity  of  them,  and  of  similar  quality,  although  it  lies  in  another 
county. 

(c)  This  tract,  though  small,  is  extremely  valuable.  It  lies  on  Potomac 
River,  about  twelve  miles  above  the  town  of  Bath,  or  Warm  Springs,  and  is  in 
the  shape  of  a  horseshoe ;  the  river  running  almost  around  it.  Two  hundred 
acres  of  it  are  rich  low  grounds,  with  a  great  abundance  of  the  largest  and  finest 
walnut  trees ;  which,  with  the  produce  of  the  soil,  might  (by  means  of  the  im 
proved  navigation  of  the  Potomac)  be  brought  to  a  shipping  port  with  more 
ease,  and  at  a  smaller  expense,  than  that  which  is  transported  thirty  miles  only 
by  land. 

(/)  This  tract  is  of  second-rate  Gloucester  low  ground.  It  has  no  improve 
ments  thereon,  but  lies  on  navigable  water,  abounding  in  fish  and  oysters.  It 
was  received  in  payment  of  a  debt  (carrying  interest),  and  valued  in  the  year 
1789,  by  an  impartial  gentleman,  at  £800.  N.  B.  It  has  lately  been  sold,  and 
there  is  due  thereon  a  balance,  equal  to  what  is  annexed  in  the  schedule. 

(g)  These  373  acres  are  the  third  part  of  an  undivided  purchase  made  by  the 
deceased  Fielding  Lewis,  Thomas  Walker,  and  myself,  on  full  conviction  that 
they  would  become  valuable.  The  land  lies  on  the  road  from  Suffolk  and  Nor 
folk,  touches  (if  I  am  not  mistaken)  some  part  of  the  navigable  water  of  Nanse- 
mond  River.  The  rich  Dismal  Swamp  is  capable  of  great  improvement,  and 
from  its  situation  must  become  extremely  valuable. 

(A)  This  is  an  undivided  interest,  which  I  hold  in  the  Great  Dismal  Swamp 
Company,  containing  about  4000  acres,  with  my  part  of  the  plantation  and  stock 
thereon,  belonging  to  the  Company  in  the  said  swamp. 

(t)  These  several  tracts  of  land  are  of  the  first  quality,  on  the  Ohio  River,  in 
the  parts  where  they  are  situated;  being  almost,  if  not  altogether,  river  bottoms. 
The  smallest  of  these  tracts  is  actually  sold  at  ten  dollars  an  acre,  but  the  con 
sideration  therefor  not  received.  The  rest  are  equally  valuable,  and  sold  as 
high ;  especially  that  which  lies  just  below  the  Little  Kenhawa,  and  is  opposite 
to  a  thick  settlement  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  The  four  tracts  have  an 
aggregate  breadth  upon  the  river  of  sixteen  miles,  and  are  bounded  thereby  for 
that  distance. 

(k)  These  tracts  are  situated  on  the  Great  Kenhawa  River,  and  the  first  fou 
are  bounded  thereby  for  more  than  forty  miles.  It  is  acknowledged  by  all  wh» 
have  seen  them,  (and  of  the  tract  containing  10,990  acres,  which  1  have  been 
on  myself,  I  can  assert,)  that  there  is  no  richer  or  more  valuable  land  in  all  tha> 
region.  They  are  conditionally  sold  for  the  sum  mentioned  in  the  schedule,  thaa 
is,  200,000  dollars;  and,  if  the  terms  of  that  sale  are  not  complied  with,  they 
will  command  considerably  more.  The  tract,  of  which  the  125  acres  is  a  moie 
ty,  was  taken  up  by  General  Andrew  Lewis  and  myself,  for  and  on  account  of 
a  bituminous  spring  which  it  contains,  of  so  inflammable  a  nature  as  to  burn  as 
freely  as  spirits,  and  is  nearly  as  difficult  to  extinguish. 

(I)    I  am  but  little  acquainted  with  this  land,  although  I  have  once  been  on  it 


LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 


561 


It  was  received  (many  years  since)  in  discharge  of  a  debt  to  me  from  Daniel 
Jenifer  Adams,  at  the  value  annexed  thereto,  and  must  be  worth  more.  It  is 
very  level ;  lies  near  the  river  Potomac. 

(m)  This  tract  lies  about  thirty  miles  above  the  city  of  Washington,  not  far 
from  Kittoctan.  It  is  good  farming  land;  and,  by  those  who  are  well  acquaint 
ed  with  it,  I  am  informed  that  it  would  sell  at  twelve  or  fifteen  dollars  per  acre. 

(n)  This  land  is  valuable  on  account  of  its  local  situation,  and  other  proper 
ties.  It  affords  an  exceeding  good  stand  on  Braddock's  Road  from  Fort  Cum 
berland  to  Pittsburg,  and,  besides  a  fertile  soil,  possesses  a  large  quantity  of 
natural  meadow,  fit  for  the  scythe.  It  is  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  where  the  first  action  with  the  French  in  1754  was  fought. 

(0)  This  is  the  moiety  of  about  2000  acres,  which  remains  unsold  of  6071 
acres  on  the  Mohawk  River,  (Montgomery  County,)  in  a  patent  granted  to 
Daniel  Coxe,  in  the  township  of  Coxborough  and  Carolina,  as  will  appear  by 
deed  from  Marinus  Willett  and  wife  to  George  Clinton,  late  governor  of  New 
York,  and  myself.  The  latter  sales  have  been  at  six  dollars  an  acre,  and  what 
remains  unsold  will  fetch  that  or  more. 

(p)  The  quality  of  these  lands,  and  their  situations,  may  be  known  by  the 
surveyor's  certificates,  which  are  filed  along  with  the  patents.  They  lie  in  the 
ricinity  of  Cincinnati ;  one  tract  near  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Miami ;  another 
seven,  and  the  third  ten  miles  up  the  same.  I  have  been  informed,  that  they 
will  command  more  than  they  are  estimated  at. 

(q)  For  the  description  of  these  tracts  in  detail,  see  General  Spotswood's 
letters,  filed  with  the  other  papers  relating  to  them.  Besides  the  general  good 
quality  of  the  land,  there  is  a  valuable  bank  of  iron  ore  thereon,  which,  when 
the  settlement  becomes  more  populous,  (and  settlers  are  moving  that  way  very 
fast,)  will  be  found  very  valuable,  as  the  Rough  Creek,  a  branch  of  Green  Riv 
er,  affords  ample  water  for  furnace's  and  forges. 

LOTS. 

CITY  OF  WASHINGTON. 

(r)  The  two  lots  near  the  Capitol,  in  square  634,  cost  me  963  dollars  only. 
But  in  this  price  I  was  favored,  on  condition  that  I  should  build  two  brick 
houses,  three  stories  high  each.  Without  this  reduction,  the  selling  prices  of 
those  lots  would  have  cost  me  about  1350  dollars.  These  lots,  with  the  build 
ings  thereon,  when  completed,  will  stand  me  in  15,000  dollars  at  least. 

(s)  Lots  Not.  5,12,  13,  and  14,  on  the  Eastern  Branch,  are  advantageously 
situated  on  the  water  ;  and,  although  many  lots,  much  less  convenient,  have 
sold  a  great  deal  higher,  I  will  rate  these  at  12  cents  the  square  foot  only. 

ALEXANDRIA. 

(t)  For  this  lot,  though  unimproved,  I  have  refused  3500  dollars.  It  has 
since  been  laid  out  into  proper  sized  lots  for  building  on;  three  or  four  of  which 
are  let  on  ground  rent  for  ever,  at  three  dollars  a  foot  on  the  street,  and  this 
price  is  asked  for  both  fronts  on  Pitt  and  Prince  streets. 

WINCHESTER. 

(tt)  As  neither  the  lot  in  the  town  or  common  have  any  improvements  on 
them,  it  is  not  easy  to  fix  a  price  ;  but,  as  both  are  well  situated,  it  is  presumed 
that  the  price  annexed  to  tnem  in  the  schedule  is  a  reasonable  valuation. 

71 


562  LIFE    OF    WASHINGTON. 

APPENDIX,  BATH- 

No.  IX.  (t>)     The  lots  in  Bath  (two  adjoining)  cost  me,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection, 

between  fifty  and  sixty  pounds,  twenty  years  ago ;  and  the  buildings  thereon, 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  more.  Whether  property  there  has  increased  or 
decreased  in  its  value,  and  in  what  condition  the  houses  are,  I  am  ignorant ;  but 
suppose  they  are  not  valued  too  high. 

STOCK. 

(w)  These  are  the  sums  which  are  actually  funded ;  and  though  no  more  in 
the  aggregate  than  7566  dollars,  stand  me  in  at  least  ten  thousand  pounds,  Vir 
ginia  money  j  being  the  amount  of  bonded  arid  other  debts  due  to  me,  and  dis 
charged  during  the  war,  when  money  had  depreciated  in  that  rate, —  O"  and 
was  so  settled  by  public  authority. 

(z)  The  value  annexed  to  these  shares  is  what  they  have  actually  cost  me, 
and  is  the  price  affixed  by  law;  and,  although  the  present  selling  price  is  under 
par,  my  advice  to  the  legatees  (for  whose  benefit  they  are  intended,  especially 
those  who  can  afford  to  lie  out  of  the  money,)  is,  that  each  should  take  and  hold 
one ;  there  being  a  moral  certainty  of  a  great  and  increasing  profit  arising  from 
them  in  the  course  of  a  few  years. 

(y)  It  is  supposed  that  the  shares  in  the  James  River  Company  must  be  pro 
ductive.  But  of  this  I  can  give  no  decided  opinion,  for  want  of  more  accurate 
information. 

(z)  These  are  the  nominal  prices  of  the  shares  in  the  Banks  of  Alexandria 
and  Columbia ;  the  selling  prices  vary  according  to  circumstances  ;  but,  as  the 
stocks  usually  divide  from  eight  to  ten  per  cent  per  annum,  they  must  be  worth 
the  former,  at  least,  so  long  as  the  banks  are  conceived  to  be  secure,  although 
from  circumstances  they  may  sometimes  be  below  it. 

The  value  of  the  live  stock  depends  more  upon  the  quality  than  quantity  of 
the  different  species  of  it,  and  this  again  upon  the  demand,  and  judgment  or- 
fancy  of  purchasers. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Mount  Vernon,  July  9, 1799. 


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LIBRARY,  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  DAVIS 

Book  Slip-35m-7,'62(D296s4)458 


26Ii807 
Sparks,   J. 

Life  of  Georpe 


Call  Number: 

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